The City of Stockholm has declared that it will be leading in the implementation of Agenda 2030. The study is based on interviews with political parties, representatives from the administration and civil society actors in the City of Stockholm. It explores how concepts within and the relation between Agenda 2030 and human rights are perceived. The results of the study are based on four themes: to leave no one behind, politics, language and practice, and partnership. A tension between human rights and Agenda 2030 is found, but also commonalities. The study shows that in local administration, Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals are often regarded as more practical than human rights. Yet, respondents believe that human rights can strengthen Agenda 2030. Across all respondent groups, the study finds that there are expectations of Agenda 2030 breaking silos, uniting actors and offering a framework that is stable over policy shifts

Abstract This essay has been about investigating and analyzing key rights in armed conflicts and howthey are respected in the Syrian war. The essay brings up three key rights and they are- the right to life- torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment- protection of cultural propertyRegarding these rights, questions are formulated- How have the human key rights been respected in the Syrian war?- How does the protection for the key rights look within IHL?- What do the prospects for an acceptable situation look like in short term?The Syrian war started in mars 2011 as a result of the Arabic spring. The situation for Syria’spopulation has gotten worse since the war’s beginning. It has not gotten better during thesenine years despite hard work from UN and other humanitarian organizations. There was along battle against IS who has been defeated, but there are different actors in Syria thatcontinue to fight.Syria’s president Al-Assad is one of them that bears to biggest responsibility for Syria’scrisis, but he gets supported by for example Russia and Iran. Russia was in Syria to fight IS,but fought rebel groups instead, because they were a threat to Al-Assad. Al-Assad wanted itto look like he was protecting Syria from terrorism. He released islamic prisoners to fightthem. Some of the worst battles has happened in Aleppo, which is the most important cityfinancially.A lot of countries are militarily involved and that does not make it better when it’s abouthuman rights in Syria. When I investigate the respect of international humanitarian law inSyria, it shows that fighting parties fail hard to respect IHL. Cruel crimes against the keyrights has happened since the violence got worse. It is a lot of casualties, people get torturedin prisons and a lot of old culture gets destroyed.Syria’s economy has and continues to fall. Syria has the most refugees in the world since thesecond world war, and this civil war is the worst humanitarian crisis in modern time. Syriahad 20 million residents when the war began and now 11 million people is on flight. Syria has100 armed groups, and they are divided. Syria’s population miss access to survival needs andtheir everyday is life threatening. One cause to fatalities in Syria is lack of food, water andcare. At the same time as USA started to pull their forces back, Turkey took in their forces.Turkey thinks that USA approved the offensive when they pulled their forces back, but USAdenies that. Turkey will not interrupt the offensive, but USA wants it to be suspended.In my investigation I have used a legal dogmatic method in form of articles and based on thesources I have interpreted the key rights and their compliance in Syria. I have used literaturestudies in form of news articles, printed literature and books. Key rights in armed conflict andIHL have big roles in this essay. Literature about key rights within international human rightslaw and its application in the Syrian war is central in the analyze. A SWOT analysis is used toget structure for the description and leads to the conclusions used to answer the given questions. 6(37)In the essay I explain the situation in Syria, IHL and key rights role and situation in Syria andwhat the conflict looks like today. My sources highlight events in different areas in Syria, whichare used in the analysis and as answers to the questions:- In armed conflicts it’s very hard to protect the studied key rights and the war in Syria is noexception. There are plenty of tragic examples on how people are killed or tortured. Manyinvaluable cultural heritage has been systematically destroyed or stolen.- IHL was developed to reduce human suffering and to demand a human acting from fightingparties. In an armed conflict it is IHL that rules.- In the Syrian war there’s only one solution that UN has come up with and is pushing for it tobe implemented. That solution is a Syrian owned and Syrian led political process.

The purpose of this study is to examine how Swedish inmates can utilize the right to vote during their time in prison. To fulfill the purpose, the study investigates how the Swedish Prison and Probation Service arrange elections in different prisons. Interviews with representatives of the Swedish Prison and Probation Service, as well as with a previous inmate, are conducted to show how the different prisons work with arranging elections and encouraging the prisoners to vote. The results are analyzed with a qualitative method. A theory of social inclusion and the right to vote as a positive right is used to analyze the data. The data shows that prisons work differently with arranging elections and most of the prison representatives thinks that there should be room for different approaches due to security level, clients and other conditions. The representatives of the prisons that participated in the study perceive the directions from the Swedish Prison and Probation Service differently which could imply a need for clearer information. The level of participation from the inmates differs, which could correlate to the efforts being done by the prison to encourage the inmates to vote. The conclusions that can be drawn from the study is that cooperation with other relevant actors is necessary to arrange elections where all inmates can participate, and that encouraging efforts from the prisons are needed to secure the inmates’ right to vote.

