Denna studie bygger på delar av den svenska politiska debatten under våren 2021 och undersöker hur den kommit till uttryck på olika ledarsidor. Metoden som använts är en retorisk analys med syfte att undersöka och identifiera hur kampen mellan regeringen och oppositionen har sett ut när det kommer till försök till övertygelse och betydelser. Det övergripande debattämnet har varit vad en framtida Moderatledd och SD-stödd regering skulle betyda för Sverige och demokratin, med Socialdemokraternas jämförelser med stormningen av Kapitolium och Donald Trump som startpunkt. I den retoriska analysen har fokuset legat på den retoriska situationen, de tre övertygelsemedlen ethos, pathos och logos, samt olika stilfigurer och doxa. Fokuset har legat mer på innehållet i texterna än själva utformningen och dispositionen. Resultatet visade att inriktningen i texterna ofta gällde motståndarsidan och att försöka ställa den i dålig dager. Resultatet visade även att de retoriska verktygen som exempelvis stilfigurer och användandet av de tre övertygelsemedlen var vanligt. Det gjordes ofta kritiska historiska jämförelser och paralleller för att argumentera för sin ståndpunkt. Ofta dragna till sin spets för att försöka övertyga och ge nya betydelser för vad ett visst beteende eller uttalande hos motståndarsidan negativt sett skulle kunna leda till.

Climate change and its risks are important aspects in the work for sustainable development. This is to protect the current and future generations from climate change’s negative consequence. Sustainable development forms a pillar in the Swedish Environmental Code. The code provides tools for coping with climate change in the form of Environmental impact assessments. The amendment to chapter 6 of the code in 2018 led to changes in environmental assessment. The amendment aimed to improve the quality of environmental assessments through appropriate rules and clarification in the law. Previous research shows that the quality of environmental impact assessments has been incoherent. This is partly due to lack of knowledge about environmental impacts, but also due to lack of data on climate change. Time and financial conditions have also been shown to play a role in the design of environmental impact assessments together with the relationship between practitioner and the consultant. Climate as an aspect in the Environmental Code is also broad and provides room for interpretation for practitioners. The aim of the study is to examine how risks to present and future generations are described in environmental impact assessments. In order to conduct the study, a thematic analysis has been carried out on five selected environmental impact assessments from the year 2020. The theoretical framework consisted of political ecology and environmental justice.   The results of the analysis showed that despite the change in chapter six of the Environmental Code in 2018, climate change and the risks related to it have not been adequately in all environmental impact assessments. There is a great potential for environmental assessments to be improved in practice. Further research in the field of climate change and knowledge about the area is a possibility to integrate these aspects for participants.  Keywords: Environmental impact assessment, climate change, risk, political ecology, environmental justice.

Uppsatsen handlar om människors politiska tillit i Spanien under den ekonomiska krisens första skede 2008. Spanien var ett av de länder som drabbades hårdast och tvingades till krislån från EU med åtstramningspolitik som följd. Människor försattes i arbetslöshet och bostadskris. Uppsatsen undersöker om den ekonomiska krisen innebar en förändring i individers politiska tillit. Dessutom kontrolleras om det finns en särskild effekt från exponeringen av den ekonomiska krisen, beroende på individers inkomst, utbildning och skattning på den politiska vänster-höger-skalan. Data är hämtad från European Social Survey (ESS), enkätstudie utförd i Spanien 2008. Resultaten analyseras genom multipel regressionsanalys och interaktionsanalys. Studien fann inget stöd för att exponeringen av den ekonomiska krisen under den valda tidsperioden, hade en påverkan på människors politiska tillit i Spanien. Dessutom finnes ingen enskild effekt på människors politiska tillit från exponeringen av den ekonomiska krisen beroende på deras inkomst, utbildning och skattning på den politiska vänster-höger-skalan. Uppsatsen använder teorier om politisk tillit och dess relation till ekonomisk förändring.

The 1600’s were a turbulent period of Swedish history. War, the effects of confession-building and the growing influence of the privy council marked the first half of the century. The purpose of this essay is to analyse how God was invoked in the Swedish privy council protocols during 1621-1636 and to determine the function of these invocations. With a theoretical starting pointin the term political culture, I argue that God was invoked as part of a system of symbols that gave, for instance, meaning to politics and society. By categorizing all instances that the members of the privy council and other invited individuals spoke of God, Christ, and the Holy Spirit (with a focus on God in particular) I found seven larger functions in the use of God in theprotocols. In summary they exercise a soothing and reassuring, confirming, class and order maintaining, guiding, and a meaning creating function. They also function to assert one’s position and safety and as a mode of expression. This asserts the role of religion in the political culture and how intertwined they were.

