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印尼民主轉型下的戈爾卡黨何景榮 Unknown Date (has links)
蘇哈托(Soeharto)執政時期的印尼執政黨—戈爾卡(Golongan Karya;GOLKAR)為蘇哈托在一九六四年,合併了一百多個民間組織之後所產生的,其主要成員為公務員、國營企業員工、技術官僚、軍方將領與政府部會首長。藉由政治上的恩侍主義,加上政治資源、資訊與資金上的壟斷,戈爾卡總能在歷次大選中順利勝出。
然而蘇哈托所領導的威權政體,於一九九八年五月以垮台收場;一年半之後,印尼舉行了四十多年以來首次公平且自由的民主選舉。原本執政的戈爾卡黨在面臨這種巨變之後,有什麼樣的因應措施?是否能以反對黨的身分,重新適應民主時代的角色?對此,本文從戈爾卡的創立,「新秩序」(Orde Baru)政權時期的戈爾卡運作,一直到蘇哈托垮台、戈爾卡開始以民主政黨的身分參與政治活動的過程,進行了一連串討論,並且希望從歷史的脈絡當中,驗證印尼戈爾卡黨在新秩序時代,乃是印尼執政菁英手中的選舉機器,負責替蘇哈托塑造出統治上的正當性。而戈爾卡本身並不強的威權屬性,一旦到了印尼步入民主化的過程時,反而有助於該黨在民主時代當中的生存與轉型。
此外,本文也將探討新興民主國家當中的問題之一,就是政策的達成不一定能換得選票,得到選票也不一定能得到權位。對於民主鞏固階段中的戈爾卡黨而言,政治權位的爭奪,會比推行政策或是爭取選民支持來得重要。
本文第一章部分先敘述筆者的研究動機與目的、研究途徑與方法,並對相關文獻進行檢驗工作。第二章則描述印尼早期的政黨體系運作,以及「戈爾卡」成立的過程。第三章則探討蘇哈托執政時期戈爾卡所扮演的角色。第四章則分析戈爾卡的組織架構,以及在選舉、立法機關與行政體系當中的功能。第五章則探討戈爾卡黨在民主化過程中的角色。第六章則是替本文作出結論。
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團結工聯與波蘭民主化之研究 / A Study of Solidarity and Democratization in Poland林倩宇 Unknown Date (has links)
團結工聯是波蘭第一個獨立工會,也是數十年一連串反對運動的結晶,並成為撼動波蘭社會,推動波蘭民主轉型主要的變革力量。本研究將波蘭視為東歐民主轉型之代表案例,以民主轉型動態模型為基礎,綜合結構途徑與行為者取向途徑解釋波蘭的民主轉型,分析團結工聯如何藉由公民抗爭影響政府決策,將團結工聯自崛起至執政之間的歷史脈絡,對應波蘭民主化各階段之發展,並以1989年圓桌會議和1989年後多次自由選舉作為其約定轉型和民主奠基選舉時期之重要事件加以論述。
波蘭反對運動之所以興起,主要是受到波蘭歷史、政治、經濟和社會因素之影響,反對力量不斷從錯誤中學習,進而化整為零匯合形成團結工聯。團結工聯成立後受到戒嚴之影響,試圖透過結構重建,對抗波共之壓迫,以集體抵抗政權之模式存活下來。圓桌會議是波蘭民主化的轉捩點,波共政權與團結工聯雙方終達成共識,共同尋求和平之解決方案,透過協商而非對抗達成約定轉型。透過圓桌會議協議之一系列民主選舉,團結工聯以壓倒性勝利擊敗波共和其傀儡政黨,組成東歐第一個非共政府,之後更贏得總統選舉順利執政,迫使非民主政權垮台,促成波蘭之約定轉型。綜上所述,團結工聯透過各種行動形塑波蘭政治,與波蘭民主化發展各階段息息相關,在波蘭民主化過程中確實具有舉足輕重之地位 / Solidarity, the result nurtured by series of opposition movements in decades, is the first independent trade union in Poland. It not only shook Polish society, but also promoted democratic transition in Poland. This study regards Poland as an iconic case of democratic transition in Eastern Europe. The main approach is based on dynamic model of democratic transition, combing structure approach and actor-oriented approach to explain Polish democratic transition pathways and analyze how citizen protests influenced government decisions. To support the theory, I will follow the historical context of Solidarity through its rise to power, corresponding to each stage of democratization development in Poland, and further discuss the significant events, as roundtable talk and free elections.
