本論文以1861年至1936年間的俄國「新女性」特質變化為主題，從雷蒙威廉斯文化霸權理論之角度，探討主流「新女性」特質的改變過程。十九世紀中葉，俄國沙皇受西歐影響，推動工業化與現代化政策，企圖將落後的傳統農業社會轉型成現代化工業都市。一八六一年亞歷山大二世解放農奴，農民進城求職，俄國步入都市化階段。都市化使俄國政治、經濟、文化、思想與社會結構產生劇變，其中以鄉村與城市人口結構改變對社會影響最大。男人從傳統農夫變成城市工人，農村勞力的空缺只能由婦女遞補。女性為維持生計與照顧家庭，漸漸從家庭附屬地位變成主導地位，甚至出現大量走出家庭工作的工廠女工。 從這段時期至一九三○年間，整個俄國社會以女性角色變化最為顯著。 教育普及使得平民知識份子數量漸增，向西方學習的社會風氣與心理驅使許多俄國男女出國留學。女性教育水平提高，範圍也從貴族階層深入至中產階級之女性。西化的知識份子將西歐社會男女平權的思想引進傳統的俄國封建社會，男尊女卑的社會觀念與傳統性別特質受到質疑。在這些西化知識份子的鼓吹下，女性開始滲入過去由男性主導的公共領域。她們致力將兩性平等意識帶入俄國，欲改變男權主導社會下女性之悲慘命運。儘管遭遇許多挫折，「女性問題」成功引起社會大眾注意，而這些不同以往的俄國女性便被稱為「新女性」(Новая женщина)。一八六○～七○年代除了國家與社會問題，婦女解放、女性主義與激進改革思潮同樣為社會爭論的焦點。 「新女性」特質不僅象徵女性運動發展，它代表一種意識型態。生理性別(sex)或許只牽涉到男人與女人在生理上之差異，但性別認同(gender)卻與社會、文化有極大的關係。男性與女性在不同的社會期待下產生不同的思維方式，「人們傾向於相信他們已瞭解到，一個人是男是女，並不是因為透過生理上的檢查而決定這個人是生物意義上的男性或女性。相反地，我們往往會去注意一個人是否具有男性氣概或女性特質。在我們的社會中，性別是個人的一項社會性特質，此特質只在某些時候才會與生物性別相互一致。」 所以，一般認為的女性氣質乃是社會建構出來的結果，而非女性天生如此。男性依照自己的期望塑造女性特質，藉由社會化過程讓女性在無形中受到箝制。也就是說，性別意識型態透過社會傳播與灌輸，進入女性的意識中，此一過程即為「型塑」(fashioning)。 十九世紀男性作家筆下的新女性、女性自我期許的新女性及蘇聯共產社會的蘇聯新女性，這三種不同的認知代表不同的意識型態，同時發揮不同的文化作用。 英國文化研究學著雷蒙‧威廉斯乃是將西方馬克思主義者葛蘭西(Antonio Gramsci, 1891-1937)提出的霸權(hegemony)概念應用至一般文化現象之人。他認為所有文化建構過程都是經由殘留、主流與新興三股力量交會演變而成。這三股力量各自產生不同的意識型態與文化，三種文化的相互影響將決定統治階級是否能穩固其政權。西方馬克思主義乃是延伸馬克思主義的階級概念而發展出的文化理論，但統治與被統治關係並非僅存於資本階級社會，號稱摧毀階級制度的蘇維埃無產階級社會同樣存在統治與被統治關係。一八六一年到一九三六年正值俄國新舊政權交替之時，社會混亂且人民思想自由，殘留、主流與新興文化之互動尤其明顯。本論文透過「新女性」特質轉變呈現俄國文化發展與蘇維埃文化霸權建立之過程。

1987年國父紀念館女性員工因懷孕而遭到雇主解雇的事件發生，促使婦女新知基金會檢討台灣女性的工作權益，並於1989年草擬完成一部專屬勞動婦女的「男女工作平等法」草案。但從法案的提出到三讀通過卻歷經了12年之久，因而誘發作者想瞭解到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或有其它的結構性因素的操作延宕法案的通過。 過去國家機器與資本家是建立在「共謀」關係上，因此，法案的提出勢必影響兩者的「共謀」關係。丙國家如何在不傷及資本家又能顧及女性勞動利益下，制訂出「兩性工作平等法」。國家尋求哪些不同的解決途徑？資本力量又是如何鑲嵌在政治勢力中對法案產生嚴重的阻撓作用？法案的通過是否代表婦運團體對於國家機器與資本主義運作的挑戰成功？ 本文目的在於釐清婦運如何挑戰國家機器與市場機制，而制定出保障婦女的法令政策，同時在整個推法過程中，新知如何逼使國家提出相對法案。文中也將呈現資本家如何透過在立法院的代言人影響法案的通過與制定，以及在整個立法過程中，婦運團體如何顛覆父權思想與資本主義體系的運作邏輯。因此，除了探究職場中存在哪些性別不平等的結構事實外，還必須剖析這些現象的產生是因結構、制度因素而成的，或是婦運變遷的結果。以及到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或是因為其他的結構性因素的操作而不能完成立法。 在資本主義下女性除了面臨職場內兩性不平等的對待外，更要擔負沈重的家務責任。但對於這些不平等的對待，過去並未有學者深入分析研究。第二章即說明女性因料理家務未就業、因懷孕生子退出勞動市場等行為何以稱為是「就業歧視」。經濟學觀點、社會文化觀點又如何看待女性勞動，女性主義觀點對於父權及資本主義叉提出哪些批判？ 第三章將論述80年代末期台灣政治結構轉型加速了社會運動的發展，其中社會運動的特質、運動方式及策略有哪些？婦女運動與社會運動有何不同之處何在？本章主要論述社會運動與婦女運動問的關係以及婦女運動中的「兩性工作平等法」的出現，與台灣政經脈絡及社會結構有何種關係。 第四章將陳明國家與資本家如何回應婦運團體的立法？此外，並論述婦運團體如何推法，運用哪些運動策略以及如何將女性主義實踐在法律條文中，便其成為體制或制度的一部分。最後，本章將側重國家在法案推動過程中角色的扮演。國家在法案推動過程中，是否一如過去馬克思主義所言是資本階級的代言者，或是國家在法案中另有其政策考量？為何國家態度從原先的拖延到主動提出相對版本，甚至有轉為積極的態度？ 第五章則在於論述「兩性工作平等法」如何挑戰資本主義市場運作？而它的出現又是如何制衡資本主義市場對女性勞動者的過度剝削或歧視行為？女性主義如何將其理念實踐在法條中，對資本主義與父權進行更進一步的挑戰？如第四章所論，國家過去與資本家關係密切，所以在不願得罪資本家的態度下一直拖延法案審查。資本家透過哪些管道間接或直接影響法案本身的推動？運用哪些方式阻撓法案的通過？婦運團體又運用哪些策略與戰術逼使國家正視法案且最終通過三讀。 