Denna uppsats består av en diskursanalytisk undersökning av Struves meridianbåge från UNESCO:s världsarvslista. Uppsatsens syfte är att ge ökad förståelse för meridianbågen som världsarv genom att kartlägga hur den framställs, dess geopolitiska kontext och formen av den dominerande diskursen. Analysen är baserad på Laclau och Mouffes teori från Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, och utfördes med hjälp av den metod som utarbetats i Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method av Marianne Jørgensen och Louise Philips. Analysen utfördes på empiriskt material som samlades in under en platsundersökning i Hammerfest, samt på källmaterial tillgängligt via internet. Analysen leder till slutsatsen att meridianbågen har absorberats av UNESCO:s överordnade diskursiva ramverk, och att den idag tolkas framför allt som ett exempel på vetenskapligt internationellt samarbete, medan alternativa diskurser som centrerar geopolitiska konflikter har relativt litet utrymme.

Det här arbetet är en generell forskning om transnationella informationssystem. Det är viktigt att informationsflöden inom en organisation kan överföras utan något hinder. För att lyckas med det bör organisationer lägga en del av sina resurser på arbetet med IT lösningar. Informationsflöden som skrider över ett lands gränser bör särskilt beaktas. Multinationella företag bör tänka på att problematiken med byggandet av IS arkitekturen ökas kraftigt på en internationell nivå. Det finns ett antal olika informationssystemsstrategier som kan tillämpas vid byggandet av ett IS. De riktlinjer och regler som finns med i olika strategier kan delvis passa till TIS om det bara beaktas att TIS hanteras på en global nivå. Strategierna som beskrivs i detta arbete är följande: VBS, IRM, PAKS och SOA. Utifrån de olika strategier och empiriska undersökningen av dagens problematik med transnationella informationssystem bygger jag mina förslag på förbättring. Dessa förslag är mer generella och vidare forskning krävs. Problematiken bör studeras djupare för att varje år ökar antalet olika företag som kommer till globala marknaden och de behöver bättre förslag till hur deras TIS skall byggas.

Abstract The aim of this article is to examine how members of the European Parliament (MEPs) framed the debate on the introduction of transnational lists for the elections to the European Parliament. Transnational lists would allow candidates on a list to be elected from the Union as a single constituency, unlike today, where the member states are divided into separate constituencies. Previous research has mainly focused on an older, similar piece of legislation, introduced by former liberal MEP Andrew Duff, or performed minor empirical tests on how citizens would react to transnational lists being implemented. Hence, I aim to fill a gap in the existing literature and provide a deeper understanding of the subject, as well as how political actors position themselves against each other while debating this. I watched three separate debates in the European Parliament on the subject and transcribed every speech from the debates and created a coding schedule (available on request at john.hultengard (at) Hotmail.com), where I could code each speech as being pro, against or not taking a stance on the issue. By using a frame analysis and a qualitative text analysis as methods, I was able to find an overarching pattern, where I discovered that the EPP, ECR, ENF and non-partisan MEPs joined forces against the Greens, ALDE and S&D, where the first coalition eventually came to win the vote on the issue. The pro-block tended to argue that there is a lack of a public sphere in the EU, and that the transnational lists would be a solution to this issue. The opponents of the idea claimed that transnational lists would weaken the link between citizens and elected MEPs, and hence the solution was to not introduce transnational lists. The two main political groups, EPP and S&D, experienced major internal divisions on the issue. Further research on this subject is necessary to give a clearer picture of the debate. Key words: Transnational lists, European Parliament, party groups, AFCO, democratic deficit, frame analysis.

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Through globalization non-state actors including transnational corporations (TNC), have taken on a more important global governance role from the nation state, where they through their CSR initiatives, impact social issues surrounding development. There are however conflicting views whether CSR could contribute to development in the society. TNCs CSR engagement mainly concerns social issues at the workplace such as complying with labour rights. But workers right to organize and bargain collectively (FoA), which is a universally adopted labour right, is not emphasized on despite being vital for a democratic and sound labour market that ensures decent working and living conditions and even facilitates poverty reduction and development. Respecting FoA is particularly important in the context of a low-skilled and labor-intensive workforce with a low rule law and bad working conditions, which is often the case in developing countries where many of the apparel and telecom sector produces. Based on the importance of FoA and the critical views whether TNCs CSR initiatives really can improve FoA and thus development, this thesis will explore whether and how three TNCs, that produces in the above described context, address FoA by analyzing their strict policy and practical measures taken. Through using and applying theory and empirics of CSR and FoA, this thesis is conducted as a comparative case study of H&M, IKEA and Ericsson through a qualitative text analysis. The result shows that two out of three TNCs do not emphasize on addressing FoA since they disregard it as well as do not enforce practical measures directed toward FoA, but takes a more overall human rights approach. Whereas H&M highly address FoA by enforcing many projects that physically involves thousands of workers and enables them to organize and bargain collectively, which facilitates improved working and living conditions. The conclusion is that when TNCs, through their CSR initiatives, takes on a global governance role, they should address FoA by enforcing practical measures that physically involves and enable workers to organize and bargain collectively, since this can facilitate poverty reduction and development.

