This thesis deals with diplomatic relations in the Chunqiu period or the Spring and Autumn period. It introduces characterization of process of diplomatic meeting, how they are described in the text of the Zhouli. As a main source it uses early chinese text of the Yanzi chunqiu - Annals of Mister Yan. It gives information about a personage of Yan Ying - a minister in the state of Qi in the 6th century BC, as well as about the text itself, including history, authenticity and other questions. It presents own translations of episodes concerning diplomatic relations. For a comparison it presents episodes from the text of Zuo Zhuan, in which we can find Yan Ying. Based on a summary of political situation of this period it resumes, how could episodes of diplomatic meetings correspond to reality of this period. As a result it summarize, how opinions claimed during diplomatic meetings could differ from other episodes.

Syftet med studien var att med kvalitativ forskningsmetod undersöka vilka tankar och känslor allmänheten som brukar poddar och dokumentärer som behandlar mord- och rättegångar har kring själva tittar/lyssnarupplevelsen och hur deras förtroende för rättsväsendet påverkas efter denna konsumtion, samt undersöka hur allmänheten och polisen påverkas av negativ media om rättsväsendet/polisen ur allmänhetens synpunkt. Elva personer intervjuades och intervjudatan analyserades med tematisk analys. Resultatet visade att allmänheten påverkas av att lyssna/titta på poddar och dokumentärer om mord och/eller rättegångar på ett eller annat sätt. En del menade att förtroendet för rättsväsendet sjönk. Alla respondenterna ansåg att dessa typer av medier väckte känslor, dock var dessa känslor relativt individuella. Respondenterna hade liknande åsikter om hur polis och allmänheten påverkas av negativ media. De var överens om att de påverkar förtroendet för polisen och skadar deras arbete samt att allmänheten påverkas mer negativt än vad polisen gör.  Slutsatsen är att konsumtionen av poddar och dokumentärer som behandlar mord- och rättsfall kan spela en viktig roll för att forma individers attityd och uppfattningar om rättsväsendet.

本研究從新聞整體結構與認知心理學的角度出發，討論讀者如何處理「兩面俱陳」與「單面呈現」兩種不同的新聞言說結構，希望同時觀照訊息與閱聽人兩個面向，更完整描繪新聞媒體訊息與閱聽人兩者之間傳播過程的面貌。研究發現，當個人對新聞報導事件的議題或主角存有先前態度，則新聞言說結構對讀者的資訊處理策略影響並不明顯。影響讀者如何使用資訊處理策略的關鍵在於讀者的先前態度與新聞內容是否一致。研究也發現，在討論個人的資訊處理流程時，要從不同的資訊處理工作區分開來分析中，因為在不同的資訊處理工作階段，個人的處理策略可能會有差異。 　　未來研究方向可以同時從整體訊息結構的特質、不同的認知效果以及可能影響訊息與傳播效果之間的中介變項等三個方向來研究傳播現象，所得到的研究結果可能可以更完整地解釋訊息的傳播過程與效果。

L'idéal démocratique suppose que l'action territoriale de l'État soit contrôlée par le peuple. Pour comprendre comment s'effectue ce travail d'évaluation, je propose d'analyser les préoccupations géographiques qui traversent le débat public en France à partir d'un échantillon représentatif des jugements formulés dans la presse magazine (14 titres étudiés entre 2003 et 2005). Cette recherche repose sur l'hypothèse que les aspirations et les préférences sociales en matière d'aménagement et de développement des territoires sont hétérogènes. En les relayant et en leur donnant la forme de revendications générales, les journalistes exercent une fonction de mobilisation de la société civile et d'interpellation des pouvoirs publics. Au-delà de la mesure du rayonnement médiatique de territoires, la mise en évidence des valeurs géographiques sous-jacentes au discours permet de rendre compte des sensibilités éthiques de l'opinion. Grâce à une grille d'analyse géoéthique, quatre conceptions de la justice ont été identifiées : le culturalisme, le libertarisme, le constitutionnalisme et le perfectionnisme. Ces catégories dessinent des ordres de grandeur susceptibles de mettre en lumière la signification éthique des jugements exprimés en matière de territorialité. Leur application au discours de la presse permet de caractériser les profils géoéthiques des différents magazines et, à travers la ligne éditoriale de chacun, de montrer la variété des courants d'idées qui structurent l'opinion publique en France, leurs convergences mais aussi leurs dissemblances, leurs antagonismes et leurs contradictions.

