Socially (un)sustainable urban planning – concerning social sustainability as ideology in the discourse of urban planning. This thesis deals with the subject of social sustainability within the context of urban planning. The study is based on interviews with several participants that consist of public officials and politicians in the municipality of Norrköping, Sweden. The purpose of the study is to analyze and problematize social sustainability as a concept in relation to the modern post-industrial city and its role as a feature on the urban planning agenda. The analysis takes the methodological approach of Critical discourse analysis (CDA) in order to frame the ideas and opinions of the participants as parts of a discourse of urban planning, and how the discursive synthesis can be conceived in terms of ideology. The results describe a picture of Norrköping, with its industrial history and contemporary challenges, as a city in need of a new basis for economic growth in order to pave the way for the social dimension of sustainable development. This predicament serves as the discursive motive for the planning’s increased focus on place branding and urban attractiveness. Another discursive element emphasizes mixed forms of tenure on the housing market, as well as public spaces and venues as essential features in the socially sustainable city. The thesis concludes in highlighting the discourse’s role in reproducing a neoliberal ideology on the area of urban planning.

Education on behalf of social trust constitutes a central theme in all societies. Different forms of cheating and fraud have a negative impact on the bonds of social trust. The purpose of the thesis is to increase understanding of the scope for learning about the individual-society relationship as it finds expression in pedagogical practices involving norms relating to cheating. The established norms concerning school cheating are identified in group-based discussions involving Upper Secondary students and teachers. Students ascribe each other roles on the basis of the perceived capacity to produce school results and thereby also to justify the need for school cheating. In the norm negotiations a significant tolerance is shown towards cheating which is adjudged to be necessary, provided that a hierarchic, fair distribution of grades can be retained. The teachers perceive expectations of acting for goal fulfilment, in the form of good student grades, as based on economic arguments. Good student grades imply satisfied customers in a market exposed to competition and a strong market value for the individual school. From a critical viewpoint these norms are related to the contemporary, dominant neo-liberal principles of commercialisation and individualisation in social organisation. The school actors perceive, in accordance with stratified norm theory, the norms from economic systems of conduct as more strongly conditioning on conduct than those norms from political-administrative or socio-cultural conduct systems. The teachers are aware of expectations, in hidden concert and consent with other school stakeholders, to offer social approval for student cheating and sympathetic marking concerning the lowest grade for passing i.e. violation of rules, where this is necessary to meet the economic as well as political-administrative objectives that have been established. To be part of pedagogic practices involving school cheating implies learning to uncouple rules and practice, law and morality. Such a double agenda is incompatible with norms and ideals in official curricula as well as being destructive of the bonds of social trust; it thereby functions as a hidden curriculum.

As Sweden approached its 2006 national election, issues on order and discipline in educational environments came to the forefront of educational interest, debate, and reform. This thesis aims at a critical discussion of the discourses in question, making use of educational, post-structural as well as political philosophy. In a series of articles, disciplinary policies are contextualized within current understandings of major trends in global educational politics; empirically investigated with a focus on resistance and political subjectivation; but also theoretically/ philosophically examined with the intention of bringing alternative conceptualizations of discipline to light. As a result, it is concluded that the political platform supporting contemporary school discipline is highly ambiguous, especially in terms of the different subjectification ideals that it embodies. In consequence, substantial possibilities for resistance, political influence and creative subjectification emerge in the breaks and ruptures between neoliberal and neoconservative territory. As for the disciplinary policies themselves, this thesis highlights the possibility that they amount to little more than a powerful simulation; a mode of perceptual management rather than a hands-on engagement with the real demands of contemporary education. An alternative route, the thesis suggests, would be to radically re-conceptualize the meaning and relevance of discipline – using, for instance, philosophers like Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari and Jacques Rancière – but also while taking notice of relevant discussions in the fields of complexity and chaos theory. Such a re-conceptualization would allow for an immanent form of discipline, one that affords a circular segmentation to emerge; contextualized and sensitized to the particular demands of each learning situation rather than pre-stratified, pre-territorialized according to the ideals of classical discipline. / Syftet med den här avhandlingen är, att inom ett pedagogiskt-filosofiskt ramverk föra en kritisk diskussion av 2000-talets skolpolitiska diskurser om disciplin och ”ordning & reda”. Med hjälp av filosofer som Deleuze & Guattari, Foucault, Baudrillard och Rancière diskuteras den moderna disciplinens utmaning: att svara an på sin egen samtids behov av ordning och reda.   I sömmarna mellan de politiska krafter som den nya disciplinen hämtar sin kraft ur – neoliberalism och neokonservatism – identifierar avhandlingen också möjligheter till motstånd. Genom att påvisa de skillnader och komplexiteter som finns under ytan av politisk konsensus, utgör dessa former av motstånd nya potentialer till politiskt inflytande – samt nya möjligheter till kreativa subjektblivanden.   Slutligen hävdar studien, att vägen till en gräsrotsförankrad skoldisciplin för 2000-talet knappast kan ligga i återuppväckandet av forna tiders maktutövning, utan i en radikal omtolkning av disciplinbegreppet – en som tillvaratar den moderna människans förutsättningar till självdisciplin och självorganisering. En förutsättning är att vi, som en kontrast till neoliberalismens självtillräckliga subjektivitetsideal, börjar utforska subjektivitetens kollektiva och territoriella karaktärer.

