京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第21367号 / 工博第4526号 / 新制||工||1705(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科マイクロエンジニアリング専攻 / (主査)教授 松原 厚, 教授 西脇 眞二, 教授 小森 雅晴 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

本研究は，視聴する映像を学習者自身で選択させることによる運動学習効果を検討する事が目的であった．本研究の結果，学習者自身が映像を選択する事で，実験者によって選ばれた映像を視聴した場合と比較して，映像と学習者の運動イメージとの認知的な一致度を高めた．さらに，観察角度や選択の方法の違いが運動学習の向上に寄与する事を明らかにした．これらの知見は，運動指導や体育授業における映像の視聴方法や選び方といった提供方法の提案に繋がるだろう． / This study aimed to examine the motor learning effects of allowing learners to choose their own footage to watch. As a result, this study showed that the learner's chosen footage enhanced the cognitive consistency between the video and the learner's motor imagery, compared to the case in which the experimenter chosen video was shown. Furthermore, we found that differences in observational angle and the method of choice contributed to the improvement of motor learning. These findings would be led to propose a method of providing the video, such as how to watch them and how to choose them on a motor instruction and physical education. / 博士(スポーツ健康科学) / Doctor of Philosophy in Health and Sports Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第25314号 / 農博第2580号 / 新制||農||1103(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 秋津 元輝, 教授 足立 芳宏, 准教授 伊庭 治彦 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

as English abstract / Oppressed by the severe surveillance of the Japanese police in Taiwan, short-lived Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) (1928-1931) marked a significant step in the Taiwan’s anti-Japanese movement and social thought. The TCP was the first political organization in Taiwan to put forward the slogan of Taiwan’s independence. Following the Comintern’s activation in the East in 1920s, the first contacts between the Taiwan’s leftists and the Comintern representatives took place in early 1920s. Starting from 1927, the Comintern pursued the policy of activation of the communist movement in the colonies and establishment of communist parties in these countries. Established on the Comintern directive in Shanghai with the help of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and being subordinated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the TCP was developing quite independently under the leadership of Xie Xuehong and in the close alliance with the Taiwan Cultural Association and the Taiwan Peasants Union, until the end of 1930 when the TCP established a contact with the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern through the TCP Shanghai representative, Weng Zesheng, who served as liaison with the Comintern. As the result, the Comintern activated its work toward Taiwan, started dispatching emissaries to Taiwan who in the framework of the Comintern’s rhetoric of that time promoted the Party’s reform to eliminate the “opportunistic errors”. The activation of the Party’s work followed, the Union for Reorganization was established. The Comintern did not have chance to adjust the activity of the reformed TCP as within few months after the beginning of actual interaction between the Comintern and the TCP, the TCP was destroyed by arrests. The thesis is devoted to the Comintern’s role in the TCP’s establishment, development, reform, establishment of the Union for Reorganization, the Party’s activation and destruction. The research is based on the TCP files deposited in the former archive of the Comintern. The documents include the correspondence of the representative of the TCP, Weng Zesheng, with the Comintern FEB. The correspondence between Weng Zesheng and the FEB sheds light on the inner-party processes in the TCP, clarifies the essence of the inner-party struggle and reform, and explores the role of personal relations in the inner-party struggle which resulted in the UFR establishment without direct involvement of the Comintern. The available now text of the consultations of Weng Zesheng with the CCP representative Qu Qiubai makes it possible to clarify the CCP’s involvement in the TCP’s development and reform and to conclude as to whose directive it was to commence the struggle against Xie Xuehong. The TCP’s history was short but very intensive. Abandoned by its superior, the JCP, and not having relations with the international communist leadership, the TCP suffered lack of the financial and ideological support, and was left for the mercy of unpredictable fate of the exhausting inner factional struggle, still was able to survive under the “white terror” until the Party’s reorganization in 1931. According to the research results, the TCP inner-party struggles during 1928-1931 were in fact the result of resistance to emigrant party groupings who were attempting to take control over the TCP’s Taiwan based Party organization. Neither the JCP and the CCP, nor the Comintern had a real opportunity to influence the activities of the Taiwan-based communists. Taiwan’s communists overseas used the Comintern’s rhetoric and their contacts with the Comintern and the CCP to promote their agenda in the inner-party struggle. The implementation of the plans of Weng Zesheng and the opponents of Xie Xuehong in Taiwan on the Party’s reform and activation led to the Party’s destruction by the Japanese administration.