The rise of the opposition movements in Poland is greatly influenced by historical, political, economic and social factors. The oppositional trends, who learnt from past mistakes, later converged to form Solidarity. Shortly after establishment, Solidarity attempted to survive under the imposition of martial law by reconstructing into the form of exercising collective resistance against the authority. In Poland’s democratization, Roundtable talk is a turning point, where Communist Government and Solidarity reached a consensus, agreeing on achieving pacted transition through negotiation rather than confrontation. Solidarity beat communist government and pro-communist parties with overwhelming votes of a series of democratic elections. Solidarity formed the first non-communist government in Eastern Europe, won the presidential election and induced the collapse of the non-democratic regime. To sum up, Solidarity indeed shapes Polish politics through various actions and has a pivotal position in the process of democratization in Poland.
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轉型、鞏固與深化 ── 台灣民主化的分析張孝評, Chang,Hsiao-Ping Unknown Date (has links)
當代世界面臨最深遠、也最鼓舞人心的影響之一便是民主化浪潮;探究民主化問題亦是政治學中的一個熱門研究領域。根據美國紐約「自由之家」( Freedom House )的統計調查( 2002 ~ 2003年 ),全球「選舉的民主」( electoral democracy )國家總共有121個,「自由的民主」(liberal democracy )國家計有89個。這樣的數字相較於2000 ~ 2001年與2001 ~2002年的統計──「選舉的民主」120、121個、「自由的民主」85、86個,我們發現:雖然「選舉的民主」國家幾乎維持不變,「自由的民主」國家略幅提升,但是「第三波」民主化的潮流似乎已經接近尾聲。由此可知,新興民主國家當前最重要的課題乃是如何鞏固、深化並提升民主的品質。
二十世紀末最後十年乃是台灣蛻變成長的時代,從國會全面改選到總統直接民選,不但奠定民主政治的形式,更發動了民主轉型肇始的列車。二十一世紀來臨的前夕,台灣首次完成政黨輪替的政權和平移轉,不但樹立民主轉型的典範,更締造了民主政權變遷的新頁。為了保證台灣民主化成果能夠順利地運作生存,尚須徹底通過「雙翻轉測驗」( two- turnover test )的試鍊,並推展更重要的民主鞏固與深化,以期待開創出更高品質與先進的民主內涵。
故本論文旨在以台灣民主化個案經驗為基礎,透過民主化理論、民主轉型模式、民主鞏固概念的檢視、適用與反思,做一個深度的分析與探討,以期對於台灣民主鞏固相關的研究和未來民主深化的發展能有所助益與啟發。 / One of the most far-reaching and inspiring influences in today's world is the wave of Democratization. Exploring Democratization and solving the problems often resulting from it are also popular issues in academia. According to the statistics of Freedom House: the number of “electoral democracy” nations is 121; “liberal democracy ”nations is 89, compared to the previous data, nevertheless, the number of “electoral democracy ”nations did not change; the number of “liberal democracy” nations is increasing slightly. In short, the “ The Third Wave ” is coming to an end, and the most important challenge ahead is consolidating the achievements of Democratization.
The last 10 years of the 20th century have been an age of growth and transformation in Taiwanese politics. Regular Parliamentary elections and the direct election of the President have each been accomplished, thereby laying the basis of Democratic Politics, while also initiating a series of important Democratic Transitions. At the beginning of the 21st century, therefore, Taiwan's accomplishment of the first peaceful ruling power rotation has not only given momentum to the process of Democratic Transition but also heralds a new era in Taiwanese political power. Now, provided that Taiwan can pass the two-turnover test thoroughly, while also developing and deepening its Democratic Consolidation, the results achieved by Taiwan’s Democratic Transition will be ensured.
The main purpose of this article is to analyze and explore Taiwan’s Democratization closely based on the case-study of Taiwan’s democratization and utilizing those theories concerning Democratization, models of democratic transition and reviewing, applying and reflecting concepts of democratic consolidation in the hope of making contributions to the further relevant studies of Taiwan's Democratic Consolidation and future Deepening Democracy.
