動員戡亂時期公職人員選舉罷免法為我國第一部統一的選舉法典，據以成立的各級選 舉委員會，為辦理中央或地方公職人員選舉、罷免之常設機關，亦屬法制上的創舉， 由於係初次立法施行，不論在理與實際上均尚有爭議之處，值此有關單位正研修選罷 法及有關法令規章之際，筆者以在校所學組織理論為經，以參與選務之經驗為緯，探 討現行選務機關之組織與功能，分析其利弊得失和影響變素，並提出若干興革建議， 期有助於建立更完美的選務機關行政體系之參考。 本論文在選擇問題與相關資料的標準上，係兼採制度的、行為的的、生態的和系統分 析研究途徑，在搜集與處理資料的程序上，則兼採非實驗性的文件分析法、個案法及 準實驗性的抽樣調查法、比較研究法和實地觀察法等研究方法。 全文計分六章，約十五萬餘字，各章內容提要如次： 第一章：「導論」，係說明本論文之研究動機與目的，研究途徑與方法，並概述研究 之內容大要。 第二章：「選務機關之沿革」，係探討自清末以來，辦理中央及地方公職人員選舉、 罷免之選務機關發展及演變的過程。 第三章：「各級選舉委員會之組織」，係以組織理請為分析架構，以現行選務機關組 織為分析素材，旁徵他國之選務機關組織，配合問卷調查及實地觀查所得，探討各級 選舉委員會之靜態結構、動態行為和生態系統。 第四章：「各級選舉委員會之功能」，組織是內部的結構，功能是外部的產出，本章 係分析各級選舉委員會對於整個社會系統所發生之正、負作用，並提出若干加強功能 的 途徑。 第五章：「選舉委員會之地位與關係」，係分別採討各級選舉委員會間、中央選舉委 員會與內政部間及省市、縣市選舉委員會與省市政府，議會間之關係，以釐清各級選 舉委員會在政府體系中之地位與關係。 第六章：「結論」，係綜合檢討現行選務機關組織與功能所存在之缺失，分析其成因 ，并試提若干改進之建議。

戰後美國對於日本進行七年有餘的軍事佔領，為防止日本軍國主義再興，並深植民主制度，指導日本訂定「和平憲法」。日本以「專守防衛」為國防的基本方針，堅持美日安保體制，貫徹不以軍事威脅他國為基本理念。冷戰伊始，日本即由美國安全保障體制獲益，成為經濟強國。 冷戰結束，美國國力下降、日本國力頗有增強。姑不論其軍事力量已悄然躍居全球第四、軍事支出已居世界第二的事實，其先進的科技和數一數二的外匯存底，成為國際矚目的國家，有成為更活躍參與者的本錢。但日本針對參與國際事務與分擔國際責任的程度和方式，國內和國外皆有正反不同的論辯，差異極大。主張積極參與者，都強調日本經濟實力提升之後，對國際社會應有更大的貢獻。反對的論者，則認為日本應避免在國外使用武力的原則不容輕易更動、對外活動增加可能不利對外關係或國內經濟活動;且東亞地區仍有部分國家以日本尚未真誠為侵略史實道歉，特別對日本軍力擴張和「軍國主義」復甦產生聯想，造成相當的阻力，不容日本迅速改變當前的防衛政策。日本固然小心翼翼，不願牽扯國際紛爭與分擔國際責任，但美國人民均認為美口同盟似乎不公平，指責日本坐享其成不負國際責任，是「廉價搭乘」(Cheap ride)美國安保列車。 波斯灣戰爭期間，日本表現出「錢我來出，命你來丟」，只拿出一百三十億美元，戰爭期間自衛隊一步也不能離開日本，引起美國不滿。日本人事後檢討認為未能配合國際需要，失去了作大國責任的機會。美日同盟關係也因兩國經貿與駐日美軍所引發的社會問題，同盟關係進入「飄盪」(drift)時期。一九九四年二月細川首相成立一個首相私人顧問懇談會，檢討日本的安全保障政策與防衛力應有的方向。懇談會檢討指出:日本要擺脫過去在安全保障政策上被動的角色，應主動參與及追求具有建設性的安全保障政策，不僅是對國際社會貢獻，也是日本國民應有的責任，為了達到這個目的，日本必須利用外交、經濟、防衛等各種手段來配合，以建立綜合性的安全保障政策。其作為包括:建立多邊的安全保障合作、充實美日安全保障合作關係、維持高效率的防衛力量等三個主要安全支柱，成為日本邁向廿一世紀安全保障政策與防衛力量應有的新方向。 一九九六年四月美日兩國發表聯合宣言，確認美日安保體制對亞太和平與穩定的重要性後，並於．一九九七年九月公布新的「美日防衛合作指針」。日本國會於一九九九年四～五月間通過「防衛合作新指針」相關法案，使過去雙方一直停留在研究階段的「周邊事態法」、「自衛隊法修訂案」、「美日物品及勞務相互提供協定修訂案」等法案紛紛完成立法，使自衛隊在遂行美日軍事合作有明確的法源依據。 日本在一九九五年十一月新頒布的國家防衛計畫大綱，所制定1996～2000年中期防衛武力建整計晝，即將屆滿，於二 000 年十二月十五日，日本決定再投資高額國防經費，整建2001～2005年之第二期中期防衛武力，冀望建立一支「合理化、效率化、精簡化」之適當的防衛力量，以增強其跨世紀的國防武力及對國際貢獻執行能力。新中期防計畫引進空母型護衛艦、空中加油機及其它軍事投資等，備受中共等鄰國的疑慮與關注。 美國面對後冷戰時期快速改變的亞太環境、為確保其國家戰略利益，美國除支持日本在聯合國維和任務中扮演積極角色，並藉由多邊聯盟安排逐漸引進日本軍事能力，重新定位日本在亞洲的角色，支持日本逐漸成為一個正常國家(normal state)。惟防衛力的增加，並不是單純二國內政的問題，國家之間主體的互動往往因彼此的研判與認知不同而產生誤解引發衝突，或為增強防衛能力可能引發軍備競賽，戰爭的工具增加，和平的維護變得困難和脆弱。在「安全兩難」的環境下，日本在美日安保架構增強防衛武力，區域內各國現階段的反應為何?以及當美國影響力退出本地區，權力平衡失去原來的架構時，區域內可能會有何種變化?以及日本在美國持續敦促參與國際事務，未來對外政策會有什麼新的方向?為本論文研究重點。 關鍵字：專守防衛，樋口報告，武器輸出三原則，吉田茂主義，綜合安全保障戰略，三矢研究案，大東亞共榮圈，周邊事態，飄盪時期，集體自衛權，正常國家。