This study analyzes article 12 of the International Covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. The “right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”.This article is analyzed in the context of herd immunity and mandatory vaccination. The analysis has been conducted through critical discourse analysis and analyzed through the terms of fairness, morality and obligations in former research at issue.The aim of this paper is to shed light on the flaws of article 12 which fails in its purpose to protect every human being, especially the most vulnerable. This may happen when individuals are allowed to act according to their own personal interests in ways that can negatively affect the public health especially for those who cannot be vaccinated.It is established by law that no one can be forced to get vaccinated. This paper analyzes if there are other incentives to motivate people to get vaccinated to protect others.Through a fairness perspective, it is argued that the individual should get vaccinated to protect others. This can help to protect those individuals who cannot get vaccinated. Those who have the capacity have a duty to do more. The effort of getting vaccinated is minimal and the resulting herd immunity means that even those who are not vaccinated are protected from infection. There are several studies that proves that individuals are more inclined to contribute to the common good if it is done with fairness and equality.Morality as a concept lacks a common or universal definition. Therefore, morality cannot be used as a reason or a motive.The “right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health” is protected by article 12. This paper argues that those who cannot get immunized through vaccination are not included in this protection. The same article also protects the individual’s right to make their own decision regarding their immunity. The decision of abstaining vaccination when otherwise able to get immunized can mean life or death for those that do not have the option to get vaccinated. The consequence of individual decision-making becomes unclear. The state, as the party responsible to uphold the covenant, cannot protect the most vulnerable since the right to bodily integrity weighs heavier than the common good. When more people choose not to get vaccinated the most vulnerable are less protected from disease and infection. The unprotected cannot claim accountability from the state. The outdated covenant protects only some of the people, not all of them as it is supposed to do. Especially the most vulnerable.

2022 lade Europakommissionen fram ett förslag om att all kommunikation, offentlig somprivat, borde vara obligatoriskt övervakat. Detta förslag kom fram genom att det ansågskunna hjälpa fler barn från sexuellt utnyttjande. Kommissionen föreslog att all digitalkommunikation borde bli dekrypterad (avkodad). Om kommunikationen visar någon form avmisstänkt aktivitet hamnar det i en databas kallad ”Europol”, där det kommer bli lagrat,analyserat, spårat och rapporterat.Meningen med den här uppsatsen är att analysera EU-kommissionens förslagsdokument föratt se vilken typ av kommunikation och vilken diskurs som används för att etablera makt.Efter det har vi genomfört analys av förslagets likheter mellan Shoshana Zuboffs teori omövervakning och George Orwells dystopiska roman 1984. Teorin och metoden som används idenna studie är kritisk diskursanalys och övervakningsteorier.I vår uppsats fann vi ut att EU-kommissionen använder sig av diskursen kring barns säkerhetför att få människor ombord på att barnens säkerhet är viktigare än alla andra mänskligarättigheter. Slutsatser från den här studien inkluderar också att det finns likheter på så sätt attövervakning kan kontrollera vårt beteende om den här lagen kommer i kraft, precis som iZuboffs teori och Orwells dystopiska framtidsroman. / 2022, the European Commission put forward a proposal that all communication, public andprivate, should be under mandatory surveillance. This proposal came to be because theybelieve this could help keep more children safe from sexual abuse. The commission proposedthat all digital communication be decrypted (decoded). If the communication shows any formof suspicion it will then be sent to a database called ”Europol”. There it will be stored,analysed, tracked and reported.The purpose of this study is to analyse the EU- Commission's proposal document toinvestigate what type of communication and discourse is used to establish power. After that,we also performed an analysis on the proposals' similarities to Shoshana Zuboff’s theoryabout surveillance capitalism and George Orwell's dystopian book 1984. The theory andmethod used in this study is critical discourse analysis and surveillance theories.In our essay we found that the EU-commissions uses the discourse surrounding children'ssafety to get people onboard the idea that children's safety is more important than all otherhuman rights. Conclusions from this study also include that there are similarities in the waysurveillance could control our behaviour if this law comes to pass, as it does in Zuboff’stheory and Orwell's dystopian future fiction.

