The purpose of this paper is to describe in what ways integration is being described from The Swedish Left party. The methods to do so is by using a model for analyzing ideas expressed through legislation bills and by observing the parties’ official communication. The analyzing model differs between four main traditions of integration, the liberal multiculturalism, egalitarian liberalism, the politics of recognition and the politics of difference.

The protests and strikes in Västervik 1917 have been considered to be the start of the hunger movement in Sweden. The events have been called the Swedish revolution. The Swedes who participated were inspired by the February revolution in Russia, and there were similarities, but the reformist side won and the outcome was the equal vote for most men and women. This essay analyzes the way four newspapers report from the events in relation to the political orientation of the newspapers, the involvement of women in the strikes and protests, and how the events in Västervik can be used for educational purposes. The two right wing newspapers wrote negatively about the worker´s movement and, the two left wing newspapers published articles that acknowledged the struggle of the workers and the abuse against the workers by the factory owners. Three of the newspapers (Smålands Allehanda, Smålands Folkblad and Västerviks Veckoblad) initially have relatively neutral articles and the comments about the opposing political side are relatively subtle. The revolutionary syndicalist newspaper Syndikalisten has a more aggressive tone because it functions as the official paper of SAC, the Swedish workers central organization. The inquiry shows that women were not that much involved in the strikes and protests in Västervik. They were active in the certain sectors, such as foodstuff, where they, in certain cases, could make a big difference. The events in Västervik 1917 can be used in school when the students work with the history of their local communities in a social learning environment.

Denna uppsats ämnar utforska ett statsvetenskapligt område med en sociologisk teori för att ge ett nytt verktyg i läsandet av partiprogram. Med hjälp av Peter L. Bergers teori om kosmiskt världsbyggande kallad Nomos läses partiprogram för att fram den politiska världsbyggnaden. Genom att identifiera Objektivering (politiska idéer) och Externalisering (politisk handling) i partiprogrammen försöker uppsatsen bryta ner partiprogrammen för att underlätta läsningen. Detta underlättande ger ett verktyg för förståelse av partiprogram och kan i förlängningen leda till en förbättrad källkritisk aspekt genom att läsaren förstår och kan ta ställning till de idéer och mål som presenteras, och inte bara anfalla en vägg av text. / This essay aims to explore a problem within the political sciences with a sociological theory to provide a new approach to reading political parties campaign publications. Through Peter L. Bergers sociological theory about cosmic world construction called Nomos the essay aims to capture a societal world construction through the political parties’ conceptions of society through their campaign publications; a political nomos. By identifying objectivation (political ideas) and externalization (political acts) in the publications we can try to capture the parties’ political nomos that they try to convey to the reader. In extension this provides a tool for educational purposes when trying to explain political parties’ publication to pupils or aiding in the understanding of parties underlying ideas and goals.

This paper addresses how political parties make decisions. Parties often have to choose between conflicting objectives such as influence on policy, control of the government, and support among the voters. This paper examines the behavior of the two Swedish parties on one of their particular policy positions: Swedish withdrawal from the EU. The aim is to describe why the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) retain this specific policy position when it on one hand seems damaging to their chances of getting into government, and on the other seems to be an unrealistic policy to realize. I undertake a twocase study of the two Swedish parties, which I assume to represent a population of Nordic parties critical to the EU. I employ a theory based on an analytical framework of three models of party goals and behaviors: office, policy or votes. The analysis seeks to identify the factors and the motives behind the parties’ stubborn policy. By studying material from two party congresses and interviewing representatives from each party, I conclude that the policy position is important mainly for reasons of principle and symbolism. The structure of the EU represents all that the Left and the Greens dislike and, together with the Swedish critical EU opinion, it becomes almost a duty for the parties to keep their strong aversion towards Swedish membership in the EU. And while the parties do not perceive that the keeping of the policy would be an obstacle for other party goals, it will not be cut out from the party program.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva riksdagsledamöternas twittrande och försöka lyfta framnågot av det som kännetecknar Twittermediet. Det uppfylls genom att besvara frågorna: • Vilken typ av interpersonella språkhandlingar utförs i riksdagsledamöternas twittrande? • Hur kan man kategorisera och beskriva de interpersonella språkhandlingarna? • Skiljer sig språkhandlingarna åt beroende på parti-, blocktillhörighet eller kön? • Finns det några språkliga särdrag som är typiska för riksdagsledamöternas användande avTwittermediet? Frågorna besvaras genom att undersöka alla tweets som skrevs av någon ledamot av Sverigesriksdag den 5 mars 2013. Uppsatsen beskriver flera aspekter av riksdagsledamöternas twittrande. Vanligaste allmänna språkhandling är ett påstående, ibland följt av en fråga. Både beröm och kritikutdelas men följer då alltid mönstret kritik åt politisk motståndare och beröm åt politisk vän. Sverigedemokraterna uttalar sig oftare med tvärsäkerhet och mer sällan med garderingar än övrigapartier. Inga stora skillnader mellan könen och Alliansen respektive de Rödgröna står att finna. Twittermediet är ofta informellt och snabbt vilket ger upphov till nya språkliga konstruktioner ochibland rena fel.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the democratic views in the two latest party platforms, belonging to the two Swedish political parties Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna. This by applying Robert A. Dahl's democracy model, Polyarchy, and Carol Pateman's democratic Participatory model, on to the party platforms. By doing so, my hopes were to determine if the two political parties can classify themselves as democratic parties. The result shows that both Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna meet the majority of the democratic demands created by Robert A. Dahl and Carol Pateman.