本論文以十七世紀英國千禧年思想為脈絡，從神學的角度檢視密爾頓千禧年思想的發展。千禧年思想在十六世紀時被斥為異端，但卻在十七世紀初興起，並於英國大革命時達到前所未有的高峰。密爾頓早年並未相信千禧年王國會降臨人世。從密爾頓1640年之前所寫的短詩中，我們發現他期待這個世界結束後，接續而來的是天國。然而隨著內戰爆發，密爾頓也受到當時盛行的千禧年思想所感染；因而在其反對聖公會神職制度文章中，密爾頓熱切企盼基督早日再臨人世，建立千禧年王國。唯此熱度很快就消退，直到1649年查爾斯一世戰敗後，密爾頓又重燃對千禧年王國的渴望。在為弒君辯護的文章中，密爾頓懇求基督速速降臨，在這個世界興起第五王國。但1652年眼睛全盲後，密爾頓對於忍耐有了更深刻的「洞視」，因而也重新調整他的千禧年思想。密爾頓終於體認到主的日子是無法預測的，人只能忍耐等候神。但他仍然持守對於千禧年王國的信仰。1660年當查爾斯二世即將復辟之時，密爾頓最後一次表達他的千禧年思想。他希望英國共和體制能延續到千禧年王國的來臨。然而這次他並未表達對千禧年王國的急切性。在密爾頓的兩部史詩──《失樂園》與《復樂園》──當中，我們看不到任何的千禧年思想。老詩人似乎重拾他早年的思想：天國的盼望。但同時密爾頓也鼓吹大家追求神在人內心創建的樂園；也就是說，神的國已經降臨：神的國並不是外在物質的邦國，而是內在屬靈的國度。 / This dissertation aims to discuss Milton in the context of seventeenth-century English millenarianism. The writer examines the development of Milton’s millenarian ideas through a theological lens. Millenarianism was condemned heretical in the sixteenth century, but it arose at the beginning of the seventeenth century and reached its zenith during the English Revolution. At first, Milton did not believe in the realization of an earthly millennial kingdom. In his early short poems written before 1640, we only find his hope for a kingdom of heaven after the end of the world. However, with the outbreak of the Civil War, Milton was influenced by the then widespread millenarianism, and in his anti-prelatical tracts he expected the imminent coming of Christ to inaugurate an earthly kingdom of God. But his fervency for millenarianism was soon quenched, and was not rekindled until the defeat of Charles I in 1649. In his regicide tracts, he urged the imminence of Christ’s Advent to usher in a terrestrial fifth monarchy. Yet his total blindness in 1652 gave him a deeper “insight” into the value of patience, causing him to readjust his attitude toward millenarianism. After two wrong guesses, Milton finally came to realize in terms of experience that the Day of the Lord was unpredictable, and that all he could do was to wait patiently for God’s time. But he still maintained his belief in the realization of an earthly kingdom of God. On the eve of the Restoration of Charles II in 1660, Milton for the last time uttered his millenarian hope. He wished the English Commonwealth would last until the arrival of God’s millennial kingdom. Only this time he did not urge its imminence. Millenarianism was absent in Milton’s two epics—Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained. In them the old bard seemed to resume his earlier stance: anticipating a heavenly kingdom of God. But he also emphasized the importance of enjoying a paradise within heart—that is, the kingdom of God has already arrived, and it is not an external, physical monarchy, but an inward, spiritual realm.

本篇論文探討的是，台灣「五○年代白色恐怖」政治案件的「集體記憶」（collective memory）保存、復甦和建構的社會過程。 自1949至1987年，我國在戒嚴體制的控制下，「五○年代白色恐怖」的集體記憶曾經長期受到抹黑及消音，當時受難者及其團體在此一記憶的保存上，扮演了關鍵的角色，透過他們私下的集結與聯絡，在團體的脈絡中鞏固了此一記憶。 解嚴前後，過去被壓抑的許多記憶浮上檯面，透過紀念儀式、平反活動、修改法令、保存歷史地標等活動，各方主體重新召喚、組織、競爭詮釋集體記憶，端賴資源不同，決定了競爭結果。但是由於五○年代白色恐怖蘊含的意識型態和國族認同，不完全符合當時社會的需要，因此並未馬上進入國家論述。 隨著舊政權逐漸退出執政集團，新的國民黨政權有「建構新國家」認同的需要，同時遭受地方反對黨政府的強烈挑戰；配合社會控制鬆綁，文化媒介的傳播，民間記憶更加浮現。最後在「朝野大和解」等現實環境的配合之下，受難者團體採取迴避意識型態的論述策略，發揮了臨門一腳的功效，終於讓此一集體記憶進入正式論述，新的「人權論述」的建構和認同也在這個過程中悄悄的重構、凝塑。 但是目前呈現的集體記憶仍是經過篩選、組合後的結果，紀念碑的概念如「人權」、「民主」等，已獲得這一波國族建構的認可；但是相對的，由於兩岸的僵局未解，左翼思潮和運動仍然被排除在外；少數族群、弱勢性別的詮釋權也相對被忽略。目前各種不同主體，仍在互動中持續移動建構，或許下一次大規模的記憶召喚，隨時可能在適當的時機，再度出現在公共論域。