關鍵字：國家機器、父權、資本主義、婦女運動、女性主義、「兩性工作平等法」、婦女新知基金會 / In 1987, female employees who worked in Sun-Yet-Sen Memorial Hall, were laid off because of their pregnancy, thus promoting the Awakening Foundation to look back to the bill regarding female labor in Taiwan, and the draft belongs to laboring women-The Men and Women Equal Employment Bill was finished In 1989, but it took 12 years from the lift to the passing of the three-read, so this induced the author to want to understand if the government ignored the rights of women on purpose or are there other constant factors which caused the delay of the passing of the draft. In the past, the state apparatus and the capitalists were built on collusion; thus, the lifting of the Bill must affect the relationship of the collusion of the two. Therefore, the state must decide on the Equal Employment Bill without hurting all capitalists while caring for the interests of women. What solution is our government seeking? How is capital power embedded in the political power frustrating the effect to the law? Does the passing of the Bill successfully present the women group to challenge the operation of state apparatus and capitalism? The aim of this article is to clarify the women movement challenging the state apparatus and marketing organism, to make relative laws of state guarding the women while promoting the laws how Awakening stops our government to offer relative laws. This article shows how the capitalists have affected the passing and making of the law through legislators, and in the whole process of making the law, how the women group overthrow the operating logic of patriarchy and capitalism. Thus, aside from discussing what unfair structural facts exist in the working field, we must dissect whether the producing of phenomenon belong to structure or institutional factor or the outcome of the change of women movement, and is the state ignoring women's right purposely or there are other institutional factors that prevents the Bill from being passed. Aside from facing the unfair treatment in the working field under capitalism, women also need to bear the heavy burden of a caring for the family. In the past, no scholars analyzed and researched these unfair treatments. The second chapter informs us how women quit working because of family duty or pregnancy, either of which is considered a discrimination, how the economical opinion or social-cultural opinion looks at women labor, and what is the opinion of feminists opposing and criticize patriarchy and capitalism? The third chapter discusses the political transformation of Taiwan by the end of the eighties, which accelerated the social movement development, discussing what character, ways and tactics of the social movement, and the difference between women movement and social movement. In this chapter, we'll talk about the relationship of the social movement and women movement, and the appearance of the Equal Employment Bill in the women