El objeto del trabajo es analizar empíricamente la percepción y valoración que tiene actualmente los alumnos de la asignatura de Educación Física y las aplicaciones e influencias que sobre ésta pueden tener ciertos componentes socio-culturales, personales y en general la percepción de los diferentes elementos que pueden tener relación con la mencionada disciplina. Hemos visto conveniente, por la influencia ha podido tener en la visión que puedan tener los alumnos sobre la materia, realizar el estudio de la evolución que ha tenido la Educación Física Primaria, como disciplina, a partir de las disposiciones legales. También se han analizado los modelos de formación y las líneas de investigación de la formación inicial y permanente de los profesores de Educación Física. / The object of the work is to analyze empirically the perception and valuation that at the moment have the students of the subject of Physical education and the applications and influences that on this one can have certain social and cultural components, personal and in general the perception of the different elements that can have relation with the mentioned discipline. We have seen advisable, by the influence has been able to have in the vision that can have the students on the matter, to make the study of the evolution that has had the Primary Physical education, like discipline, from the legal dispositions. Also the models of formation and the lines of investigation of the initial formation and permanent of the professors of Physical education have been analyzed.

2005年3月14日通過「反分裂國家法」，把廿多年來對台方針政策法律化，不僅上升為國家意志，且規範兩岸關係，使反分裂、維護國家主權領土完整有法可依。中共的「反獨」政策是配合國際戰略，為其「和平崛起」創造穩定的週邊環境，以「爭取談、準備打、不怕拖」作為「反獨」的最高原則。因此，我們可發現，中共制定「反分裂國家法」後，對台是以「底線清晰、彈性務實」與「軟硬兼施、分而治之」為指導方針，更特別強調如何與台灣推展交流合作。所以在對台交流作法上更趨靈活細緻，如釋放選擇性利益，拉攏我特定地域、黨派、階層、行業，以及擴大交流，深化兩岸經貿關係，更強調「主動出撃、區別對待、軟硬兼施、入島入心」，積極推動兩岸交流、給予我國民待遇以及廣邀我青年學子赴大陸交流等等。 本論文共分六章，茲將其內容分述如下： （一）第一章為緒論，主要說明本文的研究動機與目的，相關文獻回顧、研究途徑與研究方法、研究範圍與限制以及研究架構等。 （二）第二章探討中共對台交流策略的環境因素，先以中國大陸內部因素加以分析，再對國際因素以及台灣因素進行探討。 （三）第三章敘述胡錦濤主政下「反分裂國家法」制定之內容與意涵，首先分析胡錦濤主政下對台政策新思維，其次探討「反分裂國家法」之內容及意涵，最後分析「反分裂國家法」之意涵。 （四）第四章是探討中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流策略與作法，首先探討「反分裂國家法」之目標，再討論中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流策略。最後探討中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流作法。 （五）第五章探討中共對台交流策略之評估，如中共在「反分裂國家法」後對台交流作法更趨務實，企圖打開兩岸僵局，並且以國民待遇化爭取民間，以及造成我政府壓力。 （六）第六章結論，探討中共對台交流策略之研究發現與建議，為使台海地區保持和平，應繼續爭取美國的支持以及加強兩岸交流合作。 / Ever since the “Anti-Secession Law” passed on March 14, 2005, it has legalized Taiwan policy in the last twenty years, which has not only elevated national volition but also confined the cross-Straits relations to gain a legal ground for “anti-secession” and to preserve national right and its territorial intact. The “anti-idependence”policy of Chinese Communists is tied in international strategy to create stable surroundings for its “peace initiatives,” and to observe the ultimate principle of “anti-independence” in the context of “negotiation first, ready for war and no fears of prolonging.” Therefore we found out that after Chinese Communists have set their“Anti-Secession Law,”with provided guidelines to treat Taiwan under“clear bottom line, flexible and practical” and “hard and soft play, splitting will rule” principles and a strong emphasis on promoting interexchange collaborations with Taiwan. Therefore the execution of interexchange collaborations with Taiwan are seen rather flexible and thorough in terms of optional interest concerns with an intention to release preferential to certain regions, parties, bureaucracy and industries and expanding interexchange scope, deepening cross-Straits economic relations. Furthermore stressed on the propaganda of “making initiatives, discrepancy treatments, hard and soft play, penetrating island to win hearts” with such aggressive interexchange activity promotions and an offer of national treatment and wide open policy for academics exchange in Mainland China to our youngsters. This thesis contains six chapters and the descriptions of each chapter as follows: A. Chapter One is a preface, which mainly describes research motive and objective of this article, and it includes the related literatures with research channels and methods, scope and limitation and the research restructure. B. Chapter Two is discovering the environmental factors of Taiwan interexchange strategy by the Chinese Communists, first part will analyze the internal factor of Mainland China and then global and Taiwan accordingly. C. Chapter Three describes the contents and meanings of “Anti-Secession Law” led by Hu Jintao, first will be the analysis of new aspirations toward Taiwan by Hu Jintao, second will discuss the contents and meanings of “Anti-Secession Law” and last will be the analysis of the meanings of “Anti-Secession Law.” D. Chapter Four is discussing the Taiwan interexchange strategy and execution of “Anti-Secession Law” set by the Chinese Communists. It will discuss the objective of “Anti-Secession Law” first and then Taiwan interexchange strategy after the setting of “Anti-Secession Law” by the Chinese Communists, finally, it will discuss the implementation of Taiwan interexchange of “Anti-Secession Law” set by the Chinese Communists. E. Cheaper Five is a discussion of Taiwan interexchange strategy assessment by the Chinese Communist such as pragmatic ways of dealing Tawain interexchange after setting “Anti-Secession Law” by the Chinese Communists in order to break the deadlock of the cross-Straits and treat our civil with national treatment to put pressures on our government. F. Chapter Six will be the conclusion of this thesis; the main emphasis will be on exploring the discovery and proposition of Taiwan interexchange strategy research by the Chinese Communist with an objective in maintaining peaceful state of Taiwan Strait and continuously rallying for the support form the United States and reinforce the collaborations of cross-Straits interexchange.