1945年8月15日二次大戰結束至10月25日台灣「光復」之間，台灣究竟屬於何種狀態？過去戰後初期研究往往直接探討國民政府與台灣人之間的族群對立，以及二二八事件發生之社會因素等課題，並未探討日本戰敗對台灣帶來的涵義及此71日的「真空時期」。因此本論文將以戰爭結束前後至國民政府來台接收前為觀察範圍，探索當時的台灣社會與台灣人之動向。 戰爭結束前，在台灣總督府嚴密統制下，大部分台灣人無法獲知「開羅宣言」之存在，也對戰局趨勢並未持有正確的預見。因此台灣島內的台灣人於戰爭結束前並未有面對日本戰敗，以及台灣歸還中華民國之心理準備，直至1945年8月15日戰爭結束，台灣人依舊與日本的帝國主義政策聯繫著。戰爭結束當天，因為收聽廣播之環境相當有限，透過「玉音放送」獲知戰爭結束及日本戰敗的人並不多，甚至有部分人士將之誤解為天皇激勵繼續作戰之宣傳。 　　然而透過台灣總督府之公告、媒體報導以及人人口耳相傳，日本戰敗之消息終究得以傳達至台灣島內。戰爭結束後，一方面日本統治最高機關的台灣總督府以及約15-17萬的日本軍仍然留駐台灣，掌控台灣社會；但另一方面，隨著中國來台之消息遍及台灣，日本當局逐漸失去威信，在治安、經濟方面皆出現惡化趨勢。在如此狀況下，台灣知識份子憑藉各自思想與做法，為台灣未來四處奔走。如林獻堂，採取較為慎重態度，一方面與日本當局保持良好關係，一方面致力維持治安。吳新榮則對新時代懷有莫大期待，著手於三青團之組織，積極地展開迎接「祖國」之事宜。然而當時台灣人對中國懷有的「祖國認同」，並非具有現實經驗，也是未經理性思考的觀念。當他們實際與中國接觸時，難免顯露陌生與失望之感。儘管如此，強烈的「祖國認同」仍舊支撐著台灣人擁護中國的熱情。 　　以辜振甫、許丙為首的所謂「八‧一五獨立事件」，過去大部分研究皆認為其主因為日本軍煽動，少數研究則否定日本軍之參與。本論文使用私人日記、回憶錄、新聞報導等的資料，再次探討此事件之相關人物的言行及背後因素，並認為此事件實為日本軍與台灣人共謀的一場歷史事件。 　　台灣與日本、中國兩者之間的關係，無論於日治時期或戰爭結束後，皆對台灣命運具有相當深刻之影響。發生於時代轉換之際的「八‧一五獨立事件」，恰好表現其一端。透過本論文，筆者希望再度仔細探討台灣近代史的複雜性，以及對今日台灣境遇之影響。 / Between August 15, 1945-- the official end of World War II-- and October 25-- the date Taiwan underwent “retrocession” into China-- what was the political situation in Taiwan? Past post-war studies often discuss the ethical conflict between the Nationalist Government and native Taiwanese as well as the social reasons surrounding the the 2-28 Incident, but often fail to mention the meaning of Japan’s defeat for Taiwan and the 71-day “vacuum period” following the Japanese surrender. Therefore, the research period of this thesis is set between the end of World War II and the Nationalist Government takeover of Taiwan. It discusses Taiwanese society and the Taiwanese movement of this period. By the war’s end, most Taiwanese neither knew about the “Cairo Declarations,” due to the strict censorship of the Governor-General of Taiwan, nor could they foresee the results of the war. Consequently, most Taiwanese were completely unprepared for Japan’s defeat and Taiwan’s retrocession. Until the war was over on August 15, Taiwanese were completely subject to Japanese imperialist edicts. The day the war was over, because the broadcast system was so limited, few people heard news of Japan’s defeat through the “Jewel Voice Broadcast,” otherwise known as the “Gyokuon-hōsō.” Some people even mistook the broadcast as the emperor’s call to continue fighting. But finally, news of Japan’s defeat spread throughout the island via the Governor-General’s notice, news media reports, and word of mouth. And while the Governor-General and between 150,000 and 170,000 Japanese troops stayed in Taiwan