movement? What kind of relationship is there between the political and economic contexts, and social structure in Taiwan. The forth chapter talks about how the state and capitalists respond to the women group pushing the Bill? Even more, I will discuss how women group was able to complete the bill, what actions they used and how feminism was realized the law, promoting these to become part of the apparatus or the institution. In the end, this chapter will focus on the role-playing of the state in this Bill. In the process of pushing the Bill, according to Marxism: is state the spokesman of capital class, or are there other considerations in the policy? How come the attitude of the state from originally delaying the passing of the bill to actively offering relative solutions, even turning to aggressive attitude? The fifth chapter discusses how the Equal Employment Bill challenges the work of capitalism, and how its appearance balances capitalism's work over women labor to exploit or discriminate them too much? How does feminism, realized in the Bill, challenges capitalism and patriarchy? As what we have discussed in the fourth chapter, state and capitalists are very much related in the past, so the state constantly delays the examination of the Equal Employment Bill so as not to offend the capitalists. Through what do the capitalists frustrate the Bill directly or indirectly? What ways do they use to frustrate the completion of the Bill? And what ploy and tactics do women groups use to make our state facing up to the Bill and eventually pass the three-read. How did feminism challenge capitalism and patriarchy, thus improving or advancing the practice of law? Key Words : state apparatus、patriarchy、capitalism、women movement、feminism、Equal Employment Bill、Awakening Foundation

基於生理、心理與社會因素，女性愉悅較男性複雜。本論文試圖藉由美國當代暢銷作家尼克拉斯‧史派克的愛情小說為文本，結合許多性別相關的理論去探討女性愉悅。史派克的羅曼史是當代文本，唯美的純愛是其特色，然而，這些帶來美好感受的愛情故事，是否是讀者們真心嚮往的美好愛情? 讀者在享受閱讀文本的當下，或許也默默地被一種僵化的愛情公式所限制，所謂的快樂，也許只是一種暫時的麻痺。 本篇論文從幾個不同角度切入去分析女性愉悅和羅曼史的關聯，第一章以丁尼斯坦的理論為切入點，就心理與社會層面探究為何女性在選擇伴侶上比男性有著更多限制，其理論也連結到嬰兒期由母親養育對於不同性別成年後伴侶關係有影響 ; 第二章以史派克這三本羅曼史<<手札情緣>><<瓶中信>><<分手信>>文本為主，並結合性別理論去分析羅曼史，探討其女性在羅曼史中的真相為何，文本裡也有許多部份展現出女性的許多壓抑；第三章以讀者回應為主要分析，藉由社群網站臉書的讀者真實回應，並結合過去其他做過相關讀者回應的理論與實際田野調查，分析不同時候讀者都藉由羅曼史得到快樂，不同的讀者群有共同與相異的讀者回應；第四章從這三本羅曼史的書信體形式，研究他者的缺席如何帶來快樂與痛苦，遠距離的愛情造就書信的存在，這其中的等待與期待，盼望與失望，主體不斷找尋失落客體的過程，都不斷創造失落與愉悅；第五章結論綜合前四章論點，提出女性要真正愉悅的努力方向。 / Due to biological, psychological and social reasons, female pleasure is seen as much more complicated than male pleasure. In this thesis, I try to analyse female pleasure by applying gender theories to the romances of Nicholas Sparks. Sparks is a contemporary writer mainly producing pure love stories. Are these love stories the ideal that readers pursue? When readers get pleasure from reading romance, they may be brainwashed