This thesis takes its onset in a growing debate about globalization and its possible consequences for the Weberian-state monopoly on the use of force. It concerns the discursive legitimizing and construction of Swedish military peace operations. It studies how the official, Governmental discourse is structured, which arguments are used and how these in turn motivate and legitimize operations. Theoretically it is situated within a poststructuralist understanding but drawing on wider international relations theories to relate the empirical findings to existing research. Methodologically it uses a discourse analytical framework developed by Lene Hansen, supplemented with analytical concepts stemming from the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Empirically the thesis analyses Governmental Bills, a Governmental Communication and one op-ed written by the minister of Defence in regards of peace operations. The empirical analysis show that the official Swedish discourse of peace operations is structured by three basic discourses; internationalism, stateism and humanitarianism. These are analysed and interpreted in the light of different IR theoretical understandings. The thesis argues that the basic discourses are involved in a reciprocal process in which the state legitimizes peace operations and reproduces the idea of states and foremost the notion of an international state system. The humanitarian factor is less elaborated on in the material, which can be interpreted in different ways, one being that the humanitarian situation is not so important in the eyes of states, another that it is regarded as so self-evident that the situation of flesh and blood individuals is the legitimating reason for Swedish engagement in peace operations that it does not need to be said. The thesis ends with a critical discussion where its findings are related both to the globalization debate and critical peace operations literature.

Abstract This thesis handles the subject about emergency preparedness. The cases that are chosen are Sweden and the tsunami catastrophe and Great Britain with the bombings in London. The purpose with this case study is to reveal what factors that are important for an adequate emergency preparedness plan by studying Sweden’s and Great Britain’s emergency preparedness plans and how they handled the two catastrophes. The questions for the report are as follows: 1. Why did Great Britain’s emergency preparedness plan on the London bombings function better than the Swedish in the tsunami catastrophe? 2. How was Sweden and Great Britain’s emergency preparedness plans formed and why were they formed like that? The results was that the British emergency preparedness plan was more adequate because they hade a better communication to their citizens and a better relationship to the media than the Swedish one had. Both countries followed the ideal model that the theory presented but the British took it one step further by having a better layout and deeper understanding for emergency planning. Keywords: Emergency preparedness plan Organisation Government

Coronapandemin är en av de största kriserna på flera decennier och har gjort att Sveriges regering stått inför en situation där kriskommunikation krävs. En av de primära kommunikationsmedel som Sveriges regering har använt under pandemin är presskonferenser. Syftet med studien är att genom en gestaltningsanalys se hur Sveriges regering har gestaltat pandemin i sina presskonferenser. Analysen ska också besvara hur gestaltningen förändrats under olika faser av krisen. En språklig analys gjordes på 20 presskonferenser publicerade mellan 24 februari 2020 och den 16 september 2021 där ett förbestämt ramverk, teorier kring kriskommunikation och CERC-modellen utgjorde grunden för analysen. Studiens förbestämda ramverk är baserat på CDC och WHO:s rekommendationer inom kriskommunikation och har använts tidigare i liknande studier. Studiens resultat visar på liknande inramningar i alla valda presskonferenser från pandemin. Ramarna Budskap till allmänheten och Uttryck av empati var två inramningar som identifierades i samtliga presskonferenser. Hur allmänheten kan hjälpa till, Klargörande av fakta, Åtgärder som för närvarande vidtas och Åtgärder som kommer att vidtas var andra inramningar som identifierades ofta, särskilt under vissa tidsperioder av pandemin. Innebörden av ramarna är också något som skiljer sig mellan olika faser, framför allt Budskap till allmänheten och Uttryck av empati. / The covid-19 pandemic is one of the worst health crises in many decades, and it has put the Swedish government into a situation where crisis communication is needed. One of the primary tools for communication used by the Swedish government is press conferences. The aim of the study is to determine how the Swedish government has framed the pandemic through the press conferences. This will be done through a framing analysis. The study will also determine how the framing has changed through different phases of the crisis. A linguistic analysis was made on 20 press conferences published between February 24th 2020 and September 16th 2021 with a predetermined framework, theories in crisis communication and the CERC-model as base for the study. The predetermined framework is based on CDC and WHO recommendations in crisis communication and has been used in similar studies earlier.  The result of the study shows similar framing in all chosen press conferences from the pandemic. The frames Key messages to the public and Expression of empathy were two frames that could be identified in all press conferences. How the public can help, Clarification of facts, Actions currently being taken and Action that will be taken were frames that also could be identified in several press conferences, especially in specific phases of the pandemic. The signification of the frame was also something that changed through different phases, particularly Key messages to the public and Expression of empathy.

