八輕的興建由於具備提振經濟發展的功能，受到熱烈歡迎；卻也因為其對環境生態影響甚鉅，引發當地居民的反對聲浪，以及全國各地的環保團體串連抗議，導致進度延宕。這種經濟與環保衝突的鄰避型設施，在廠址的選擇上，因為必須要滿足社會大眾的需求，而成為環境決策相當重要的一環。只是，同樣渴望經濟發展的雲林縣與嘉義縣，為何八輕最後會選擇落腳雲林而非嘉義？決策過程中的利害關係人又是如何互動？研究結果發現，雖然政商聯盟在中央決策場域上佔有優勢，然廠址抉擇的關鍵仍在於地方的政治生態。嘉義黃林兩派對立的政治生態，讓主政黃派在爭取開發案上，因受到林派為反對而反對的掣肘，中油倍感經營不易而退出；在雲林張派獨大的情形下，沒有足以抗衡的反對勢力，而有利於八輕的進駐。此外，無論在中央或地方的層級，環保團體都企圖在政治力的夾縫中求生存，以阻擋政商聯盟的不正義開發。地方民眾則因利益不同而選擇與派系或環保團體結盟。 / The building of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project is so popular because of its function of promoting economic development. However, local residents have great opposition to it because of its giant influence on environment. Furthermore, the series of representations from the environmental groups have made the work progress at a very low pace. The siting of nimby facility which causes the conflict between economic development and environment protection has become an important part of decision making because it has to satisfy all kinds of needs in the society. Then, we may wonder why 8th Naphtha Cracking Project chooses Yun-lin County instead of Chia-yi County since both of them are eager to develop their own economics, and how the stakeholders interact during the decision making process. The study finds out that politicoeconomic coalitions control the national political arena, and they seem to monopolize decision making process. But the local political ecology is the key to siting. In Chia-yi County, Huang Faction is in confrontation with Lin Faction. Although Huang Faction makes efforts to win the developing project, Lin Faction just protests without particular reasons. Finally, CPC gives up the project because it is so difficult to run business in this situation. On the other hand, Chang Faction is so dominant that there is no political opposition movement in Yun-lin County. And that fosters the coming of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project. In addition, no matter in central or local level, environmental groups try to influence policy to prevent the unjust development from politicoeconomic coalitions. And the local residents enter into strategic coalitions with factions or environmental groups due to different interests.

1990年代後期，以新自由主義（neoliberalism）為基調的全球化論述漸成為主流的經濟發展理論。然而，隨著新自由主義式全球化不斷推進，世界卻日益分化、貧富差距日益嚴重。因此，反全球化浪潮逐漸在全球各地迅速蔓延。 本研究由2005年香港反全球化示威出發，採用批判論述分析方法，以《中國時報》與《東方日報》為例，由低層次至高層次針對文本、論述實踐與社會文化實踐進行分析，藉以探究台港兩地主流報紙如何再現此一事件。 文本分析將焦點置於兩報在語言層次上如何再現反全球化運動。研究結果發現，兩報共出現六種意識型態機制再現反全球化運動。除強化反全球化運動既定的刻板印象外，亦透過負面指謂與描繪將反全球化運動邊緣化於主流價值之外。總體來說，《東方日報》對反全球化運動之誤現不論是在數量上抑或程度上皆遠高於《中國時報》。 藉由論述實踐分析，將得以揭露隱匿於文本背後之框架與其意識型態歸屬。研究發現，反全球化人士於《中國時報》較常成為論述主角，其意見較得被完整呈現；《東方日報》則傾向突顯官方論述與發言。對於衝突事件，《中國時報》與《東方日報》兩報各自建構「民主人權」與「法律秩序」作為其召喚我群的共識假定。而在全球化爭議的論述形構上，《中國時報》文本的論述實踐運作呈現出「全球正義與民主框架」以及「傾保護政策框架」；《東方日報》文本的論述實踐運作則呈現「傾自由貿易框架」。 社會文化實踐分析旨在將文本置於社會文化脈絡中解讀，耙梳兩報論述實踐運作之社會文化意涵。本研究認為，肇因於兩地在政經脈絡發展以及媒體本身立場上的差異，《東方日報》論述實踐偏向常規式的社會性建構，有助於再製並維繫既存的新自由主義論述秩序；《中國時報》論述實踐則偏向創造式的社會性建構，有助於轉變既存的新自由主義論述秩序。 / In the post-90s era, neoliberal globalization theories framed the mainstream philosophies of economic development. This progression however, was no solution to augmenting economic, social and political differences in the world and the widening gap between the deprived and wealthy. In fact, it might have sown the seeds for the waves of anti-globalization movements that ensued. This study exams the anti-globalization protest that broke out in Hong Kong during 2005 and, using the China Times and Oriental Daily News coverage as case studies, takes a bottom-up analysis approach at examining how the mainstream media in Taiwan and Hong Kong each represented the event. Textual analysis on the two media’s coverage drew attention to six different ideological mechanisms in their representation approaches. In addition to reinforcing the negative stereotypical connotations of anti-globalization, the movement is also further marginalized through the use of negative descriptivism and labels. On the whole, the frequency and magnitude of misrepresentation of the anti-globalization movement made by the Oriental Daily News is far greater than