This master’s thesis conducts a discourse analysis on a political organization within the New Christian Right (NCR), the American Family Association (AFA). The purpose of the study is to analyze the conditions of possibility for a politics that aims to prevent progress for LGBT rights and does so by analyzing the political terrain where operations of power produce particular and meaningful political practices. As analytical tools the study relies on a theory of the political by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, who together with Michel Foucault also provide an elaborate theory of power. Theoretical work by Wendy Brown provides insights into how politics can be expressed when social antagonisms are prevented from engaging in political contestation. Results of the discourse analysis trace social antagonisms in AFA discourse to a dislocation of the social where new articulatory practices have established new relationships between elements of discourse and thereby also changed the nature of social intelligibility and interaction. AFA discourse articulates family values based on the privileged signifiers of freedom, democracy and rights, which is utilized both for a separatist politics of discrimination and an inclusive politics of social assimilation. AFA discourse shows many points of antagonism and organizes an enemy in postmodernism. Freedom as a mode of governmentality conditions the political demands that are and can be made which can be traced to a hegemonic neoliberal articulation. AFA discourse challenges neoliberal hegemony through the process of separatism, yet is intimately bound to the hegemonic way of making political demands in order to gain discursive strength and legitimacy.

The aim of this essay is to find out in what ways the global clothing company H&M uses political and ideological statements, such as feminism, as a sales strategy. I have noticed an expanding trend in fashion; the use of feminism as branding, and how companies such as H&M have started profiling themselves with feminism. This could be seen as a typical neoliberal-femvertising phenomenon. In this essay, I use critique of ideology, a method developed by the Frankfurt school, to examine how H&M expresses feminism through their clothes, whether H&M’s production could be considered as a feminist one, and what consequences H&M’s use of feminist ideology have on the feminist political movement. To be able to answer these questions, I use gender theory and postcolonial theory. My aim is to show how neoliberal/capitalist ideologies often contain cultural and political appropriation, where an ideology such as feminism is exploited in order to make a higher profit. My conclusion is that when companies use feminist statements in their clothing they use irony and humour to emphasize positivity, such as “girl power”, instead of confronting structural inequalities among the sexes and harmful norms and gender stereotypes within this hierarchy. The consequence of this process is that feminism is depoliticized, which is harmful to the feminist political agenda.

The aim of this essay is to find out in what ways the global clothing company H&M uses political and ideological statements, such as feminism, as a sales strategy. I have noticed an expanding trend in fashion; the use of feminism as branding, and how companies such as H&M have started profiling themselves with feminism. This could be seen as a typical neoliberal-femvertising phenomenon. In this essay, I use critique of ideology, a method developed by the Frankfurt school, to examine how H&M expresses feminism through their clothes, whether H&M’s production could be considered as a feminist one, and what consequences H&M’s use of feminist ideology have on the feminist political movement. To be able to answer these questions, I use gender theory and postcolonial theory. My aim is to show how neoliberal/capitalist ideologies often contain cultural and political appropriation, where an ideology such as feminism is exploited in order to make a higher profit. My conclusion is that when companies use feminist statements in their clothing they use irony and humour to emphasize positivity, such as “girl power”, instead of confronting structural inequalities among the sexes and harmful norms and gender stereotypes within this hierarchy. The consequence of this process is that feminism is depoliticized, which is harmful to the feminist political agenda.