Additional tax on gambling winnings was announced by the Minister of Finance, Mr. Pravin Gordhan in the 2010 National Budget Speech. This additional tax was proposed to discourage excessive gambling in South Africa. In 2011, it was proposed that all winnings above R25 000 will be subject to a final 15 per cent withholding tax. Gambling plays a significant role in the South African economy and contributes to job creation, infrastructure investment and overall economic growth. The Government faced negative comments from the gambling industry where the administrative challenges of implementing a withholding tax were emphasised. Challenges such as the difficulty in implementing, controlling and administering the proposed tax were mentioned. The objective of the proposal was questioned because excessive gambling declined in South Africa during the last few years. This led to the Government changing their proposed method in 2012 from a withholding tax at 15 per cent to a national gambling tax, based on gross gambling revenue, on a uniform provincial gambling tax base, which constitutes an additional 1% national levy. This raised two main problem statements. The first is which role of government, regulator versus stakeholder, is taking precedence through the implementation of the proposals to levy additional taxes on gambling in South Africa? And the second, is this role (identified above) the correct role that government should play that best supports government‟s objective of curbing excessive gambling in South Africa and does it justify the need for an additional tax to be levied on South African gambling? The two proposed methods were scrutinised to identify the ultimate role of the government. The fact that only the winnings will be subject to a withholding tax system did not contribute to a regulator role to decrease excessive gambling and thereby minimising negative externalities. Not all gamblers will be directly affected by this type of tax. The provincial tax base taxes all gambling activities, as all gamblers participating in gambling will be subject to the additional levy. The problem here is that the gambler will not be directly taxed and will then not be directly influenced to have any effect on their gambling behaviour. The government also recognised that they want to decrease the negative externalities that are associated with excessive gambling. It would seem that the main objective should rather be to address the negative externalities rather than the excessive gambling. It is debatable whether an additional tax levied in any form other than a sin tax would achieve this goal and give the role of regulator precedence. The role as stakeholder took precedence when the government decided to move to a provincial tax base. Research indicated that the main motivational factor behind the election was purely driven on how government would be successful in implementing an additional tax in the most administratively efficient and cost effective manner, while still benefiting from it through the collection of additional state revenue. / MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Additional tax on gambling winnings was announced by the Minister of Finance, Mr. Pravin Gordhan in the 2010 National Budget Speech. This additional tax was proposed to discourage excessive gambling in South Africa. In 2011, it was proposed that all winnings above R25 000 will be subject to a final 15 per cent withholding tax. Gambling plays a significant role in the South African economy and contributes to job creation, infrastructure investment and overall economic growth. The Government faced negative comments from the gambling industry where the administrative challenges of implementing a withholding tax were emphasised. Challenges such as the difficulty in implementing, controlling and administering the proposed tax were mentioned. The objective of the proposal was questioned because excessive gambling declined in South Africa during the last few years. This led to the Government changing their proposed method in 2012 from a withholding tax at 15 per cent to a national gambling tax, based on gross gambling revenue, on a uniform provincial gambling tax base, which constitutes an additional 1% national levy. This raised two main problem statements. The first is which role of government, regulator versus stakeholder, is taking precedence through the implementation of the proposals to levy additional taxes on gambling in South Africa? And the second, is this role (identified above) the correct role that government should play that best supports government‟s objective of curbing excessive gambling in South Africa and does it justify the need for an additional tax to be levied on South African gambling? The two proposed methods were scrutinised to identify the ultimate role of the government. The fact that only the winnings will be subject to a withholding tax system did not contribute to a regulator role to decrease excessive gambling and thereby minimising negative externalities. Not all gamblers will be directly affected by this type of tax. The provincial tax base taxes all gambling activities, as all gamblers participating in gambling will be subject to the additional levy. The problem here is that the gambler will not be directly taxed and will then not be directly influenced to have any effect on their gambling behaviour. The government also recognised that they want to decrease the negative externalities that are associated with excessive gambling. It would seem that the main objective should rather be to address the negative externalities rather than the excessive gambling. It is debatable whether an additional tax levied in any form other than a sin tax would achieve this goal and give the role of regulator precedence. The role as stakeholder took precedence when the government decided to move to a provincial tax base. Research indicated that the main motivational factor behind the election was purely driven on how government would be successful in implementing an additional tax in the most administratively efficient and cost effective manner, while still benefiting from it through the collection of additional state revenue. / MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Today the Swedish education system faces major challenges. This research deals with school segregation and the differences in and among Swedish municipalities, more specifically between Kalmar and Karlskrona. There are well-established national goals with the aim to reduce and counteract school segregation, however we tend to find huge differences in the system and performance of schools. All schools have different grounds, conditions and needs and it forces the local government, principals and teachers to act according to factors as resources, priorities, goals and expected behavior within institutions. Deficiencies create the prerequisites for conducting, completing and maintaining the business to the extent that it can be based on the design of the requirements on national level. That brings a great decentralized responsibility and gives room for maneuver and freedom of action for street-level bureaucrats, that may not maintain national standards. The purpose of this research is to analyse how enforcement of national goals in each municipality, at local schools,  that either are segregated or may become and then compare them to see the difference. In conclusion the analysis show that national goals are used as guidelines in municipalities, but all municipalities establish their own goals according to the conditions and needs of the school. The difference that exist between schools depends on local circumstances.