This study is about the group of transnational adoptees, which means adoptions that includes a transfer of children to families who racially and culturally different from them. The Swedish research regarding to this group of adoptees is relatively limited. Especially in relation to the phenomenon like race, whiteness and racism. There is a need for more knowledge about what it means to be Swedish and non-white, something that the group adoptees has experience of.                      The purpose of this study is to examine if, and in that case how, it is possible to discern a pattern of Swedishness boundaries using the adoptees experience, and to find out how notions of race interacts with these experiences. The study is based on a qualitative approach and the empirical material consists of interviews with four adoptees. To understand my empirical data I have chosen to work with several different theoretical perspectives to illustrate the phenomenon as can be seen as border guards of Swedishness concerning to the adoptees. These phenomenon’s are: race and whiteness, and racialization and (everyday) racism. I am also inspired by the American research field of critical race and whiteness studies, but from a Swedish context.                       The results show that the main limit for Swedishness goes at the adoptees non-white bodies. It is also by their non-white bodies as they get their belonging in Sweden questioned and can be considered as almost Swedes. It is also their non-Swedish appearance that allows them to be exposed to racialization and racism in everyday life. Thus, it is possible to argue, on the basis of the adoptees stories, that race as construction exists and that we must speak of it to be able to understand how it, as adopted (Swedish), is to live in a non-white body in Sweden today.

Med anledning av att arbetslösheten är hög bland invandrare och att de i stor utsträckning startar företag är det intressant att se hur invandrarföretagare finansierar uppstarten av sin verksamhet. Av den anledningen är det också intressant att förstå vad som ligger bakom den valda finansieringsformen. Många invandrare som vill starta företag i Sverige stöter på problem tidigt i processen då de ofta blir diskriminerade av banker genom att inte bli beviljade lån i samma utsträckning som svenskfödda. Dessa begränsningar i tillgång till kapital via formella vägar öppnar upp för mer informella alternativ. En lösning skulle kunna vara att anförskaffa sig kapital via släkt och vänner som är kvar i hemlandet, med så kallade reverse remittances. Genom intervjuer med invandrarföretagare uppdelade i två olika grupper (en grupp som helt eller delvis använt reverse remittances som finansiering och en grupp som använt banklån och/eller andra finansiella medel) studerades valet av finansieringsform. Även sambandet mellan att ta emot och själv skicka remitteringar observerades. Då större delen av de invandrarföretagare som intervjuades inte hade varit i kontakt med banken innan finansieringsformen bestämdes finns ingenting i den här studien som tyder på att finansiering med reverse remittances beror på diskriminering hos bankerna. Den här studien visar istället att de främsta anledningarna till att reverse remittances används som finansiering är att det uppfattas som ett tillgängligt alternativ då invandrarföretagarna ingår i transnationella nätverk som byggs på en hög grad av tillit. Skillnaderna mellan de två urvalsgruppernas mönster i huruvida de själva remitterar eller inte visar sig i den här studien vara näst intill obefintliga. Istället beror remitteringsmönstret i båda urvalsgrupperna på kulturen inom de transnationella nätverken, en stark relation till remitteringsmottagaren och ett uttalat behov av pengar. Även om det finns antydningar på att företagarna som helt eller delvis finansierats med reverse remittances har något större benägenhet att själva remittera har studien inte kunnat se något tydligt samband mellan att ta emot remitteringar och själv remittera. / Given that the labor market for immigrants in Sweden has high unemployment and that immigrants to a large extent start businesses, makes it interesting to see how they finance the start-up. It also makes it interesting to try to understand the reasons that may lay behind the choice of funding source. However, many immigrants who want to start a business in Sweden encounter problems early in the process since banks tend to discriminate immigrants and not grant them loans to the same extent as to those born in Sweden. The constraints in access to capital through formal options open up for more informal alternatives. One solution could be to go through friends and family who still live  in their country of origin, through so-called reverse remittances. The reason behind the choice of funding source was studied through interviews with immigrant entrepreneurs divided into two groups; one group that received reverse remittances as funding source and one group that used bank loans and/or other funding sources. Additionally this study also looked at the linked relationship between entrepreneurs receiving and sending remittances. Since the greater part of the immigrant entrepreneurs that where interviewed had not been in contact with the bank before choosing source of funding, discrimination cannot be said to be the reason behind funding by reverse remittances. This study shows that the main reason for the use of reverse remittances rather is because the immigrant entrepreneurs belong to strong transnational networks built up by a high level of trust. No specific differences in the remittance pattern between the two sample groups have been found. It is rather the culture within the transnational network, strong ties to the remittance receiver and an expressed need for money that seem to decide whether immigrant entrepreneurs send remittances or not. This study has not either been able to point out whether there is a relationship between receiving and sending remittances among immigrant entrepreneurs in Sweden, apart rom some insinuations that the entrepreneurs funded by reverse remittances tend to remit to a slightly larger extent.