unconsciously and limited by a fixed pattern of love. So-called happiness might be a temporary escape. This thesis attempts to analyse the relationship between female pleasure and romance from several perspectives. Chapter 1 assesses Dorothy Dinnerstenin’s viewpoint that women face more psychological and societal constraints when choosing a partner. The mother takes care of children when they are infants, leading to differentiation of the opposite sex as they grow up. Chapter 2 examines three of Sparks’ romances – The Notebook, Message in a Bottle and Dear John – in the context of various theories to analyse the truth in romance and how repression is reflected in these texts. In Chapter 3, readers’ responses are the main focus. I have used readers’ responses gathered from Facebook and have made a connection with other romance reader responses. I have also attempted to combine both the similar and different viewpoints in Radwan’s Reading Romance and Linda K. Christian-Smith’s Becoming a Woman through Romance with my own analysis. In Chapter 4, I have used the epistolary form of these three romances to research how the lack of the other brings pleasure and pain. The epistolary form stems from long distance relationships, and during the process of waiting letters, the subject keeps finding the lost object and acquires pleasure and pain again and again. Chapter 5 is my conclusion and proposes a way for women to find real pleasure.

本研究從女性主義理論角度出發，主要研究目的在探討現今國中教師在教學互動過程裡，是否展現出性別角色刻板化態度？他們的態度否因其人口特質（如：性別、年齡、省籍、婚姻狀況）、師資培育訓練歷程、教學及行政經驗的不同而產生差異？上述的因素是如何影響教師的兩性平等教育意識（包括教學平權態度、教學性別區隔、女性主義理念）？ 本研究係採用研究者自行編製的問卷作為研究工具，研究範圍則限台北市及台北縣國民中學，從研究者個人網絡選擇受訪者，再由受訪者代替研究者於授課學校進行隨機抽樣調查，總計有效樣本為401份。樣本資料經檢核登錄後，研究者以SAS統計分析軟體進行資料分析。 研究結果及主要發現如下： 一、男老師仍然掌控學校行政事權，女老師不僅較少參與行政工作，也因為傳統性別角色的影響（包括：母職及傳統女性角色的壓抑），她們的行政意願普遍低落。 二、教師的教學態度仍深為性別刻板角色所左右，包括教師仍強調複製兩性特質的教育功能及女性的母職角色。 三、教師仍容易以〝性別〞作為評估與詮釋學生行為的必然標準，．此外〝性別〞也是教師在控制學生及教室管理的重要方式；男教師的教學態度明額較不平權。 四、多數教師贊成教育機會平等，但對於〝女性主義教育理念〞（給予女性更多的教育資源以扭轉其弱勢地位）接受度低。 五、教師對於教職〝性別形象〞（女性化）的重視大過於〝專業能力〞；女教師的教職女性化刻板觀念較深。 六、性別社會化是影響教師〝性別角色刻板化〞及〝兩性教育平等意識〞的主因，女教師對於傳統性別角色的反省與兩性平權教育的思考均比男老師積極。 七、中壯年（40歲以上）教師不僅有明顯的性別偏見，他們對兩性教育的態度也較不平權；自然學科的教師也較贊同〝教育性別區隔〞，這表示他們在判斷學生的學習成就及傾向時，會有〝性別〞的預設立場；教學年數愈長的老師其性別角色的刻板化程度也愈高，他們也較贊同教育應有性別區隔。顯示教育的〝量〞（學習多久）對於個人性別平等意識的影響不如〝質〞（學習內容）來的重要。

本研究從廣義的社區傳播觀點出發，探討傳統社會結構限制下的社區已婚女性，如何展現她們的能動性從家庭「走出來」，並且成為社區大學和在地社區產生連結的中介角色。在已婚女性的個人能動性方面，研究者發現根據女性所擁有的資源差異，會影響她們自我定位協商的方式。其中自主性內隱的女性，使用了「以退為進」的戰術，有意識或無意識地鬆動了傳統「賢妻良母」的自我定位。而在女性發揮能動性的過程裡，她們也展現出一種默會知識樣貌──同理心和禮物經濟。這些默會知識的運用，使她們得以在家庭和社大的場域，扮演橋樑般的角色，在情感層面上建立起對班級、社大與社區的集體認同，以及可被用於即時動員的人際網絡。而她們也會以自己的知識經驗為基礎，將社大的理念轉化為她們所認可的具體行動。 / The idea of "Community Communication" is not limited to the use of community media. In a broader perspective, interpersonal communication in everyday life should also be identified as a sphere of community communication. Therefore my research focused on the interpersonal communication of four married women who took courses in Chi-Mei Community University. From their cases, the agency of married women who lived under traditional social restraints was distinctively uncovered. As long as these female students found their own way out of domestic life, they voluntarily became mediators in community communication. They helped Chi-Mei staff not only in running courses more smoothly but also in building rapport with local inhabitants successfully. All these female students identified themselves with the roles of "wives and mothers." However, based on the different resources they acquired, they developed various tactics in the re-negotiation of self-identities during the post-parental period. In one case where the husband had more power over his wife, the wife swiftly came up with strategic approaches that instead helped her gain the advantages over her husband (sometimes even without his knowing it). With this kind of wit cultivated from daily communications, while studying in Chi-Mei Community University, these married women even foster certain tacit knowledge which can be defined as "empathy" and "gift economy". By making use of tacit knowledge, these women translated the concepts advocated by Chi-Mei staff into real actions. And they were able to mobilize their family members and friends in taking these actions as well. Yet they did not associate their voluntary contributions with the abstract concepts, but attributed the actions to their sense of belongings as a community with Chi-Mei and the people whom they admired. These female students actually underestimated their importance in community mobilization. In fact, after Typhoon Morakot seriously damaged southern Taiwan in August 2009, the community networks fostered by women’s interpersonal communication played crucial roles in delivering materials to those victims in need. This was a good example of how the loosely connected networks could be activated at some critical moment while community mobilization is urgently required.

言論分級的辦法，特別是與性有關的言論分級，往往持著「保護未成年人」的立場落實於政策中。將這種對未成年人的言論限制手段，透過個人道德的論述，建構成一個對於未成年人之人格及人身安全的保護措施。然而在這個巧妙的論述之下，卻掩蓋不住底下騷動不已的權力角逐。 回顧二十世紀八○年代的反色情女性主義論述，麥金儂直接指出「色情」的問題從來就不只是一個道德問題，而是關於政治、關於權力、關於社會結構的問題。事實是，種種對於未成年人可以接觸的資訊、言論施加之限制，也從來都不只是道德問題，而是（如女性主義者尖銳而正確的見解指出的）一個關於政治、權力、結構的問題。言論不只是意見，言論是具有能動性（agency）的。麥金儂表示言論對於社會現實的建構有著莫大的影響力，藍騰更使用奧斯汀的行動（performativity）理論來說明言論的能力。而巴特勒儘管在結論上反對反色情女性主義推動言論管制，卻也是基於肯定言論的行動力，對於言論管制往往剝奪傷害性言論的受害者在言說場域裡能夠自我賦權的機會，更透過公權力對此類言論與歧視結構的肯認，而有強化這個受害者結構的危機。 我將從巴特勒對言論管制手段的批判，以及對於如何透過言說關係的再利用，來試圖顛覆既有的權力關係。現有的所謂「保護」未成年人之言論限制政策，其實一方面是鞏固成年人對未成年人之權力關係，另一方面也是將未成年人的教育視為成年人彼此爭奪權力的場域。我將論證言論的管制策略不僅無法達到「保護」的效果，更是對未成年人之主體性建立的直接傷害：如果言論有建構社會結構，以及建構主體在社會結構中的位置之能力，剝奪這項能力，就是在剝奪未成年人透過性言論與現實世界進行交互辯證的能力，並剝奪其建立以及發展自我主體性之重要工具。