XX a. antroje pusėje įvykę esminiai pokyčiai – demokratizacijos procesai, rinkos santykių skverbimasis į mediciną, naujų technologijų taikymas diagnostikoje ir gydyme, riboti sveikatos priežiūros resursai – buvo tiesiogiai susijęs su paciento teisių ir laisvių pripažinimu. Darbo tikslas – įvertinti pacientų teisių raišką per gydytojo ir paciento santykius stacionarinėse asmens sveikatos priežiūros įstaigose. Šiame darbe įvertinta pacientų bei gydytojų nuomonė apie paciento teisės į informaciją užtikrinimą ir jos įtaką paciento dalyvavimui priimant sprendimus. Išanalizuotas pacientų socialinių ir demografinių veiksnių ryšys su pacientų informuotumu apie jų ligą, medicininių tyrimų rezultatus, gydymo metodus, galimas gydymo pasekmes ir dalyvavimu priimant sprendimus. Palygintas gydytojų ir pacientų požiūris į abipusį pasitikėjimą ir konfidencialumo užtikrinimą stacionarinėse asmens sveikatos priežiūros įstaigose. Atskleista gydytojų ir pacientų nuomonė apie įstatyme reglamentuojamą nuostatą apie valstybės laiduojamą sveikatos priežiūros užtikrinimą. Disertacijoje vertinama ne tik pacientų nuomonė apie jų teisių užtikrinimą gydantis stacionarinėse asmens sveikatos priežiūros įstaigose, bet atskleidžiamos ir gydytojų problemos, su kuriomis jie susiduria, norėdami įgyvendinti Lietuvos Respublikos įstatymu reglamentuotas pacientų teises. Darbe akcentuojami ne tik pacientų teisių apribojimai ir suvaržymai, bet ir pabrėžiami nepakankami valstybės veiksmai užtikrinant realią ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Essential changes in the society that occurred in the second half of the 20th century – the democratization processes, penetration of market relationships into medicine, application of new technologies in diagnostics and treatment, limited healthcare resources – were directly related to the recognition of patients’ rights and liberties. The aim of the study was to evaluate the expression of patients’ rights through physician-patient relationships in inpatient personal healthcare units. Physicians’ and patients’ opinion about assurance of patients’ right to information and patients participation in decision-making was evaluated in this dissertation. The associations of patients’ social and demographic characteristics with the extent to which they are informed about their disease, the results of medical examinations, methods of treatment, possible treatment outcomes and participation in decision-making were analyzed. Physicians’ and patients’ attitudes towards mutual trust and confidentiality assurance in inpatients personal healthcare units were compared. Physicians’ and patients’ opinion about regulated provision of patients’ right to State-guaranteed free healthcare was revealed. This dissertation not only evaluates patients’ opinion about the assurance of their rights in inpatient personal healthcare units, but also discloses problems that physicians face when trying to implement patients’ rights regulated by the Law of the Republic of Lithuania. The study not only... [to full text]