to control Taiwanese society, as news of approaching Chinese troops spread, the Japanese authority gradually lost prestige. Public order and the economy began to deteriorate. Under such circumstances, the Taiwanese elite looked to their own ideas and methods for the future running of Taiwan. For example, Lin Xiantang (林獻堂) conservatively maintained good relations with the Japanese authority on one hand, but on the other hand, devoted himself to protecting social order. Wu Xinrong (吳新榮), eagerly anticipating the coming new era, started to organize the Youth League of the Three People’s Principals, aggressively preparing for the welcome of the “Motherland.” Nevertheless, the “ancestral identity” that Taiwanese felt toward China was, at the time, an idea lacking both experiential and rational bases. Therefore, those Taiwanese coming into contact with Chinese found it hard to avoid feelings of unfamiliarity and disappointment. However that may be, a strong idea of “ancestral identity” continued to prop up Taiwanese support and enthusiasm for China. Regarding the “8-15 Taiwanese Independence Incident,” which Gu Zhenfu (辜振甫) and Xu Bing (許丙) allegedly masterminded, most past studies consider this an intrigue stirred up by Japanese troops, while a smaller number of studies completely deny Japanese involvement. This dissertation uses private diaries, memoirs and news reports to examine the words and deeds of the players, and the background reasons for the incident, finding it to be an historical event in which Japanese troops and the Taiwanese elite conspired together. Whether during the period of Japanese rule or during the post-war period, the relationships between Taiwan and Japan, and Taiwan and China both have significant meanings for Taiwan’s fate. Occurring at the juncture of two political rules, the “8-15 Taiwanese Independence Incident” neatly reveals this point. Through this dissertation, the author hopes to examine in greater detail the complexity of Taiwan’s recent history and the effect this history has had on Taiwan’s current political situation.

強制外交（coercive diplomacy）的概念在一九七０年代由學者Alexander L. George首度提出，主張強制外交應屬於防守型的危機管理（defensive crisis management），亦有別於一般所謂的嚇阻（deterrence）與壓制（compellence）等策略。施行強制外交時，相關決策者透過威脅使用武力，或使用有限度的武力，以勸說對手停止或放棄現正從事的行動，並防止危機情勢的升高，及避免戰爭的發生。冷戰期間，美、蘇兩國的領導人對於該一策略的運用極為廣泛與普遍，甘迺迪政府對於古巴飛彈危機的處理便是著名的案例。冷戰結束，國際關係進入所謂的後冷戰時期，面對區域衝突、人道危機和恐怖主義威脅等問題，強制外交更常被相關決策者和國際組織所施行、採用，亦多次在國際間重大的衝突與危機處理過程中扮演著關鍵的角色，並展現其重要性和多元化的一面。因此，鑑於強制外交對於後冷戰時期之國際危機處理和衝突解決的重要性和必要性，本研究旨在透過強制外交相關理論的介紹與整理，以及後冷戰時期強制外交相關個案的研究分析，總結歷史的經驗與教訓，深入探討其施行現況與成效，並提出具體之研究發現與政策建議。期盼所得之研究成果能使吾人對於該策略有更深一層的認識與了解。 