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政府大陸政策之主導因素分析:「國家中心」與「社會中心」的論證研究 / Analysis of the leading factors of government's Mainland policies -- research on "state-centered" and "society-centered"洪儷珊, Horng, Li an Unknown Date (has links)
兩岸關係迥異於世上其他分裂國家,自成一特殊格局,學界對兩岸關係及政府大陸政策之研究亦相當的多,本文的研究目的主要在探尋政府大陸政策之主導因素,是否隨著台灣的民主化進程及政黨輪替,而由「國家中心」轉為「社會中心」,亦即大陸政策反映何者的偏好與利益。依據本文的研究結果發現,民主進程初期的大陸政策,不論是高政治性議題或低政治性議題,其主導因素均屬「國家中心」;至民主進程後期,高政治性議題大陸政策之主導因素兼具「國家中心」與「社會中心」,而低政治性議題大陸政策之主導因素則屬「社會中心」。由此觀之,民主轉型改變了國家與社會的互動關係,也因為民主化的發展,致使國家逐漸開放與社會階層溝通,社會因素因此獲得參與政策決策過程的管道,使社會利益更易於轉化成國家政策。顯然,我政府大陸政策已非全由國家所主導,亦包含社會因素的介入。 / The cross-Strait relations is completely different from those of other divided nations, numerous researches have been made focusing on the cross-Strait relations and Taiwan’s Mainland policies. According, the main object of this research is to explore if the leading factors of the Mainland polices should be transferred from “state-centered” to “society-centered” under the process of democratization and turnover of the political party, that is the Mainland policies reflect whose preference and interest afterall. According to the research results, we can find that in the initiate stage of democratic progress, no matter for Mainland policies of high politics or low politics, the leading factors are “state-centered”. However, in the later stage of democratic progress, the leading factors for the Mainland policies of high politics are both “state-centered” and “society-centered”, and the leading factors for the Mainland policies of low politics are “society-centered”. Therefore, it can be seen that democracy transformation has changed the interaction of state and society, and because of the development of democratization, the state gradually open up to communicate with social classes, so the social factors obtained the channels to participate in the process of policy-making. That is to say the social interests are easier to transfer to the national policies. Obviously, not all the Mainland polices are dominated by state; they also include social factors.
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民主轉型過程中政策參與者互動關係之研究 / A Research for Policy Actors Interactional Relation in a Process of the Transition to Demacracy.李玉崑, Li, Yu Kun Unknown Date (has links)
台灣地區自從一九八○年代以來,產生了一連串的社會運動與自力救濟事件,而其中有甚多是與公共政策的運作有關,這些頻繁發生的運動和事件,常使得民眾感覺似乎社會變得無秩序,亂象叢生。進而對國民黨政府的施政能力產生了質疑,也引發了「信心危機」。因此,為求瞭解其發生原因、影響以及思考如何減少類似事件發生,故從威權政體民主轉型過程中參與者互動情形來探討。並進而透過歷史性觀察,找出國民黨維繫政權的基本理念,以及運作的方法。在本論文亦經由反核四環保自力救濟事件個案分析,以明瞭在國內外政治、經濟、社會環境的影響下,政策參與者呈現出何種的互動情形和結果,和引用的理論與分析,作一對照。從論文分析中,吾人看到了一種內戰態勢下的互動。在中共軍事上、外交上、政治上及近年年來經濟上的威脅,使得國民黨政府為維繫其政權,戮力追求國家安全與生存,如加強國防戰備、維持外交關係、採行威權統治以及促進經濟發展等方面。而其中,經濟發展隨著國內外環境的變遷,更成為國民黨政權生存維繫的核心政策。在研究發現中,吾人看到了政策參與者互動關係的轉變,如:(1)失去絕對權威的總統。(2)感受立委壓力的行政院。(3)泛政治化的政黨競爭。(4)突破言論管制的大眾傳播媒介。(5)遊說活躍的利益團體。(6)權力意識高漲的民眾。而對於政策建議方面,由於經濟發展是國民黨決策階層的核心施政理念,但此種理念容易導致泛經濟化的決策模式,呈現出由上而下的菁英取向的政策制訂模式。為彌補其不足,有必要採取以由下而上的諮商系統,贏得多數民眾的政治支持。另外,從核四個案分析中,得知反核乃是由於不信任國民黨政府的行政決策。因此,國營事業單位在推動重大早邀集社區居民參與議題的決策過程,以減低民眾的疑慮慮、恐懼及被剝奪感。