Strikes are according to Lindvall most probable in countries where 35 to 40% of the working people are members in trade unions. France has shown to be a deviant case to the empirical findings of Lindvall with low number of members in trade unions, but high number of strikes.  The overarching question is: Can the political culture explain the high number of strikes in France and if so how? Ronald Inglehart's theory of political culture as well as the theory Civic culture by Almond and Verba have been used.  Considering the empirical findings and with support of the theories used I conclude that political culture to an extent can explain the high number of strikes in France. There are no implications that trust in others as well as institutions, government and political parties have an impact on strikes. The economic situation of the household or the state are not found to be explanatory factors either. Dissatisfaction with one's life situation, work situation, or situation in the country did not either show any statistical significance. When analysing the answers to the questionnary I can state that the respondents not only supported strikes to have better work conditions and see changes. They also went on strike to support others, because they considered it as a duty and because they found it important to show participation. There were also those who considered that it was important to celebrate the French history. Strike is also supported by people who did not go on strike themselves. It is clearly understood that strikes are respected by a majority.  The conclusion is that if you have a country with a democratic system and a political culture which to a greater extent is participatory ( even if there are subcultres or tendencies of parochial and subject culture ) and the historical context as France does have, that might well be the explanation for its high number of strikes. The reason for France being the deviant case can lie within the combination of its political culture as well as its history. It cannot be stated that a specific political culture alone explains strike density. It can however be stated that specific variables are seen to have more impact or vary with higher number of strikes and these are in this study positive expectations and satisfaction with the democratic system which are characteristic of participatory political cultures.  Keywords: strikes, civic culture, political culture

In a representative democratic state such as Sweden there have been considerable clear changes in terms of forms for political aggregation during the last 50 years. This essay points out major changes concerning the formation of how parties work and formulate their messages. This study highlights how professional consultants and communicators have caused an alteration in the way political arguments and how policies are formulated within parties. Policy professionals are people who are employed to mediate useful information, their commission affects politics deeply. This group of people are either employed within organizations without having any formal mandate through seats in the parliament or are frequently hired and sometimes founded by different governmental agencies or even political parties. One consequence is that the role of parties and the democratic ideals has been affected. The party representatives have become more professional themselves. Possibly at the expense of the vitality of the party organizations, which is in line with the sharp drop in the number of party members which has been witnessed since the beginning of the 21st century. One effect may be further strengthening of the party elites in terms of more top-down management with more interaction and career opportunities in both the party organization and its communication bureaus interchangeably. This study wants to highlight how this change has occurred and which effect it causes to the party system and their role in a representative democracy.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the pension protests in France to explain the politicalparticipation and culture of the country characterized by manifestations, demonstrations andstrikes. The analysis of the pension protests is based on the perspective of the national tradeunions and student unions. With the explanation of the political participation and culture ageneral opinion behind the pensions protest could be interpreted. The material for the essay is thetrade- and student unions posts on their websites that either urges the people to protest or arguesagainst the pension reform. The theoretical framework for the essay is based on Russel J Dalton’s(2020) theory for political participation and Thomas Denk’s (2009) theoretical compilation aboutpolitical culture. This essay is a case study of the pension protest in France 2023. With aninterpreter oriented strategy the analysis is based on an explanatory idea analysis of the tradeandstudent unions posts. Previous research has shown that political participation and politicalculture affect each other. It has also been proven that low participation in conventional forms forexample electoral participation is affected by political dissatisfaction, distrust of voting andpolitical interest. In this study the analysis shows that the pension protest in France is a politicalparticipation that expresses a political dissatisfaction and a political alienation. The analysis alsoreaches the conclusion that political participation in the pension protests follows the modernpatterns of protests and that the trade unions pension movement has a big support from thefrench population. In the analysis of the political culture the conclusion is that from the tradeunions perspective the French political system is illegitimate and that their political roles are nottaken seriously by the French government. The results of the essay are important because it cangive a new perspective on political participation in France and it can serve as a contribution toresearch about the connection between political participation and political culture.