This study is a qualitative investigation, the study is focused on the Swedish political party the Left Party and the party’s environmental politics. Previous research has shown that former traditional socialist parties have been greening over time, a phenomenon called greening of the left. Socialist parties are emphasising a strict and radical environmental politics such as deep ecological politics to stop climate change and overthrow capitalism. At the same time, traditional right-left politics seem to belong in the 20th century, and the new politics is now identified as the GAL-TAN scale. The purpose of this study is to analyse the Swedish Left Party using idea and ideology analysis to see what kind of environmental politics the Left Party is currently implementing, and whether there has been a change over time. The results of the study is that the Left Party has implemented a deep ecology type of environmental politics, and that there has been a change over time where the Left Party first implemented ecologism, and have slowly over the past 30 years moved towards deep ecology. Thus, the conclusion of this study is that the Swedish Left Party is yet another example of greening of the left. / Denna studie behandlar Vänsterpartiet och Vänsterpartiets förhållande till miljöpolitik. Tidigare forskning inom vänsterpartiers förhållande till miljöpolitik visar att vänsterpartier tenderar att bedriva en djupekologisk miljöpolitik. Tidigare forskning visar även att vänsterpartier över tid har rört sig mot den djupekologiska politiken, ett fenomen som kallas greening of the left. Tidigare forskning visar även att traditionell höger-vänster politik inte alltid är applicerbart, och den nya metoden att kategorisera politiska partier är GAL-TAN skalan. Syftet med denna studie är att besvara två forskningsfrågor rörande vilken typ av miljöpolitik Vänsterpartiet bedriver, och huruvida det finns ett skifte över tid. Metoden som använts för studien är idé och ideologianalys. Resultatet för studien visar att Vänsterpartiet i dagsläget bedriver en djupekologisk miljöpolitik, och att det har förekommit ett skifte över tid. Vänsterpartiet bedrev från början en miljöpolitik som liknar ekologism, och har de senaste 30 åren gått mot djupekologi. Slutsatsen är således att Vänsterpartiet går i samklang med den internationella forskningen, och kan därför ses som ett bidrag till nuvarande forskning.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the phenomenon of populism in Sweden among the Sweden Democrats and the Left Party, as well as their youth unions young Swedes and young left. The study applies the tool VDP analysis in which it is used as an instrument on the parties and their youth unions to identify ideas that mainly constitute their policy. To define populism, one uses Cas Mudde's definition as well as the four subtypes of populism: Complete populism, Exclucionary populism, Anti-elitist populism and Empty populism. The criteria for the different subtypes are tested with the help of the information from the VDP analyzes in order to apply a subtype and to identify differences between moderators and youth associations. The study shows that the Sweden Democrats' survey criteria for complete populism are similar to their youth union. The Left Party and the Young Left result is in criteria for anti-elitist populism. The study also shows that parties and youth unions do not differ in populist subtypes, but youth unions tend to stand out more in their policies compared to their parent parties. / Studies syfte är att undersöka fenomenet populism i Sverige hos Sverigedemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet, samt deras ungdomsförbund Ungsvenskarna och Ung Vänster. Studien tillämpar verktyget VDP-analys som används som ett instrument på partierna och deras ungdomsförbund för att identifiera de idéer som huvudsakligen utgör deras politik. För att definiera populism använder sig studien av Cas Muddes definition samt de fyra subtyperna tunn-centrerad populism, anti-elitistisk populism, exkluderande populism och fullständig populism. Kriterierna för de olika subtyperna prövas med hjälp av informationen från VDP-analyserna för att dels applicera en subtyp, dels för att identifiera skillnader mellan moderparti och ungdomsförbund. Studien visar att Sverigedemokraterna uppfyller kriterierna för fullständig populism likt deras ungdomsförbund. Vänsterpartiet och Ung Vänster uppfyller kriterierna för anti-elitistisk populism. Studien visar också att partierna och ungdomsförbunden inte skiljer sig i populistisk subtyp men ungdomsförbunden tenderar att sticka ut mer i sin politik jämfört med deras moderpartier.

This study aims to clarify why the Liberal People’s Party and the Left Party at multiple occasions have changed in their respective approach to the government alternatives in connection with the formation of government in Sweden during the period of 2019-2021. The study’s focus emphasizes on determining the two parties' different motives which can explain why the parties have acted in a particular manner. Relevant data that provide motivations for the parties’ actions have been collected and analysed. The parties' motivations have then been applied to four different theoretical models provided by Wolfgang C. Müller, Kaare Strøm and Gunnar Sjöblom. The different models each suggest different motives, office-seeking, policy-seeking, vote-seeking, and intraparty cohesion. The questions formulated to answer the aim of this study is as follows, how can the Liberal People’s Party as well as the Left Party’s change in their respective approach to the government alternatives be explained by the office-seeking, policy-seeking, vote-seeking, and intraparty cohesion models? The main result of the study shows that there is not a single motive behind the parties' changed approach to the government alternatives, rather than the different motives combined that explain the change in the party’s behaviour.

This essay intended to examine gender equality policies of four parliamentary parties in Sweden. The parties selected for this thesis were the Left Party, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats. This thesis aim was to study the parties’ election manifestos, party programs and debates in order to compare the parties’ gender equality policies with each other through a qualitative idea analysis. The investigation is centered around three equality issues which are honour-related violence and oppression, economic inequality and men's violence against women. The results presented that the parties have different views on both what equality is and what measures need to be taken to achieve equality. The Left Party and the Social Democrats focused on demolishing patriarchal power structures and working preventively. The Liberals rather emphasized individual over the group and punishing crimes. The Sweden Democrats, in turn, argued that there were no widespread patriarchal power structures in society and that a large factor in violence against women came from excess immigration and increased punishments rather than preventing crime. The survey shows that the politics of all parties are not characterized by gender equality. Rather, the parties' gender equality policy is characterized by the party's other policies.