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

This study primarily investigates the conceptions of democracy held by young Swedes: What conceptions can be found? How are these conceptions similar to and different from each other? My main intention is to present nuanced pictures of different ways of viewing and of arguing for and against democracy. Some attention is also paid to possible differences between different youth groups, in terms of age, gender, and socioeconomic background. In addition, I will relate the investigation to research concerning school and the socialisation that is supposed to take place there. What concepts of democracy do Swedish schools seem to inculcate in students? Theoretical discussions of democracy serve as the framework of the study, and throughout the work democracy is regarded as an ambiguous concept. I have designed an analytical tool by depicting the discussions of democratic theory from three perspectives. The first concerns what democracy is and how the rule of the people should be designed. The second deals with the justifications for democracy, and why it is or is not to be preferred. The third perspective focuses on some crucial matters in discussions of democracy. The empirical material analyzed consists of ten focus group interviews with students in two age categories: 14–15 and 18–19 years old. The groups were composed so that the members would include both genders and a range of socio-economic backgrounds. The main idea of focus group interviews is to take advantage of group-interaction dynamics. Opinions are often formed in interaction with other people, and since consideration and reflection are central concerns of this thesis, focus group interviews are thus very suitable. The findings indicate that there is a dominant understanding of democracy. The young people interviewed emphasize that democracy means that everybody has a right to participate in decision making, that, for example, universal suffrage and freedom of speech are necessary features and that democracy in practice connotes an elite/electoral democracy (at the national level) with politicians as the real power holders. Although some features of Sweden’s existing democracy are widely criticized, democracy as a fundamental concept is celebrated. The main justification for this support is that democracy includes everybody. A view of everybody’s equal value is implicit. The critical matters highlighted concern human nature in relation to democratic requirements, how to handle extremist political movements, and the limited possibilities and unequal opportunities for people to participate in the existing democracy. Within this overall picture, somewhat different conceptions can also be detected. Two themes are particularly prominent in the discussions. Without overtly mentioning the word, the young people interviewed strongly emphasize the concept of equality. One line of discussion concerns the participants’ own experiences of being subordinate to adults, another the concept that equality presupposes equal opportunities to influence society. Democracy is also considered to be a human matter. Notably,when speaking of equality and freedom, the interviewees rarely mention these words directly. Mention of political institutions is also lacking from the discussions. Some of the findings can be regarded as reflecting the conceptions of democracy manifested in and passed on by schools. The study may also provide some guidance concerning how to approach social and political issues in the school.

Im Social Commerce entwickeln sich die Kunden zu einer bedeutenden Informationsquelle für Unternehmen. Die Kunden nutzen die Kommunikationsplattformen des Web 2.0 (z.B. Twitter), um ihre Meinungen und Erfahrungen über Produkte zu äußern. Diese Diskussionen können sehr wichtig für die Entwicklung von Produkten eines Unternehmens sein. Ein modellbasierter Ansatz soll es einem Unternehmen ermöglichen, die Meinungen zu seinen Produkten in Microblogs zu betrachten. Der erste Schritt dafür ist die Erkennung von Themen in einem spezifischen Kontext. In einem weiteren Schritt müssen die zu den Themen korrespondierenden Einträge bezüglich der geäußerten Meinungen analysiert werden. Für die Erkennung der Themen kommt ein Verfahren zum Einsatz, das auf der Latent Dirichlet Allocation basiert. Das Verfahren identifizierte eventbasierte Themen im Zusammenhang mit den 3D-TV-Anlagen von Sony.