Sammanfattning/Abstract Skog, Patric (2022) Från politisk idé till profession i vardande. Specialpedagogprogrammet, institutionen för skolutveckling och ledarskap, Lärande och Samhälle, Malmö universitet, 90 hp.  Förväntat kunskapsbidrag Denna studie analyserar den specialpedagogiska yrkesrollens etablering och implementering sedan den infördes i början av 90-talet. Studien skapar en förståelse för vilka faktorer som har påverkat implementeringen samt analyserar vilka hinder som funnits på vägen. Den följer den politiska styrningskedjan och de beslut som fattats för att undanröja dessa hinder i syfte att stärka professionens ställning på verksamhetsnivå, vilket i denna studie utgörs av svensk grundskola.  Syfte och frågeställningar Studien syfte är att bidra med kunskap kring hur den specialpedagogiska profession formulerats och etablerats i det skolpolitiska fältet samt hur denna utveckling påverkats av de politiska beslut som tagits för att styra denna utveckling. Med ett professionsteoretiskt perspektiv analyseras vilka förutsättningar den nya professionen haft vid etableringen och implementeringen av sin kompetens, men också hur den hanterat konkurrens från andra specialpedagogiska kompetenser (fr a speciallärarna) Frågeställningarna är följande: 1. Hur har specialpedagogen som profession formerats och utvecklats under de senaste 30 åren? 2. Hur kan vi tolka och förstå utvecklingen utifrån ett professionteoretiskt perspektiv? Teori Den teori som använts för att ge denna studie en professionsteoretisk analysbas är Brantes professionsteori. Här har de fyra begrepp han använder för att definiera en professions möjlighet att verka inom sitt kompetensområde analyserats: legitimitet, förtroende, auktoritet och autonomi. Studien tittar på vilka av Brantes karakteristiska attribut som den specialpedagogiska professionen uppfyller idag.  Metod För att kunna göra denna studie där professionens utveckling över tid har stått i fokus. Har studien gjorts som en dokumentanalys av politiska styrdokument som påverkat implementeringen. Dessa beslut på skolpolitisk nivå har sedan granskats utifrån rapporter och forskning kring hur dessa genomförts och tagits emot på verksamhetsnivå, samt hur detta har utvecklats över tid.  Resultat Resultatet i studien visar på att det idag finns ett starkt stöd och förtroende för den specialpedagogiska yrkesrollens funktion från politiskt håll. Detta stöd är inte lika starkt ute i verksamheten. Men över tid har det skett en förbättring vad gäller förtroende och auktoritet. Med de senaste politiska besluten är det också tydligt att professionen är i skolan för att stanna och att yrkesrollen stärkts ytterligare från politiskt håll. Specialpedagogiska implikationer Det är tydligt att det fortfarande finns en diskrepans vad gäller den policy kring vad specialpedagoger bör göra och utbildas till, och vad de förväntas göra för arbete ute i verksamheten. Det är därför viktigt att känna till denna diskrepans och hitta sätt att förhålla sig till den. Med kunskap om detta kan aktiva specialpedagoger jobba mot att ytterligare tydliggöra yrkesrollens unika kompetens. Samtidigt viktigt att gå in i sin yrkesroll med vetskapen om att många inte känner till kompetensen och genom att med ett nätverkande förhållningssätt sprida kunskapen om den.

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This thesis studies the development of the Swedish criminal policy debate regarding how the Social Democrats and the Moderates, portray and propose to address gang criminality from a security perspective. Debate articles and election manifestos of 2018 and 2022 have been analyzed with the purpose of examining if there is evidence for an assumption that political parties in Sweden, other than the right-wing populist party Sweden Democrats, have come to adopt strategies to communicate with voters that are based on so-called securitization agendas. By doing this, the aim of this thesis is to deepen our understanding of whether the international trend of securitizing gang criminality has come to play also in a Swedish context. The analysis is based on the following research questions: 1) How do Social Democrats and Moderates portray gang crime following up to the elections of 2018 and 2022? 2) What securitizing statements can be identified in these representations? To answer these questions, Carol Bacchi’s analytical approach ”What’s the problem represented to be” was used in order to structure a qualitative content analysis. The theoretical foundation of the study is securitization theory, with the aim of identifying securitization efforts, more specifically regarding what or who are presented to be under threat of gang crime. Furthermore, policy suggestions by the respective party was analyzed as being either conventional or extraordinary – the latter indicating an effort to securitize this political issue.  The study finds that there has been a shift between 2018 and 2022 regarding how Social Democrats and Moderates portray gang crime as well as how they propose to address the problem. Following up to the election in 2022, both parties argued that safety, security and trust in the society are not only threatened but undermined. This causes the Moderates to present a preventive program that partly contains elements of extraordinary measures. Based on the analysis, we can establish that Social Democrats and Moderates portray the problem towards a more securitizing discourse in 2022, and, in that regard, also have come to adopt the Sweden Democrats parties attempt to securitize gang crime.