The purpose of this essay is to examine the conditions for civil society and activists in Japan regarding their access to a truly free capability for their expression, action, and thoughts. The theoretical starting point is based on Iris Young's normative theory of the function of civil society in deliberative democracy, which sheds light on intermediate factors that make Young's ideal too naive to be realized. Gramsci's concept of hegemony is then used to highlight indirect and hidden power structures that certain groups in society are afflicted by. Holloway's resistance theory and anti-capitalist view of civil society are applied from a Marxist perspective that characterizes this study. In combination with a post-structuralist view of power and a Marxist perspective, it became possible to identify three hegemonies that appear to be democratically problematic from previous research, as well as an in-depth analysis of the Japanese activists' mindset and the hegemonic ideas implied in their expressions. The question is thus, how and to what extent those hegemonic ideas permeate activists' expressions and opinions in today's civil society in Japan. The result of the analytical ideological criticism shows empirical support for signs of all the hegemonic ideas in the chosen materials and offers some implications of those hegemonies for civil society and democracy. The latter conclusion also implies some consequences of capitalism and neoliberalism for society in general.

Hur fungerar Internet som politiskt verktyg i praktiken? På vilka sätt förändras förutsättningarna för politisk kamp med ökade möjligheter till oberoende medieproduktion och global distribution?Med ett tvärvetenskapligt förhållningssätt grundat i ett medie- och kommunikationsvetenskapligt perspektiv intervjuas representanter från den svenska miljörörelsen samt organisationer som arbetar för mänskliga rättigheter i Tibet.Resultatet av undersökningen visar att sociala rörelser arbetar i digitala nätverk där autonomi, decentralisation och flexibilitet är nyckelord – precis samma organisationslogik som globaliserade företag arbetar under. Detta möjliggör en oberoende sfär för information och kommunikation som i sin tur leder till ett symbiotiskt förhållande med etablerade mediekanaler. Vi går därmed ifrån att vara ”konsumenter” till att bli ”användare” – en radikalt förändrad maktrelation mellan producent och mottagare. Detta paradigmskifte resulterar i en enorm mängd publicerad information och det är svårt att skapa uppmärksamhet. När det gäller kampanjarbete används Internet därför som en kanal bland andra, mer traditionella kanaler. De globala kommunikationsmöjligheterna fungerar å andra sidan som ett socialt bindemedel, och Internets decentraliserade struktur möjliggör en sidsteppning av censur. Internet kan därmed fungera som en tillflyktsort, en frizon för utsatta grupper.

In recent decades, there has been a considerable expansion of citizen participation in protests and voluntary advocacy groups. To analyze this development, the social movement literature and the interest group literature have emerged. Yet these two bodies of literature have not communicated with each other and have rarely incorporated knowledge from other fields in political science. As a result, critical questions remain unanswered regarding the political influence of advocacy groups. How do they affect politicians? To what degree do informal groups use lobbying tactics? Are socioeconomically advantaged groups more influential? This thesis endeavors to address the above shortcomings by bridging the literature on social movements, interest groups and political parties. The purpose of the thesis is to explain if and how advocacy groups affect public policy and to analyze which resources that are required to influence political decisions. The focus is on informal and loosely organized social movement organizations (informal SMOs): parental networks, staff networks, and village networks. To test my arguments, I use a unique database on protests and lobbying against school closures in Sweden. Closures of public schools have been one of the most important drivers of political activism in Sweden. The results are presented in three essays. Essay I tests new electoral mechanisms that could condition the political influence of advocacy groups. The results suggest that the political influence of informal SMOs on school closure decisions varies according to the type of voter they mobilize: swing voters or core voters. Essay II demonstrates how informal SMOs use lobbying tactics, such as presenting policy-relevant information, to influence politicians. Social movement scholars often focus on protests and ignore lobbying tactics. However, the results show that SMOs that present policy-relevant information are more likely to stop school closures than SMOs that mobilize large protests. Essay III analyzes which informal SMOs exchange policy-relevant information with politicians. Previous studies on the use of lobbying tactics have ignored activist resources. My results suggest that SMOs mobilizing high-income activists and activists with analytical and civic skills are more likely to present policy-relevant information. This is problematic given normative ideals of equal access to decision-making by all members of society.

The aim of this study was to examine Swedish hiphop-artists’ view on conditions in the suburbs and to find out what their music represent, and to reach an understanding about whether social movements exist in suburbs. The study was based on qualitative interviews with hiphop-artists’ whose music had a connection to suburbs. The artists had different ages, gender and residential area. Six of the interviews were conducted through video calls and one of them through a physical interview. The questions were made up through a framework before the interviews and our choice of interview approach enabled us to ask additional questions. The result showed that the conditions in the suburbs were characterized by community and love. It also showed that residents had difficulties because of their life choices and it affected their possibilities regarding to school and work. Further the hiphop-artists’ music was described as a reality portrayal or as a way to express their feelings. Some of them also felt responsible as role models, wanted to affect others, had the music as an interest and some just wanted to convey real experiences. The analysis was based on Eyerman and Jamison (2005) perspective about social movements, which means that a group collectively joins and acts to change existing conflicts and problems in society. As a conclusion the hiphop-artists’ experience racism from the society which affect them and their music. Another conclusion is that it exists a social movement in the suburbs and can be understood by the hiphop-artists’ descriptions of the suburbs conditions.