關鍵詞：強制外交、壓制、危機管理、後冷戰時期、區域衝突、人道干涉、反恐行動 / In the 1970s, Alexander L. George first introduced and defined the concept of coercive diplomacy. According to George, he claims that coercive diplomacy is a strategy of defensive crisis management. Besides, coercive diplomacy is also different from the strategy of deterrence or compellence. When policymakers and political elites decide to manipulate coercive diplomacy, they should employ threats and / or limited force to persuade opponents to call off or undo adverse actions, which are thought aggressive. Furthermore, the purpose of using coercive diplomacy is to prevent crisis situation from escalating or causing wars. During the Cold War era, leaders of United States and Soviet Union used this strategy intensively. The Cuban missile crisis in 1962 can also be thought as a famous case of successful coercive diplomacy. When international relations enters into the post-Cold War era, coercive diplomacy still plays as important role in crisis management and conflict resolution. Policymakers of countries and international organizations, like the United Nations and the NATO, prefer to use coercive diplomacy to deal with regional conflicts, humanitarian intervention, and counterterrorism. Coercive diplomacy also demonstrates its necessity and significance of solving these problems. In order to give us a comprehensive understanding of coercive diplomacy, this thesis focuses on theories of coercive diplomacy and case studies, especially the experiences after the Cold War. Then, in final chapter of this thesis, the author generalizes lessons and experiences come from the cases analyzed and studied. In addition, the author also tries to make conclusions about the efficacy of coercive diplomacy and thus tries to offer some guidelines for policymakers. Keywords: coercive diplomacy, compellence, crisis management, post-Cold War era, regional conflicts, humanitarian intervention, counterterrorism

1948年5月，上海舉辦第七屆全中國運動會，臺灣首次組隊參賽即一鳴驚人，榮獲男子田徑總冠軍，同時更展現守秩序、法紀律、團結合作、服從裁判的運動精神。不論場內的運動實力和場外的運動風範，皆被大會評為「全國第一」。究其因，實肇基於日本統治期間致力發展體育運動所展現的成果。事實上，臺灣在日本統治之前，近代式體育運動僅在西洋勢力所及的範圍內施行，成效自是相當有限，迨至日治時期，乃藉由學校教育與社會體育兩大方向，開始全面性、普遍地提倡體育運動而獲致相當程度的發展成果。值是之故，本論文主旨即在探討日本統治下的臺灣，究竟為何／如何發展體育運動，以及有何成效。 本文係以當時臺灣地區運動員的競賽為主，包含內地人(日本人)、本島人(臺灣人)以及高砂族(原住民)，因為此三種族群皆是當時臺灣運動代表隊的組成份子，以做為主要的論述對象更能得知當時臺灣體育運動的發展情況。在論文內容方面，首先，從近代西洋體育運動的興起與發展談起，隨著歐美列強國力的擴張將其科技文明與生活形態傳至亞洲，再至日本明治維新前後追求改善國民體格而向學習歐美體育運動，而臺灣即在此時代背景之下被納為日本殖民地。其次，探討日治時期各界人士對於體育運動所提出的觀念看法，以說明發展體育運動的動機與目的。再次，討論推行體育運動的主要機構，主要著眼於人事、經費以及如何運作等方面，以瞭解是由哪些人／在什麼樣的時代背景之下／如何從事體育運動的發展。第四、討論臺灣運動選手參加各項運動競賽的成績表現，主要以全島性比賽，以及與鄰近的朝鮮、滿洲、日本、菲律賓等地的比賽成績作較，可大致明瞭臺灣的運動技術水準。第五、分析社會領導階層人士所從事的休閒運動，以考察當時是哪些休閒運動最受是有錢有閒階級的喜愛，並從中討論體育運動的發展概況。 經由本文的討論發現，日治時期體育運動的發展係在官方強力主導、民間配合實施之下進行推廣。其次，臺灣的體育組織是日本帝國體育組織在殖民地的分支機構，臺灣全島性的運動比賽成為日本全國性比賽的地方預選賽，臺灣優秀的運動選手與隊伍在島內勝出者即成為地區性代表隊，順理成章前往日本參加更高層級的比賽。此外，體育是現代教育不可偏廢的項目，不僅能改善個人體格發育，也有助促進健康衛生；同時，體育並非僅是單純的身體運動而已，有時亦被視為國力的象徵，發展體育運動有助陶冶國民性格和促進日臺融合。