the China Times. Analysis of discourse practice unveils the hidden frames and ideology behind the text. Grievances of anti-globalization protestors are voiced by China Times, while authoritarian monologues frequent on the Oriental Daily News. In conflicting circumstances, the China Times appeals to a sense of “democracy and human rights”, while the Oriental Daily News calls on “law and order” as their slogans to assemble we-group consensus. In their discursive formation on the globalization issue, the China Times outlines global justice & democracy and protective policy frames; the Oriental Daily News on the other hand endorses pro-liberal trade frames. Analysis of sociocultural practice interprets the text within context of the social and cultural backgrounds. To sum up, due to differences in political and economic developments in Taiwan and Hong Kong and respective media predispositions, the Oriental Daily News discourse has a conventional socially constitutive function that maintains and reproduces the neoliberal orders of discourse; the China Times discourse has a creative socially constitutive function that endeavors to transform existing neoliberal regimes.

本論文從跨國穆斯林教育改革運動與宗教文化對話之角度，研究社會衝突及其可能的解決之道。無論是西方社會，抑或東方社會，都存在著社會衝突及社會缺乏凝聚力等現象，此等現象現在成為公共辯論的核心議題。近年來，這些議題也被認為與穆斯林及其宗教活動相關。面對這類指控與社會問題，伊斯蘭世界以各種不同的方式做出回應。深受土耳其穆斯林思想家法圖拉‧菊稜(M. Fethullah Gülen)之思想及教誨而啟發，發展出的Hizmet全球公民社會運動，即提出了解決前述問題的實務做法，此係本論文內容所研究之主題。 在多元化的社會中，有各種不同的溝通架構與方法可解決衝突。Hizmet運動提倡在不同種族與信仰的環境之間建立新的教育體系與對話管道，並藉此邁向全球和平。Hizmet運動認為，唯有透過教育與對話，不同的社會群體間才有可能發展及維繫其社會的凝聚力，並能由此修補曾引發穆斯林與非穆斯林分裂的社會分歧。 本論文探討了在哈薩克的Hizmet運動，呈現出在哈薩克國家發展的進程中，一小群Hizmet運動的追隨者是如何成功地為國家的發展帶來和諧。並特別研究在後殖民時代的哈薩克，Hizmet運動所設立之學校對教育改革與社會轉型方面所造成的影響。研究顯示，Hizmet運動不僅參與了哈薩克的國家教育計畫，也間接促進了土耳其人與哈薩克人之間的相互了解。土耳其人與當地的哈薩克人，為建立和平共存與文明交集這些目標而共同努力，而在攜手合作的過程中，他們也能更加認識彼此。 本論文有助於對伊斯蘭在中亞突厥語係國家發展之研究，尤其針對自前蘇聯獨立出來之突厥語係國家的改革議題有所助益。除此之外，本論文探討了與教育改革及宗教文化對話之關係，在研究如Hizmet運動般之跨國伊斯蘭運動的同時，也為跨國伊斯蘭運動之研究拓展了新的研究面向。 / The thesis researches on social conflicts and suggests the possible solutions from the perspective of Muslim transnational movement through educational reform and religio-cultural dialogue. The existence of social conflicts and the lack of social cohesion are the core themes of many public debates in both Western and Eastern societies. In recent years these issues have often been linked to Muslim communities and their religious activities. The Islamic response to these allegations and social problems is in various ways. Nevertheless this study concerns the solutions proposed and practiced by the Hizmet Movement, a global civil society inspired by the teachings of Fethullah Gülen, a great contemporary Turkish Muslim thinker. In the pluralistic societies there are different communicational structures and ways of resolution to conflicts. The Hizmet Movement proposes that new education system and dialogues between different races and faiths can establish the bridge to attain global peace, and it suggests only through education and dialogue different societies or communities will maintain social cohesion and mend the social cleavages that divide Muslims and non-Muslims. This thesis examines the Hizmet Movement in Kazakhstan. It reflects how a small group of Hizmet followers successfully bring harmony into the national development in Kazakhstan. It especially investigates the role and impact of Hizmet schools in educational reform and social transmutation of Kazakhstan in the post-colonial period. It also endeavors to show that Hizmet Movement is not only engaged in Kazakhstan national education projects, but also indirectly fosters mutual understanding between the Turkish people and the local Kazakhs in order to work together towards a peaceful coexistence and alliance of civilization. The thesis will contribute to the study of Islam in Central Asia’s Turkic countries, especially the reformation after their independence from the former Soviet-Union. Besides, it brings out a new research dimension of Transnational Islamic movement such as the Hizmet, in the aspect of educational reform and religio-cultural dialogues.