This study focuses on the proposed legislative amendment regarding mandatory reporting. The purpose of the study is to investigate how social workers within social services perceive the legislative proposal on mandatory reporting, identify ethical dilemmas that social workers associate with the mandatory reporting law, and explore how they reason about handling these dilemmas. Consequently, three research questions have been formulated and answered using a qualitative interview method. We interviewed six social workers and within social services from different areas. Lipsky's theory of Street-level bureaucrats (1980) and previous research in this area were used as theoretical frameworks.  Our results indicate that social workers attitudes toward the legislative proposal vary; some remain critical, while others consider it similar to any other legislative proposal that regulates their work. Regarding the question of ethical dilemmas, they agree that such dilemmas can arise, but it does not necessarily affect all social workers. Concerning the management of role conflict and ethical dilemmas arising from mandatory reporting, there are different responses answers range from adapting the law to social workers' varied choices in handling this situation. Some argue that they want to align with the client's side, finding support in the organization's guidelines. On the other hand, there are those who believe it is best to follow the law to avoid potential consequences that may arise and conflict with the organization's mission and requirements. Some even choose to leave the workplace if they cannot align with the client within the organization's framework.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how human rights are implemented in a municipal context. The essay is based on a case study of the City of Malmö and analyzes the work of the city office, the high school and adult education administration and the service administration in incorporating the city’s human rights policy into their respective operations. To analyze the administrations’ work with human rights, central concepts from neo-institutionalism, Lennart Lundquist’s three aspects for successful implementation and Michael Lipsky’s theory of street-level bureaucrats have been applied to the collected material. The collected material mostly consists of regulatory documents such as budget and operational plans, publications from SKR, public documents and previous research and literature on human rights in public administration. In addition, five interviews with civil servants from the various administrations have been conducted. The results show that the committees’ budgets contain political guidelines which are then concretized into focus goals and evaluated using indicators. The goals are specified in relation to indicators that make out an increase compared to previous years. Based on municipal council goals and goals set for the operation, the administrations make various contributions in the form of activities. Based on the interviews it emerged that there was a lack of understanding about how to work rights-based. At the same time, the human rights work was prioritized. With that in mind, my conclusion is that there is a certain inertia within the administrations. Due to reasons such as high workload and a lack of resources the human rights policy has not been able to be fully implemented in the investigated administrations, which reasonably indicates that a de-coupling from higher to lower levels of governance has occurred. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur man i en kommunal kontext implementerar mänskliga rättigheter. Uppsatsen baseras på en enfallsstudie av Malmö stad och analyserar stadskontoret, gymnasie- och vuxenutbildningsförvaltningen och serviceförvaltningens arbete med att införliva stadens policy för mänskliga rättigheter i sina respektive verksamheter. För att analysera förvaltningarnas arbete med mänskliga rättigheter har centrala begrepp från nyinstitutionalismen, Lennart Lundquists tre aspekter för lyckad implementering och Michael Lipskys teori om gräsrotsbyråkrater applicerats på det insamlade materialet. Det insamlade materialet består till största del av styrdokument såsom budget- och verksamhetsplaner, publikationer från SKR, offentliga dokument samt tidigare forskning och litteratur om mänskliga rättigheter i offentlig förvaltning. Till detta har fem intervjuer med tjänstepersoner från de olika förvaltningarna genomförts. Resultatet visar att nämndernas budgetar innehåller politiska riktlinjer som sedan konkretiseras i inriktningsmål och utvärderas med hjälp av indikatorer. Målen specificeras i förhållande till indikatorer som handlar om en ökning jämfört med tidigare år. Utifrån kommunfullmäktigemål och mål satta för verksamheten gör förvaltningarna olika insatser i form av aktiviteter. Utifrån intervjuerna framkom att det fanns en avsaknad för förståelse kring hur man arbetar rättighetsbaserat. Samtidigt prioriterades MR-arbetet. Mot bakgrund av detta är min slutsats att det finns en viss tröghet inom förvaltningarna. På grund av anledningar såsom hög arbetsbelastning och en avsaknad av resurser har inte policyn för mänskliga rättigheter kunnat implementeras fullt ut i de undersökta verksamheterna, vilket någorlunda tyder på att en särkoppling från högre till lägre styrningsnivåer skett.

Minority protection mechanisms in international law aim to guarantee certain individual rights to persons belonging to ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities, such as freedom of culture, religion and language. These rights can be considered to be of collective interest for minority group identity and therefore often require the possibility of collective enjoyment. In addition to general human rights and principles of non-discrimination, minority protection can alternately be ensured through minority specific rights. However, minority specific rights would not operate effectively without evolving a concept of collective (or group) rights in international law. Hence, while this kind of approach can provide legal methods for balancing the interests of individuals, groups and the state, it creates the possibility of conflicts with the international framework of individual rights. The ottoman millet system sets a historical example of minority protection instruments based on a collective concept of human rights. Furthermore, the ottoman history offers an illustration of what could go terribly wrong with a collective rights model. By analyzing the millet system and the ottoman legal reforms in the nineteenth century I will discuss reoccurring issues with collective rights. I will argue that incorporating collective rights within a structure founded on individual rights is a problematic way of protecting individuals belonging to minorities and other vulnerably ethnic groups. Looking through the historical development of universal human rights some important aspects of its main principles will be brought up in this paper.