最後，隨著日本統治的時間漸久以及統治程度的強化，臺灣體育運動呈現日漸普及的趨勢，而另一方面，則漸帶有濃厚的日本色彩，甚至許多日式運動術語發至今仍是使用中的辭彙即是明證。至於日治時期臺灣體育運動的成績表現究竟如何呢？整體而言，不僅與殖民母國日本仍然相去甚遠，即便連同為殖民地的朝鮮、滿洲、菲律賓等地亦有所不及。然而，雖然未見日治時期臺灣運動選手與中國正面交手的紀錄，但從1948年的上海全國運動會成績可推知，日治臺灣體育運動的整體水準，似乎不在同時期的中國之下。 關鍵字：日治時期 臺灣 體育史 體育觀 武德會 體育俱樂部 臺灣體育獎勵會 臺灣體育協會 明治神宮體育大會 甲子園 網球 棒球 田徑 游泳 登山 馬術 高爾夫 / In May 1948, the 7th China Sports Game was held in Shanghai. The athletic performance of male track and field athletes amazed the world by winning the overall championship though it was the debut of Taiwan in this athletic event. These male athletes disciplined themselves, obeyed the rules, cooperated with one another, obeyed the referees’ orders, and exhibited good sportsmanship. Both their athletic performance and sportsmanship on the sports field or beyond sports field were ranked as “national champion” by the sponsor. Their great performance actually was the achievement from the devotion to developing athletic sports during Japanese Occupation Period. In fact, before the colonization of Japan, modern athletic sports in Taiwan were only practiced in few regions where foreigners aggregated and the effect of athletic performance was quite limited. The overall promotion of athletic sports was put into practice through school education and social sports activities until the Japanese Occupation Period and so was the great performance achieved at that time. The main purpose of this study is to investigate why and how the Japanese developed athletic sports in Taiwan and the effects. The research subjects were mainly the athletes at that time in Taiwan, including the Japanese, the Taiwanese, and the aboriginals (indigenous people) since these three groups were all members of sports representatives in Taiwan at that time. These subjects were investigated to find out about the development of athletic sports in Taiwan at that time. Firstly, the study probed into the rise and the development of modern western athletic sports. With the expansion of national powers of European countries and the U.S., their science, technology, and life styles were spread to Asia. Moreover, after Meiji Restoration, the Japanese started to put emphasis on improving their physique and hence learnt the western athletic sports. And Taiwan was colonized by Japan under this background. Secondly, it investigated the concepts and viewpoints on athletic sports proposed from all walks of life during Japanese Occupation Period to demonstrate the motives and purposes of athletic sport development. Thirdly, it investigated the major facilities responsible for promoting athletic sports from the aspects of personnel matters, funds, and the operation methods to understand who were involved, how they developed athletic sports, and under what kind of background were athletic