本論文旨在分析在我國公視建構過程中(1990~2013年)的報紙相關評論與報導。從1915年開始，台灣就有許多透過媒體改革來爭取發言權的運動。然而，直到1990年，公民社會才出現了以產權為目標的媒改運動，亦即1990年代起的公視運動。因此，我們認為公視運動可被視為公民爭取「公共領域」的重要歷程，值得進行深入分析。 其次，本文主張公視這種「公共領域」的建構過程，應以公共對話為基礎。經文獻檢閱，我們認為公媒體與公共領域有以下關聯。以制度面而言，Habermas的晚近公共領域概念強調國家必須透過立法過程來保障溝通行動，這正和公媒體的制度契合。以公共論述判準而言，Habermas的「合理政治意志形成過程」與「理性溝通」則可用來檢視，關於公視制度的討論是否符合公共性。 此外，本文選報紙評論進行分析，不是為了比較各報論述的差異，而是報紙長時間地記載各報社、社運團體成員、學者專家與社會大眾對公視議題的論述，這可讓我們檢視及反思不同階段公視運動的論述目標與特徵。另一方面，我們也檢閱了公視相關的立法院、監察院公報等資料，藉此釐清政府、媒體與公民社會三者的關係。 本研究有以下三點發現。第一，政府政策意圖是引導公視論述的關鍵因素。只有當政府對公視採取較正面態度，公民社會才有機會對公視進行深度的討論。第二，公視議題的主要論述者是報社人員與學院知識份子，其中學知對於公視向來採取支持立場。相對而言，只有在公視處於不利局面時，各報才會較積極地對公視表達支持。第三，當報社與學知對公視議題進行討論，報社較支持「商業化」與「數位化」，學知則較重視「公共理念」。 / This paper aims to analyze newspaper commentary and reports published during the Taiwan Public Television Movement between 1990 and 2013. Since 1915, Taiwan has had a lot of media reform movements that fought for freedom of speech. But there were no media reform movements with the aim of dealing with media ownership until the Taiwan Public Television Movement happened in 1990.We believe that the public television movement was a very important process that structured" public sphere “in Taiwan and is worth an in-depth analysis. As a public sphere, Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS) should be constructed on the public dialogue. After reviewing the literature, we think that the public media and the public sphere have the following correlations. In terms of institutional designs, Habermas emphasized recently that the state needs to protect the communicative action through the legislative process. We think this is similar to the idea of public television. With regard to public dialogues, Habermas' concepts of “a process model of rational political will-formation” and "rational communication ideal " can be applied to analyze the discourse of Taiwan Public Television. In addition, we analyzed newspaper commentaries, not to compare the differences of representation between newspapers, but to document different kinds of discussions of public television by media, social movement organizations, scholars and the public over a long period of time. Whereby, we can examine and reflect on the discourse goals and characteristics of the Taiwan Public Television movement in different stages. We also reviewed the official gazettes of the Legislative Yuan and the Control Yuan in order to clarify the relationship between the government, the media and civil society. In this paper, we provide readers with three findings. First, the intent of government policy was a key factor in leading the discourse of public television. Only when the government adopted more positive attitudes towards the TBS did civil society have chances for more in-depth discussions. Second, the discussions of TBS were mainly made by newspaper staffs and college intellectuals. Furthermore, college intellectuals had always taken a stand that supported public television. In contrast, only when TBS was in an unfavorable situation did newspaper staffs become more active in offering support. Third, whenever newspaper staffs and college intellectuals participated in the public discussion, the former tended to support the "commercialized" and "digitized" TBS, but the latter were inclined to favor “the ideal of public sphere” of TBS.