This thesis tries to evaluate the very large question of how globalization can be said to have an effect on democracy by reducing both concepts to a more usable format. In doing so it tries to evaluate how a special theory of democracy put forward by Robert Dahl in 1971 – polyarchy – could be said to be affected by the workings of contemporary globalization. When assessing the variables of the investigation, globalization is being represented by two constructed ideal images that are later measured against a set of seven variables extracted from Dahl’s theory. By the use of qualitative text analysis the constructed ideal types help provide a framework for how one can measure the effects of globalization on polyarchy. The analysis ends in a result where it is clear that if globalization is understood as a neo-liberal ideal image it is making the circumstances for the creation of polyarchies in the future more favorable. However, if globalization is understood as an ideal image of world-system theory explanations then the circumstances for future polyarchies are less favorable. In a concluding discussion important implications of the results are highlighted when the thesis concludes that regardless of ideological starting point globalization can be said to affect the theory of polyarchy in such a way that it is in dire need of reevaluation. At the same time the essay concludes that whenever the concept of globalization is being used with scientific ambitions by politicians, they need to be aware of, and reflect, the different results that it brings depending on how it is explained.

Syftet med denna studie är att synliggöra intressekonflikter som uppstått mellan kommun och branschorganisation när en kommun ansökt om att få bli leverantör till Arbetsförmedlingen för en tjänst som tidigare endast upphandlats med privata aktörer. Vidare är vårt syfte att undersöka huruvida demokratiska eller ekonomiska incitament ligger till grund för Karlshamns kommun respektive branschorganisationens ställningstagande i denna fråga. Karlshamns kommun har med bakgrund av SOU 2020:41 Kommuner som utförare av tjänster åt arbetsförmedlingen - en analys av de rättsliga förutsättningarna, skickat in en ansökan till arbetsförmedlingen för tjänsten Kundval Rusta och matcha. Karlshamns kommun var den första kommunen i Sverige att skicka in en sådan ansökan. Genom att analysera primärkällor i form av texter från Karlshamns kommun respektive branschorganisationen Almega med hjälp av Bacchis metod WPR analys avser vi att synliggöra hur problemet representeras från respektive part. Genom att koppla dessa representationer till politisk styrning, offentligt etos och makt visar vårt resultat att Karlshamns kommun drivs av både demokratiska och ekonomiska incitament medan å andra sidan branschorganisationen nästan uteslutande drivs av ekonomiska incitament. Vidare är vår slutsats att nuvarande politiska styrning av den Svenska arbetsmarknadspolitiken inte gynnar ett gott samarbete mellan medverkande på den svenska arbetsmarknadspolitiska arenan. Fokus bör vara den arbetssökande och reformer behöver komma till stånd. Det är Arbetsförmedlingen och därmed staten som besitter ansvaret och makten. Närmare bestämt den strukturella makten att fördela vem som ska få tillgång till kunskap och därmed aktörsmarknaden. I våra referensländer har ansvaret för arbetsmarknadspolitiken decentraliserats till lokala kommuner, vilket är ett alternativ som denna studie föreslår att Sverige bör undersöka närmare. / The purpose of this study is to make visible the conflicts of interest that have arisen between a municipality and one of Sweden's Trade associations. These conflicts arose when the municipality applied to become a provider for the Swedish Public Employment Service regarding a service that so far only has been procured with private actors. Furthermore, this study also aims to investigate whether democratic or economic incentives form the basis for Karlshamn's municipality and the Trade association's position regarding the conflict of interest. Based on SOU 2020:41 Municipalities as providers of services to the employment service - an analysis of the legal conditions, Karlshamn municipality has submitted an application to the Swedish Public Employment Service regarding the Kundval Rusta and matcha. The municipality of Karlshamn was the first municipality in Sweden to submit such an application. By analyzing texts from Karlshamn municipality and the Trade association as primary material through Bacchi's method WPR analysis, we intend to make visible how the problem is represented by each party as well as analyzing the incentives behind the representations of what is perceived as a problem. By linking these representations to political governance, public ethos and power, our results show that Karlshamn's municipality is driven by both democratic and economic incentives, while on the other hand the Trade association is almost exclusively driven by economic incentives. We also conclude that the current political governance of Swedish labor market policy does not favor good cooperation between actors on the Swedish labor market policy arena without reforms having to take place. It is the Swedish Public Employment Service and thus the state that possesses the power, responsibility and more specifically, the structural power to distribute who should have access to the player market. In our reference countries, this responsibility has been decentralized to local municipalities. Which we, after this study, consider to be an alternative that Sweden should investigate further.