sports developed. Fourthly, it investigated the performance of athletes in each kind of sports games, especially national games. The study also compared the athletic performance of Taiwan with that of nearby countries such as Korea, Manjou, Japan, and Philippine to understand the athletic level of Taiwan. Fifthly, it analyzed the leisure sports that the leaders of the society engaged in to explore the preferences of leisure sports of the rich at that time and further investigate the profile of athletic sports development. This study found that the development of athletic sports in Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period was dominated by the government with the cooperation of non-government in promotion. The sports organizations in Taiwan were the colonial branches of sports organizations in Japanese Empire and the national sports competitions in Taiwan became local preliminaries of Japanese national competitions. The outstanding athletes in Taiwan and the winners of local preliminaries would become the local sports representatives to participate in competitions of higher level in Japan. In addition, the study found that physical education is indispensable in modern education, which not only improves the physical development of individuals but also improves health. Meanwhile, athletic sports ability not simply teaches a kind of physical movement and it is sometimes viewed as a symbol of national powers. The development of athletic sports helped cultivate the personality of people and improved the integration ethnic integration between Taiwan and Japan. With the increase of colonization time and the reinforcement of governance, the athletic sports in Taiwan gradually became more and more popular. On the other hand, it was found that the sports activities in Taiwan was greatly influenced by Japan and even the Japanese sports vocabularies are still used now in sports activities. As for the athletic performance of Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period, as a whole, the athletic performance of Taiwan was better than Japan and other colonies of Japan, such as Korea, Manjou, and Philippine. Although the athletes in Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period did not compete with the athletes of China, it could be inferred from their athletic performance that the overall level of athletic sports in Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period was equivalent to that of China. Keywords: Japanese Occupation Period, Taiwan, sports history, viewpoint of sports, Dai-Nippon Butokukai, sports club, Taiwan sports sponsorship association, Taiwan sports association, Meigi-jingu Athletic Meet, Koshien, tennis, baseball, track and field, swimming, mountain climbing, equestrian, golf