本論文主要研究台灣學生本土宣言與香港學生宣言的相似處，且提供了此兩社群跨國界合作的機會。香港與台灣兩地的活動家在西元2014年1月13日正式接洽。香港及台灣泛民主團體的學生與政治家在台北舉行為期一周的會談，標誌著倡議民主的雙方首次接觸。 本次爭議以地方來說，主要是反對當地政府，以國際來講，則是反對中華人民共和國。此活動有利於民主、自決與身分認同。因此，兩次社會運動與兩方社群推行相似的目標及面對共同的敵人。會談後，雙方新階段的合作展現於台灣「太陽花學運」和香港「讓愛與和平佔領中環活動」。世界正在目睹跨國家社會運動間，為了加強其宣言力量而興起的趨勢。 本研究論點是基於社會運動影響理論，隨機在羅伯特·普特曼雙層賽局理論中，採用了道格·麥克亞當的集體行動間動態交互模型。該理論框架指出，一個國家的社會運動（香港或台灣）可以作為另一個社會的參考，尋求由地方政府創造「國際機會」（如：反對地方政策或一個國家：中華人民共和國）。這種情況已經出現於2014年9月28日，在香港突然出現的抗議活動。而且，幾乎立刻，近4000人聚集在台北的自由廣場以表支持。這樣一大群人，他們大多數為學生，在如此短的時間內聚集，此現象提供了本論文研究基礎，探討是否此情緒也在台灣學生中蔓延。 / The present thesis argues that the resemblance found between Taiwanese students in their local claims and those of Hong Kong students, has provided an opportunity for both societies to start collaborating at a transnational level. The first formal approach between Hong Kong and Taiwan activists came in January 13, 2014. Pro-democracy groups of students and politicians from Hong Kong and Taiwan gathered in Taipei for a weekend of talks. This marked the first real approach between both democratic advocates. Locally the struggle was directed at the governments and internationally against the PRC. The objectives of these movements favor democracy, identity and self-determination. Therefore, both social movements and societies push for similar objectives and share a common foe. After the meeting a new level of cooperation was reached between the two sides that was shown during the Sunflower movement in Taiwan and the Occupy the Central with Love and Peace OCLP in Hong Kong. The world is witnessing the dawn of a cross-national approach between social movements that seek to strengthen the force of their claims. The argument of the present study is based on the Social Movements Impact theory, using Professor’s Doug McAdam’s dynamic interactive model of a collective action, in a Robert Putman’s "Two Level-game" case of opportunity. This theoretical framework suggests that a social movement of one country (Hong Kong or Taiwan) can be used as a reference the society of another to renew the “international opportunity” (rejection of a local policy or a country: PRC) created by the local government. This case was seen on the on September 28, 2014 when abruptly emerged the protests in Hong Kong and, almost immediately, near four thousand people gathered at Taipei’s Liberty Square to show their support. The fact that such a large group of people, most of them students, gathered in so short period of time, provides the ground for the present study to explore if the sentiment is spread in the Taiwanese student community.