The purpose of this paper has been to describe the change of governance in Turkey from 2005 until 2018. The method that has been applied is a comparative study as well as a case study where a theory of democracy was used to describe and compare the changes of governance in Turkey between 2005 and 2018. Robert Dahls theory of democracy was used for this paper to determine the change in governance between the relevant years. The analysis of each institution for each year was than compared to finally determine any change in governance. The study showed that the governance of Turkey has taken further backsliding steps of democracy compared to the situation in 2005. The changes consist of a centralization and increase of power within the presidency and further limitations within some rights and freedoms. The possibility for citizens to engage in politics in different ways, to express the opinions whether good or bad, to search for alternative information and to have the right to vote in free and fair elections have all worsened in 2018 compared to 2005.

In 2015 the United Nations adopted an action plan named Agenda 2030. The plan contains 17 global sustainable development goals and 169 sub-goals; all of which are aimed towards creating a sustainable future within the spheres of the three cornerstones of sustainability; social, environmental, and economical by the year of 2030.  The aim of this paper is to examine the prerequisites for the Chilean government in implementing the UN's goal number five: reach gender equality. What are their ambitions? What are the biggest challenges? Which strategy does the government have to manage the challenges of the implementation process? The analysis has been conducted through a qualitative field study based on various documents, and is complemented by experts' interviews.   The method used is theory consuming and relies on Lennart Lundquist's implementation theory 'Understand, can and will' (1992).  Lundquist believes that the will is the most important factor for implementing a policy. The Chilean government shows both an understanding of what is needed and the resources that are needed.  The question is, do they possess the will it takes to overcome the obstacles they face?

<p>The intention of the essay was to see what Web users’ comprehension might be when watching four videos that are published on the Swedish Government’s Web site. One video contains an interview with Lena Hallengren, Minister for Youth Affairs of the Swedish Government, and in the other three Ulrica Messing, Minister for Communications and Regional Affairs of the same government, gives speeches about the governmental issues she is responsible for. </p><p>The comprehensions that were examined are those concerning the forms of presentation of the videos, the ministers’ appearances, the videos abilities to create and maintain the Web site visitors’ interest, and the visitors’ behaviours and conducts while being in contact with the Web site. The examination was carried out with the Stimulated Recall method, where the respondents’ memory of what they thought while they visited the Web site and watched the videos were collected, along with an interview where they interpreted what they had seen. </p><p>The analysis of the data was based on the theories of Marshall McLuhan, Jay D. Bolter & Richard Grusin, and Jacob Nielsen, which contain ideas about how new media incorporate older media, and how Web users comprehend and behave in their contact with the Internet. </p><p>The conclusion was that the respondents had low interest in Lena Hallengren’s video because it was too long and made them inactive. Ulrica Messing’s appearance in her videos made two of the respondents think that she was a poor performer, while the third respondent liked what she saw because she was interested in what Ulrica Messing said.</p> / <p>Syftet med uppsatsen var att se vilken uppfattning webbplatsbesökare kan ha när de ser fyra videofilmer som finns på regeringskansliets webbplats. En videofilm innehåller en intervju med Lena Hallengren, ungdomsminister i regeringen, och i de övriga tre talar Ulrica Messing, infrastrukturminister, om de politikområden hon är ansvarig för. </p><p>De uppfattningar som undersöktes var de som handlar om filmernas presentationsform, ministrarnas framträdanden, filmernas förmåga att skapa och upprätthålla intresse hos webbplatsbesökarna, och besökarnas beteenden och förhållningssätt vid kontakten med webbplatsen. Undersökningen utfördes med Stimulated Recall-metoden, där respondenternas minne av vad de tänkte när de besökte webbplatsen och såg filmerna samlades in, tillsammans med en intervju där de tolkade vad de hade sett.</p><p>Resultatanalysen baserades på Marshall McLuhans, Jay D. Bolter & Richard Grusins, och Jacob Nielsens teorier, som innehåller idéer om hur nya medier införlivar gamla medier, och hur Internetanvändare uppfattar och beter sig i kontakten med Internet.</p><p>Slutsatsen var att respondenterna hade ett lågt intresse för Lena Hallengrens film, eftersom var för lång och gjorde dem passiva. Ulrica Messings framträdande i sina filmer gjorde att två av respondenterna tyckte att hon var dålig i sitt framträdande, medan den tredje respondenten gillade det hon såg eftersom hon var intresserad av det som Ulrica Messing sa.</p>

The purpose of this study is to investigate the transformation process that has taken place in the local government sphere over the past sixteen years. This process is based on the Constitution, Act 108 of 1996. Transformation applies to all areas of society, including the disabled – the focus point of this study. More specifically the focus of the study is on the effect of the transformation process on the disabled. The study was done within Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality, taking into consideration the Constitution of 1996, as well as internal policies. The main focus during this study is to emphasize the position of the disabled, focusing on recognition, basic needs, funding, promotion, careers, and the incorporation of the disabled into the Municipality. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.