<p>Hugo Chavez came to power in Venezuela 1999 and has since then worked for a socialistic revolution in the country. He and his political process have attracted a lot of attention internationally and the views have been as divided as the political climate is in Venezuela today. There is a polarized situation with mainly two parts; the people who supports Chavez’ process and the opposition who contains mainly people from the upper middle class and works for a politic to the right. The government as well as the opposition has been accused to drive up the sensitive climate which consequences are a situation where most political discussions ends up in a discussion for or against Chavez.</p><p>Venezuela is not the only Latin American country where social and political revolutions take place and it’s therefore highly relevant to question whether such a polarized climate is an unavoidable consequence of such processes. How is it possible to work politically in this situation and is it possible to work without necessarily take a stand for or against Chavez, but to create a discourse outside this black and white spectrum?</p><p>In this study, the focus is social movements and how they experience and analyze the political situation in Venezuela and the possibilities to work politically here. The study is based on interviews with people involved in social movements in Venezuela, from a field study made within the SIDA financed program Minor Field Studies. The informants come from the Chavez movement which is a big popular movement but also from an anarchist group who works free-standing from the government as well as the opposition. On the basis of a discourse analysis approach, focus has been on how they construct and create different pictures of the process and how they through that position themselves and their group and which consequences this get.</p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to analyse the social movement Planka.nu with reference to the theory of new social movements in order to engage in a discussion about the presence of “old” tradition and “new” trends. As well as empirical, the purpose is also theoretical and methodological: to examine, and extend, the discussion about new and old social movements. A qualitative method is used. The analytical framework is based on a combination of theories of social movements and new social movements. Planka.nu was started in 2003 in Stockholm. The movement uses the Internet to organise free-riding on the public buses and trains with the aim of pressuring regional politicians into fully financing public transportation by progressive taxation. In all aspects discussed, both old and new characteristics were found. Behind a rhetoric that to a large extent resembles that of the traditional Swedish labour movement lies a redefinition of values, ideas and strategies that correspond with the theory of new social movements. By adopting a theoretical outlook on social movements that questions the existence of two divided blocs, a more nuanced discussion of the combination of old and new aspects could be held.</p>

No description available.

This study examines the mobilisation and identity formation of the Scottish independence movement post-referendum. By analysing arguments, emotions and actions in support for independence, I aim to discuss how the movement make use of cultural perspectives on history for continuous mobilisation. The study focuses on the members of the umbrella organisation of Yes Scotland, which is a diverse network of activist and party-political groups. To understand the movement, I have made use of a political and active approach such as participating in meetings and at demonstrations. Importantly, while I acknowledge how the Scottish independence movement navigates within a discourse of nationalism because of its nationalist character, I argue that the movement mainly make use of an alternative ideology. This ideology is tied to historical narratives which are remade in present forms and take several expressions. For instance, I claim that this ideology generates the practice of international solidarity as well as a specific identity which is constructed and reproduced for one specific political project: to achieve Scottish independence. This thesis is a contribution to the study of social movements, as well as it provides understanding of reasoning beyond and within nationalism.

The Swedish magazine Åter, which offers a forum for people with an interest in making a self-sufficient household, constitutes the material for this study. The magazine is exemined with an interest in finding outspoken and unspoken ideological values that may be considered as the motivation to actively choose an alternative lifestyle such as the one a self-sufficient household represents. The main interest for doing so is to elucidate any views on modernity from the many voices in the magazine. Previous studies of similar lifestyle choices have had a focus on them being a part of a social movement or a result of an enviromental awareness. This study increases the understanding of this lifestyle as being a reaction against a modernity that does not agree with their individual experiences of a meaningful existence. Several complementary theoretical perspectives have been regarded in order to examine the ample material, with main emphasis on Ulrich Beck and his notion of subpolitics and reflexive modernity. As a result, the study suggests that the magazine offers an intellectural fellowship for people interested in creating a self-sufficient household. Within that community spirit several issues are raised against the industrial modernity, as well as numerous suggestions for how to create a new, reflexive, modernity.

Syftet har varit att synliggöra och analysera inkludering och exkludering inom den svenska hbtq-rörelsen, samt att fördjupa förståelsen för konflikterna inom rörelsen. Genom diskursteoretisk analys av massmedias beskrivning av aktioner under 2012 har följande resultat uppnåtts; inom rörelsen framkommer två diskurser, med olika syn på vilka politiska frågor rörelsen ska fokusera på. Dessa kallas i uppsatsen den endimensionella och den flerdimensionella diskursen. Den endimensionella vill återgå till en mer "klassisk" homokamp, medan den flerdimensionella har ett mer intersektionellt synsätt och vill bredda det politiska spektrumet. Diskurserna har även olika syn på vilka politiska metoder som är mest effektiva samt skiljer sig åt i sitt förhållningssätt till queerbegreppet. Enligt min analys diskuterades vad som beskrevs som en splittring inom rörelsen under denna tidsperiod på ett väldigt specifikt sätt, där begreppet extremism var centralt.