In this study I have studied the European Unions suggestion about disembarkation of refugees from a human rights perspective - especially the perspective of human value and human dignity. Human dignity is central. It is expressed in the preamble to the UN Human Rights, as well as in its first paragraph; “Everyone has the right to dignity, and it shall not be violated.” I have studied refugees that have previously spent time in large refugee camps outside Europe, in Jordan and in Libya. In my study I use Libya as an example on what refugees can face in camps in third-world countries. The subject caught my attention since the Norwegian ship MS Tampa picked up refugees on international water outside Australia. The Norwegian captain tried to leave them on Australian land but was refused to do so. Australia sent a military boat to pick them up and left them at an island outside Australia. Moreover European politicians have discussed the idea of off-shore, placements of refugees at disembarkation camps as a way of solving the problem of huge number of refugees that are looking for asylum in Europe as well as the many deaths at the Mediterranean Sea. There has also been a discussion on quota refugees chosen by the UNHCR. This made me wonder how the situation would be for the remaining refugees that will stay in these large camps, maybe for years, as well as how their human rights are respected in camps outside Europe where Europe have no control? How does this correspond to the principle of human value? In my qualitative study I started by making a literature study. Thereafter continued with an interview study where I interviewed refugees that have stayed at camps outside Europe. The purpose of the interview and the study was to take part of their narratives and to make their voices heard. I found that the narrative of refugees is not heard, this makes them feel less valued as human, or not even a human. Their dignity is violated, and their human rights are not respected. Their interests have been forced to give way to the interest of the state.

<p>Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka de normativa utrymmen som det finns i dagens internationella samhälle för förebyggande interventioner. Interventioner definieras som ett medel i en större politisk strategi som sker inom en suverän stats gränser mot dess officiella vilja. Vidare skiljer sig förebyggande interventioner från icke-förebyggande genom dess preventiva karaktär. Utifrån en begreppsanalys studeras olika interventionsformer och argument för interventionspolitikens legitimerande. I den följande normativa analysen diskuteras och ställs olika argument om interventioners legitimerande emot varandra, och det normativa utrymmet för interventioner undersöks. Interventioner, förebyggande interventioner och legitimerandet av desamma är kopplat till begrepp som suveränitet och auktoritet men också till internationella lagar och universella normer samt motiven bakom interventionerna.</p><p>Ett av de stora dilemman som uppstår kring förebyggande interventioner är valet mellan att bryta mot de internationella politiska normerna och skadan av ett passivt förhållningssätt mot mänskligt lidande. I dagens internationella samhälle skulle det kunna finnas ett normativt utrymme för förebyggande interventioner under förutsättning att motiven bakom interventionen värderas högre än argumenten mot den förebyggande interventionen. Avsaknaden av en tydlig suverän auktoritet, allmänt giltiga och accepterade motiv och ett legalt utrymme gör att det är svårt att finna en normativ yta för förebyggande interventioner i det internationella samhället. Trots en ökad positiv retorik från FN rörande förebyggande interventioner, samt att interventioner blivit alltmer accepterade, vilket inte var fallet bara femtio år tillbaka, saknar förebyggande interventioner fortfarande en allmängiltig legitimitet och acceptans.</p> / <p>The objective of this thesis is to study the normative space and scope for pre-emptive interventions in the international society of today. Interventions are defined as part of a broader political strategy aimed at changing the actual course of actions within a specific sovereign country against that country’s official will. Further, are pre-emptive interventions distinguished from non-pre-emptive interventions by the latter’s reactive character. Through a concept analysis are different types of intervention and the arguments for the legitimacy of different intervention policies studied. In the following normative analysis different arguments for the legitimacy of interventions are positioned against each other, and thereby the space and scope for pre-emptive interventions is examined. Interventions, pre-emptive interventions and the legitimacy thereof, are connected to concepts of sovereignty and authority, as well as international law, universal norms and the motives behind the interventions.</p><p>One of the main dilemmas considering pre-emptive interventions is the choice between breaking international political norms, and the damage of doing nothing and passively watching ongoing human suffering. Today’s international society would have a space and scope for pre-emptive interventions provided that the motives behind the intervention are considered more valid than the arguments against the same policy. The lack of an obvious international authority, general valid and acceptable motives, and a legal space for pre-emptive interventions, make it difficult to find legitimate grounds and a normative space and scope for them. In spite of an increasingly positive rhetoric by the UN on pre-emptive interventions, among other examples, pre-emptive interventions remain a general notion of legitimacy and acceptance.</p>