近幾年的大規模社會抗爭運動，不像過往傳統社運組織由上而下的動員，強調一致的意識形態和認同作為號召，而是透過網際網路與社交媒體的訊息擴散與中介動員，形成水平式的串連。面對這種新型態的網絡化社會運動，Bennett & Segerberg（2013）提出連結性行動（connective action）概念，強調個人化行動框架的重要性，以及組織在這些新型態社會運動中扮演的不同角色。本研究以2013年苗栗大埔農地徵收一案作為本地的連結性行動個案，觀察社交媒體上的浮現社群和既有的社運組織之連結，探討線上與線下參與者之串連如何使此案成為眾所關注的社會抗爭事件。 　　本研究採取複合式研究方法進行資料蒐集與分析，研究場域包括線上社交媒體與線下田野觀察，並訪談實際參與者。研究發現，在2013年苗栗大埔事件中，透過社交媒體的訊息擴散與動員參與，一波又一波的訊息擴散累積為下次的動員能量，號召更多的個別行動者參與；再者，社運組織作為一個連結平台，讓線上社交媒體的議題社群，有機會與在地抗爭者共同參與活動，並捲動不同社運組織之間的連結，形成社運組織「網絡的網絡」的協作圈。 / In the 2013, residents of Miao-li Da-pu fought for their living right against the government. They organized a series of protest by mobilizing people through social media. This was one of the several high-profile networked social movements in recent years. Adopting “the logic of connective action” from Bennett & Segerberg (2013) as the conceptual framework, this study examines the online and offline social networks of activist organizations during the protest events of Miao-li Da-pu. This analysis indicates that the protest’s information flows on the social media may recruit more individuals to participate the protest. Moreover, the organizations enabled “the network of networks”, which is linked to the networks belonging to different organizations. The role of organization in the protest is not only to mobilize the resources but also an enrolling platform to connect various individuals and local residents to work together.

本研究針對 2014 年 3 月至 4 月期間的太陽花運動三大事件（佔領立法院、衝進行政院、以及凱達格蘭大道集結）作個案研究，採質性研究的深度訪談法和資料蒐集法取得研究資料，援引 Bruno Latour 的「行動者網絡理論」（Actor Network Theory）概念進行分析，探討大眾媒體與另類媒體在當代政治抗議場域裡，如何以現有傳播科技做創新使用與傳播實踐，而科技和人的互動又如何對訊息發布與呈現方式造成影響，勾勒出人人皆可參與的政治抗議情境之下，傳播行動者如何受新舊媒體模式交織影響。 / This paper traces the contemporary hybrid media network in a Taiwanese political protest context, focusing mainly on the 2014 Sunflower Movement (also known as “Occupy Parliament”) in Taiwan. The proliferation of digital media use in this protest, makes it a significant case study in regards to finding the complex media networks of tech-savvy activists and mainstream media at work in recent political protests. To answer the complex nature of this network, this paper employs Actor Network Theory (ANT) as a framework to depict the evolving media network of contemporary political protests in Taiwan through first-hand accounts of alternative media activists and mainstream journalists. This research conducts a set of qualitative interviews with heterogenous actors who participated in the Sunflower Movement. Additional data is collected from online documents of the event. In the end, the research seeks to answer the following questions: How do new and old media form links through technology and digital tools in modern political protest? What is the nature of the associations formed and how do the associations impact the existing news ecology in political protests? Further providing an empirical account of transforming protest media networks in action in a political protest context.