Detta är en kvalitativ studie vars huvudfokus belyser hur två etniska folkgrupper, ”assyrier/syrianer” samt bosniaker förhåller sig till sin etniska identitet utanför ursprungslandet och hur dem ser på att leva i diasporiska grupper. Studien behandlar även betydelsen av transnationella nätverk och förbindelser över nationsgränser. Diasporiska grupper har kommit att utveckla transnationella nätverk som överskrider nations gränser och människor liv påverkas dagligen direkt samt indirekt av att leva mellan två identiteter. Det finns människor i samhället som drar nytta av denna kulturella rikedom som finns inom etniska och kulturella föreningar men det finns även dem som ser begräsningar inom samhället genom att ha två identiteter. / This is a qualitative study whose primary focus illustrates how the two ethnic groups, assyrians/Syriac and the bosniaks relate to their etnich identity outside their country of origin, and how they look at living in diaspora communities. The study also addresses the importance of transnational networks and connections across national borders. Diasporic groups have come to develop transnational connections that excess nation´ borders and human lives are affected daily direct and indirect of living between two identities. There are people in society who benefit from this cultural richness that exists within ethnic and cultural associations, but there are also those who see the limitations of the society having two identities.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka vilken inverkan försörjningskravet har på familjers möjlighet gällande att återförenas i Sverige och vilka konsekvenserna blir av att tvingas leva ofrivlligt splittrad från sin familj på grund av en restriktiv migrationspolitik. Vidare undersöker studien hur ett teoretiskt perspektiv på familjesplittring kan bidra till att till att identifiera behovet av stöd under separationen och i förlängning utveckla det sociala arbetet avseende gruppen splittrade. Det empiriska materialet utgår ifrån en kvalitativ ansats och består av fem intervjuer med civilsamhälleliga aktörer som jobbat med personer som lever splittrade från sina familjer på grund av den rådande migrationspolitiken och empirin har analyserats ur ett intersektionellt och transnationellt perspektiv.  Resultatet har visat att försörjningskravet präglas av samhällets exkluderande och inkluderande mekanismer vilket gör det svårt för personer med flyktingbakgrund att nå upp till kravet och därmed få återförenas med sin familj. Att tvingas leva ofrivilligt splittrad från sin familj har visat sig en negativ inverkan på den psykiska hälsan, integrationen samt relationerna inom familjen. Studien visar hur oron för familjen genomsyrar individernas liv och hur stressen av att nå upp till kravet är påtaglig vilket även hämmar den integration regeringen menar försörjningskravet ska resultera i. Analysen av empirin har utifrån de valda teoretiska ansatserna visat på ett behov av stöd bland gruppen splittrade som inte identifierats av välfärdsstatens organisationer och det sociala arbetet. / The purpose of the study is to investigate what impact the maintenance requirement has on refugee families' ability to reunite in Sweden and what the consequences of being forced to live involuntarily separated from their family due to a restrictive migration policy are. Furthermore, the study examines how a theoretical perspective on family separation can contribute to identifying the need for support during the separation and in the long run develop the social work regarding the affected members of the family. The empirical material is based on a qualitative approach and consists of five interviews with civil society actors who have worked with people living involuntarily separated from their families due to the current migration policy and the empirical data have been analyzed from an intersectional and transnational perspective. The results have shown that the maintenance requirement is characterized by society's exclusive and inclusive mechanisms, which makes it difficult for people with a refugee background to reach the requirement and thus be reunited with their family. Being forced to live involuntarily separated from one's family has been shown to have a negative impact on mental health, integration and family relationships. The study shows how concern for the family permeates the lives of individuals and how the stress of reaching the requirement is palpable, which also hampers the integration the government believes the maintenance requirement should result in. Based on the chosen theoretical approaches, the analysis of the empirical data has shown a need for support among the group of people having been separated which has not been identified by organizations and civil society actors in the welfare state.