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俄羅斯與台灣轉型正義之比較研究 / A Comparative Study on the Transitional Justice of Russia and Taiwan江子揚, Chiang, Tzu Yang Unknown Date (has links)
本論文主要透過新制度主義研究途徑以探析「轉型正義」行為模式之創制與發
展,並循比較政治研究途徑對俄羅斯及台灣實踐「轉型正義」之特性,進行異同
比較。
檢視20 世紀下半葉,諸多威權政體相繼歷經民主轉型過程,對前朝政權系統
性斲害人權等罪愆之施暴者與蒙難者該如何處置,往往為此等轉型國家之嚴峻挑
戰;「轉型正義」即泛指新興民主國家面對該挑戰時所採取之各項措施。相關對
以往威權罪愆之回應,現今,國際間已啟動轉型正義機制之國家,大多循經刑事
訴責、公共遺却及真相委員會等三途徑以進行。
本論文認為,歷經民主轉型,俄羅斯發生轉型正義之動因乃為深化與維持民主
體系,遏止威權復辟之可能,並擇取「祛記憶」途徑以進行,在實踐作為層面則
因集體遺却與政治冷漠,而遭所侷限;台灣發生轉型正義之動因為深化與維持民
主體系,遏止威權復辟之可能,並擇取一類似於「真相委員會」途徑以進行,在
實踐作為層面則受到國家認同與族群分立等情境所制約。 / The purpose of this study is to analyze the creation and development of
"transitional justice" behavior patterns through new institutionalism approach,
and to compare the similar and different features that “transitional justice”
practiced in Russia and Taiwan through comparative politics approach.
Recalling the second half of the 20th century, many authoritarian regimes
have been through the process of democratic transition, the regime of former
victims of systematic human rights of battle sins of the perpetrators and how to
dispose of those battered, often for this and other challenges in transition
countries; "transitional justice "that refers to the new democracies of the
challenges faced by the various measures taken. The relevant authority of the
past sins of the response, now, internationally, the nations that begun the
transitional justice mechanism, great majority, through the prosecution channel,
the amnesia channel and the truth commissions channel to proceed.
This author argues in this study that, after democratic transition, the
factor of transitional justice in Russia is to deepen and maintain the democratic
system, guarding against the possible of authoritarian of restoration, and to
choose the ”disremembering” channel. The practice is restricted by collective
amnesia and indifferent of politics; the factor of transitional justice in Taiwan is
to deepen and maintain the democratic system, guarding against the possible of
authoritarian of restoration, and to choose a channel similar to the "truth
commissions ". The practice is restricted by some situations like national
identity and ethnic division.
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補助金制度下的台灣派系政治穩定與變遷--新制度理論分析觀點吳怡銘, Wu, I-Ming Unknown Date (has links)
本文是以新制度研究方法,來分析台灣派系政治的穩定與變遷。本文的論點是我們在(1)台灣的地方派系政治互動,存在著交易成本。(2)制度因素控制交易成本,進而影響威權時期與民主轉型期的派系政治互動的研究目標前提下,藉由補助金制度運作為例,來理解台灣派系政治的變化。因此我們將全文的探討,建立在下列的假設上:”威權時期的台灣地方派系政治,之所以能維持穩定的運作而成為國民黨有效的統治形式,補助金制度能降低交易成本是主要原因之一。而在民主轉型期間,派系政治所發生的變遷,也是因為補助金制度無法再有效控制交易成本所導致的結果。”
而在對於上述假設的探討上,我們首先發現在整體地方財政結構上的嚴重失衡,使得地方財政必須強烈依恃於中央的補助支持。但是由於補助金制度缺乏有效的監督機制,導致主事者可以藉由制度上的缺失,來進行自身政治目的的運作。
因此在威權時期,補助金制度之所以能控制交易成本,維持派系政治穩定運作主要是由於:
(1)補助制度能有效的弱化地方政府的能力、藉由政策的滲透達到監督地方的效果,並且能有效的介入選舉運作。因此降低民選精英向國民黨挑戰的風險成本,而使得雙方的互動呈現低交易成本的穩定合作關係。
(2)由於補助金制度能提供地方政治精英一個穩定的資源汲取管道,使得其底下樁腳系統的向心力可以穩定的維持下去。另一方面,補助計畫必須透過層級申請的特性,也為政治精英帶來低成本的監督環境,使得其能有效的防止樁腳跑票行為。導致雙方在低交易成本的互動下,維持穩定合作關係。
(3)但地方派系與選民之間的互動,則是因為選民缺乏監督誘因以及集體行動的協調成本太高,使得雙方呈現出一種高交易成本的關係。然而由於補助金制度的運作下,派系的政治精英往往可以藉由補助計畫申請的方式,來規避對選民的政治承諾,並將地方建設的功勞予以個人化。使地方政治精英能在規避對選民的政治責任時,卻又同時還能獲得選民的高度認同,而維持一種穩定的選民動員能力。
然而在民主轉型期,補助金制度之所以無法控制交易成本,導致派系政治發生變化的主要原因是在於:
(1)國民黨需要地方政治精英對中央政權的支持,但本身卻喪失藉由補助款來進行監督的功能,導致雙方呈現出一種高交易成本的互動模式。
(2)由於補助款制度所存在的制度機制以及反對黨對於地方執政權的競爭日益激烈,導致樁腳因為補助管道日益多元化,使得樁腳維持自主性的成本下降。但卻因此弱化了地方政治精英對樁腳進行監督的能力。這使得雙方的合作關係呈現出一種不穩定的高交易成本狀態。
(3)最後在選民與地方派系的互動上,由於反對黨藉由福利政策來直接訴諸選民,使得選民在存有比較利益機會的誘因下,願意耗費成本來對政治人物的承諾進行監督。在縣級行政首長選舉上,選民因為監督誘因的增加以及反對黨出現所帶來訊息成本的降低,對派系領領袖的互動就呈現低交易成本模式。但是在基層小單位選舉上,由於區域樁腳仍然具有多元的申請管道,來利用申請補助計畫的方式來經營選區,導致選民仍缺乏監督的誘因,而繼續維持雙方高交易成本的互動方式。而且由於這種方式容易規避政治責任,並且將政績予以個人化,因此樁腳仍然維持高度的選民動員能力。
由於民主轉型期間,補助金制度無法再維持一個低交易成本環境。使得派系政治中的相關行動者過去穩定的合作關係發生變化。這種改變受害最深的,莫過於想維繫政權生存的國民黨。高交易成本,使得身為委託者的國民黨無法再控制地方派系對政權支持的政治承諾。因此國民黨會憑仗著執政優勢,藉由國家政策工具來降低交易成本,以便維持派系政治的穩定運作。諸如凍省、統籌分配款收回中央等政策,都可以視為在這種情境下所作的考量。但相對的,當民進黨執政,為了維持民進黨縣市首長與選民之間低交易成本的有利競爭環境,也會藉由國家政策的主導,來弱化派系政治的發展。諸如鄉鎮市長官派的宣示、收回小型工程補助款的決議等,都是在自我利益考量下,所得出的結果。因此派系政治在轉變後,未來可能的發展,就在台灣兩大政治勢力自我利益考量的前提中,成為政策腳力的拉鋸戰。然而在可預見四年的民進黨執政日子裡,民進黨在考量自身利益下,應該會朝向弱化派系政治的政策來發展。
最後在政策建議上,基於弱化派系政治的政策立場進行考量。則在長程目標上,就是要提高地方財源自主性,包括中央與地方財源的重新劃分、考慮開放地方在一定程度上的租稅立法權等措施,來落實地方自治、強化責任政治以實現充分政黨競爭的理想。而在短期的制度修正上,則應該恢復補助金制度維持社會公平正義的補助精神,藉由降低計畫型補助與中央部會補助款,以及建立公開透明的補助審核制度等技術性手段,來降低補助制度中,人為政治因素干擾的誘因。
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從民主轉型到民主鞏固:蒙古與台灣之比較分析 / Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Mongolia and Taiwan額爾登巴雅爾, Erdenebayar Munkhuu Unknown Date (has links)
本論文從轉型理論與大眾動員理論來探討蒙古與台灣在民主轉型時期其影響選舉制度與憲政制度的因素。其中,將選舉制度進一步區分為總統選舉制度和國會選舉制度,以了解政治菁英間的互動與社會運動此兩個自變項的影響力。在民主鞏固時期,本論文則聚焦在影響兩國採取不同憲政體制的因素,欲探討政治菁英改革的動機與當時政治脈絡如何促使蒙古採用總理總統制,如何使得台灣採用總統議會制。此外,社會運動對當時政治菁英是否亦發揮一定程度的作用,是否提升或阻礙憲政的改革,亦是本研究探討重點之一。
本研究指出兩國在民主轉型時期,既有統治菁英在民主改革的壓力下,開始與反對運動菁英協商,既有的政治菁英有較大的決定權。政治菁英之間的互動是政治改革的重要推進力量,而下面的大衆抗議社會運動則提供了這些菁英之間達成協商的條件,其導致憲政改革或選舉制度改革。在憲政制度上,除了既有憲政遺緒與政治文化外,政治菁英間的不同偏好,亦影響兩國憲政體制的發展。在蒙古,制度的遺續應使得憲政體制傾向於總統制,但大多數菁英偏好權力較為分散的議會制,在政治協商下,最後促成半總統制的施行。在台灣,保守派政治菁英與改革派政治菁英的互動促成半總統制的影響,不過,也存在相關程度上的社會運動間接影響。
在民主鞏固時期台灣和蒙古皆是由政治菁英主導修憲,其中政治菁英間的互動主要影響憲政體制的設計,取得總統職位的民進黨和掌握立法院多數的國民黨政治菁英間的互動因素使得台灣偏向總統議會制,而掌握國會多數的民主黨和反對勢力人革黨政治菁英互動使得蒙古採用總理總統制。然而,公民社會對憲政體制設計並沒有直接的影響,但兩國的公民社會對於新生民主體制的鞏固扮演著重要角色。
綜言之,本研究所論有關政治菁英的互動與公民社會回顧如何影響選舉制度與憲政制度的設計,由於蒙古和台灣的經驗來看,大抵可了解政治菁英的改革動機與社會運動的壓力,是特定選舉制度與憲政制度被建立的重要關鍵。 / In this dissertation, the theory of transition and mass mobilization trying to explore different factors between Mongolia and Taiwan in the period of democratic transition and its impact on the electoral system and constitutional system. The electoral system will be further divided into presidential and parliamentary, to understand the interaction of political elites, the social movements, and their influence on the electoral and constitutional systems. Then, this dissertation will focus on the factors of democratic consolidation, affecting Mongolia and Taiwan to develop into a different constitutional system, the political elite reform motivation and how the political context promoted the premier-presidentialism in Mongolia, and how Taiwan acquired the president-parliamentarism. Moreover, to understand whether social movements played a certain degree of influence on the political elites, or whether they enhanced or hindered the constitutional reform is also one of the priorities of this investigation research.
The dissertation also pointed out the ruling elite under the pressure of democratic reform, when they began negotiations with the opposition movement elites, they had greater discretion. The interaction among the political elite was an important force to promote political reform, and the following Mongolia public protest social movement created the conditions to reach consensus among these elites, which led to constitutional reforms or the reform of electoral systems. On the constitutional system, in addition to the existing constitutional legacy of the political culture, the different preferences among the political elites, but also affect the development of the two countries constitutional system. In Mongolia, institutional legacy made constitutional system tend to presidentialism, however most of the political elites prefer a more decentralized parliamentary system, in political consultations finally led to the implementation of semi-presidentialism. In Taiwan, the interaction with the conservative and the reformist political elite contributed to the impact of semi-presidentialism, however, there are indirect effects on the relevance of social movements either.
The period of democratic consolidation in Taiwan and Mongolia was dominated by the political elites on constitutional system, the interaction among the political elites mainly affected the establishment of the constitutional system. The DPP won the presidency and the KMT the parliamentary majority, and the interaction of these political elites tend to shape Taiwan’s president-parliamentarism. In Mongolia, the Democratic Party political elite, with parliamentary majority, and the opposition MPRP political elite interaction evolved to premier-presidentialism. Although civil society had no direct impact on the constitutional system establishment, however, the development of civil society in Taiwan and Mongolia played an important role to consolidate the nascent democratic institutions.
In conclusion, from Mongolian and Taiwan experience, we can understand that the motivation for the reforms of the political elite and the social movement pressure are the key for a particular electoral and constitutional system to be established.
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