慢城運動 (cittaslow) 在1999年於義大利正式發起，由慢食運動延伸而來，有鑑於全球化變遷下，過度追求快速發展與效率性，而忽略了城市原本與自然共處的平衡以及悠久的歷史人文，慢城運動目的是為了人類社會的永續發展，透過傳統技術加上現代科技，在保護自然與傳統文化同時，兼顧發展該地區的經濟，打造出真正適合人居住的都市。 而韓國早在2005年就開始積極尋求慢城認證的可能，並在2007年成為亞洲第一個獲得慢城認證的國家，並於五年內將認證的慢城數量提升至十二個之多。其中，本研究的主要研究對象，南揚州鳥安慢城即位於繁忙的首爾首都圈內，在這凡事講求快速、效率的國家，如何在快與慢、地區發展與保護間取得平衡，是值得探討的對象。韓國各慢城的誕生，除了保護當地自然環境與人文歷史以及推廣傳統技術外，在地方政府與韓國觀光公社的合作下，也充分發揮該地的觀光資源，為這些城市帶來更多經濟效益。而韓國在2012年時，其中一個慢城在重新審查的過程中，由於過度商業化、外來投資客過多等，造成資格不符被除去慢城的認證，這也讓韓國開始思考慢城發展速度是否過快，以及慢城究竟是為了地區居民，還是為了觀光而打造的產物。 因此本研究將以韓國慢城運動為中心，探討韓國慢城運動發展過程與現況，並以首爾首都圈內的慢城南揚州鳥安為研究對象，透過實地觀察與深度訪談的方式，分析慢城的主體，也就是地區居民，對慢城運動的態度與看法。2014年臺灣花蓮鳳林鎮成為第一個獲得認證的慢城，同時也有城市開始推動慢城運動與認證，本研究透過討論韓國的慢城運動經驗發展經驗以及地區居民對慢城的態度，希望能夠提供正在發展慢城運動的臺灣相關經驗。

短片《黑夜來臨》述說鄭宇勝－三民高中的王牌投手，正侃侃而談他得到勝利與小聯盟合約的喜悅，這讓他可以逃離充滿恐懼的生活。但其實勝利並不是屬於他的，生涯早已報銷的鄭宇勝，將自己投射在別人的勝利中，逃避現實的威脅，在這場設計成「記者採訪」的心理治療裡，鄭宇勝被迫在幻想中看到矛盾之處，道出一場夢靨與真實的自己，而這又是何其殘酷… 　　《黑夜來臨》以黑色電影手法，從選手心理的角度切入台灣棒球的教育問題，探究選手對其選手生命的心理過程，帶觀眾去經歷這樣的過程，藉由一個極端的遭遇，隱喻當代台灣每一個高中選手面對職涯選擇時，受全球選手交易與高中教育不見全的影想。 　　本創作論述報告包含創作動機、電影表現形式手法、相關心理學研究及高中棒球環境的田野調查報告，亦包含從前製、攝製期與後製期的工作紀錄，並說明本片在試映後的觀眾反應及修改方向。 / In psychiatrist's room, CHENG Yusheng, the ace pitcher from Shan Min Senior High School, was eloquently talking about the wining of the game and the joy of signing his minor league's contract. This is not only a childhood dream but, more important, an escape from a lifelong fear, his mother. But in reality, this victory never belongs to Cheng, his career has ended log time ago. He imagined a victory not his own in order to runaway from the threat of real world. In the process of psychotherapy, Cheng was forced to face the contradictions in his hallucination, and told the story of nightmare and truth. And soon the Darkness is a short film about a Taiwanese high school baseball player’s struggle. The film is produced by skills of film noir, and we look at this situation from the angle of sports psychology, focus on the moment when Taiwanese high school players face their future. The director’s report demonstrates the production background of the story, presents the perspective to make this film, and records the process of the production and screening.

臺灣從解嚴以後到八０年代末期，社會運動極為興盛，大學生也在這種氛圍下開始校園民主運動，並聲援校園外風起雲湧的民間自力救濟運動。但是在九０年代以後，臺灣的社會運動逐漸沈寂，但是其中有許多都化為正式立案的非營利組織，以延續過往的運動能量；而過去年少輕狂的學運份子，有的後來進入體制，也有的後來走向基層、推動人民自主結社，由下而上地以各種社會力量繼續有組織地提出訴求。而這「理性化」的過程，也延續到其後發生的社會運動上。 但是在這個國家與企業都在使用廣告行銷與公關手段，導致公共領域再封建化的時代裡，非營利組織應如何在公共領域中奪取議題的詮釋權？本文從行動者的角度，以青年勞動九五聯盟的創意行動與媒體策略為例，在事件的參與和行動中再回頭進行反思與分析，並回應到原先的問題意識：有關作為「知識人」的傳播者，如何能更積極地為社運組織帶來力量和影響？ 本研究發現，非營利組織若要在公共領域上搶奪議題的詮釋權，除了組織化的內部分工，並解決財務問題以外，還必須以人民的「生活世界」作為其論述的底蘊，來挑戰被國家與企業所把持的「系統世界」，進而促成改變。而非營利組織之所以能提出人民的「生活世界」，則是建立在組織者平日與他們的群眾同在的過程裡。而非營利組織以創意行動與媒體策略推展議題，並以「影像紀錄」作為其提出論據的管道之一，則是建立在各非營利組織的發展脈絡與生存策略上，形成一種內在鑲嵌的關係。 本研究發現，非營利組織若要在公共領域上搶奪議題的詮釋權，除了組織化的內部分工，並解決財務問題以外，還必須以人民的「生活世界」作為其論述的底蘊，來挑戰被國家與企業所把持的「系統世界」，進而促成改變。而非營利組織之所以能提出人民的「生活世界」，則是建立在組織者平日與他們的群眾同在的過程裡。而非營利組織以創意行動與媒體策略推展議題，並以「影像紀錄」作為其提出論據的管道之一，則是在各非營利組織的發展脈絡與生存策略上，而有不同的呈現方式，形成一種內在鑲嵌的關係。