Problemformulering och syfte: Bibliotekets styrning präglas av spänningar mellan ett demokratiskt uppdrag och en ekonomisk förvaltning. Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera motsättningen av folkbibliotekets styrning utifrån denna ideologiska spänning. Metod och teori: Genom kritisk ideologianalys analyseras tre kommuners biblioteksförvaltning; Nacka, Botkyrka och Stockholm, för att därefter belysas utifrån Chantal Mouffes politiska agonism och Jürgen Habermas borgerliga offentlighet.  Material och resultat: Genom studier av kommunernas biblioteksplaner samt dokument för bemötandepolicy framkom det att Nacka kommun främst betonade en ekonomisk förvaltning, medan Botkyrka kommun främst betonade det demokratiska uppdraget och Stockholms stad placerade sig mellan dessa ytterligheter. Kommunernas ideologiska profilering kan betraktas utifrån politisk agonism och borgerlig offentlighet. Slutsatser: Kommunernas ideologiska styrning av biblioteken skiljde sig åt i termer av demokratiskt ansvar, ekonomisk förvaltning samt användarinteraktionen. Samtliga kommuner upprätthåller den liberala konsensusmodellen i olika hög grad vilket sammanfaller med deras koppling till NPM. Fler studier behövs för att utröna kommunala styrdokuments inverkan på biblioteksverksamheten. / Purpose: Library management is influenced by the opposition between democratic values and economic efficency. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the public library is influenced ideologically by this rift. Methodology and theory: Three municipalities, Nacka, Botkyrka and Stockholm are analyzed through critical ideological analysis, and then compared to Chantal Mouffe’s political agonism and Jürgen Habermas bourgeois public sphere. Materials and findings: Through library plans and treatment policys the outcome is that Nacka prioritizes financial stability, Botkyrka democratic values and Stockholm is situated somwhere inbetween. The municipalities ideologies can also be illuminated by theories of political agonism and public sphere by their perception of the public conversation. Implications: The municipal library administrations were separated through their ideological understanding of democratic values, user treatment, and financial management. The municipalities maintained the liberal consensus model to varying degrees, which coincides with their connection to NPM. More research is however needed for understanding the local government and its impact on the public library.

This thesis aimed to explore which organizational ideal type dominated the Swedish Sports Confederation's central governing documents and how this could potentially construct the athletes involved. The chosen ideal types were "associative fostering" and "competitive fostering" (Peterson 2002). To identify these ideal types within the documents, a coding scheme was used to concretize the ideal types' inherent goals and logic. Subsequently, the theory of social entrepreneurship was chosen as it could connect the ideal types with overarching ideological currents in society which affect the organization of elite sports initiatives. The theory of governmentality, operationalized through rationality and technology and subject formation, was employed. This theory was used partly to identify the various rationalities and technologies produced by neoliberalism, and to place the athlete within this context to examine the potential impact on the individual. By identifying neoliberal technologies, it was observed that goal management and economization significantly influence sports, primarily in favor of competitive fostering. Beyond this ideal type, the Swedish Sports Confederation has been fragmented in some aspects through projectification. Despite external pressures, the federation remains committed to its nonprofit roots and continuously applies educational programs internally on how to relate to what they describe as Sweden's largest popular movement. The method used to analyze the source material was an idea-critical analysis with an actor focus on the Swedish Sports Confederation. The goal was to find ideological currents in the text that could provide answers as to whether there was a predominant ideal type that had gained more prominence in the organizational directions, without necessarily conducting interviews or observing multiple training sessions across different sports. In summary, the findings indicate a significant neoliberal influence on Swedish sports governance, emphasizing competitive fostering through goal management and economic rationalities. The analysis highlights the federation's efforts to balance these pressures while maintaining its nonprofit roots and fostering associative education. This complex interplay between external neoliberal forces and internal organizational ideals reveals the nuanced construction of athletes within the Swedish sports system.