本研究認為要了解台灣新聞媒體在「焚化風險/污染議題」上的表現，必須將其置放在台灣焚化政策爭議的整個歷史脈絡中來作探討，才能跨越「從媒體文本看世界」的侷限，了解國家、社會運動、媒體在「焚化政策爭議」中的互動關係。 研究方法方面，本研究以文獻分析法分析國家推動焚化爐的制度設計與「風險管理」的配套措施則，以參與觀察法、深度訪談與歷史文獻分析民間反焚化爐運動發的發展，並試圖辨識國家與社會運動各提出了哪些詮釋架構。在媒體文本方面，採用框架分析法。 本研究發現，從民國73年《都市垃圾處理方案》開始，「焚化」一直被定為主要垃圾處理政策；國家一方面以各種優惠、補貼、保障利潤的長期合約等機制扶植/圖利國內廠商；另一方面以「中央給錢、地方找地」的權責劃分原則搭配回饋金、公權力、民有民營模式三個機制來排除居民的反對與抗爭。 國家在推動焚化爐的過程中，鼓吹焚化有「減量化、安定化、衛生/無害化、資源回收、占地小、台灣垃圾適於焚化、焚化是先進國家主要垃圾處理方法」等優點，根本未提及戴奧辛及其他污染。待環保團體提出質疑，國家才透過新聞媒體來安撫社會大眾，提出「積極改善」、「配套措施」與「安全保證」，把問題導向「如何補救」而非「是否還要繼續接受污染」。在空氣污染防制方面，大型爐的戴奧辛排放標準遲至民國86年才訂出，小型爐管制最遲至92年才生效。鼓勵民間投資灰渣再利用的政策更是大大增加這些毒物流散到環境中的機率，而且因為我們看不見、不知道，所以毫無警覺。 早期的反焚化爐運動分成兩股力量，草根組織在社區抵擋焚化爐進入，專業環保團體則多次在媒體上揭露「焚化風險/污染」。民國88年起，開始有環保團體引介國外的反焚化論述給社區草根組織；在環保團體與地方組織緊密互動、串聯的過程中，發展出反焚化論述的「在地版本」，更快速壯大運動的影響力，迫使國家重新檢討焚化政策。在反美濃焚化爐的個案中，人們更見識到，在中央/地方政府施政作為與焚化技術雙雙失去正當性之後，焚化利益的政經共生體如何操弄法律、科學/技術與官僚體系特性來抗拒反對與改變。 在焚化風險的決策點上，中時、聯合兩大報並未提供警訊，主動揭露焚化爐可能帶來的風險/污染，也沒有自我批判或學習的能力，在下一次報導時提出警告。 在環保團體揭露焚化風險/污染時，兩報傾向用「兩面並陳、各說各話」的「衝突對立框架」來處理，但聯合報傾向凸顯兩造說法的兩極化、沒有交集，中時則是「形式對立、內容不強調對立」。不過，在揭露之後，民間團體還是很難得到媒體近用，但國家卻能輕鬆得到媒體進用，以科學研究的內部不確定性和外部權威、「安全保證」等機制，將議題引導至「風險管理」的詮釋框架，解除焚化政策的正當性危機。 在「反對焚化污染/風險運動」的媒體再現中，美濃反焚化爐運動完全被擠壓在地方版，只有官員圖利廠商被偵辦的新聞才上得了全國版，但此類「司法新聞」無法呈現中央/地方政府互踢皮球、集體卸責等整套「風險政治」的運作過程，不利於各地受害者的交流、串聯，亦不利社會輿論壓力的形成。 在討論垃圾問題的社論中，兩報均接受焚化是國家「既定政策」的事實，以「肯定並催促興建」、「視為既定事實」、「討論如何排除焚化爐興建困難的問題」、「信任科學/技術」等框架來支持「焚化爐是最佳方案」。「減量回收」政策從頭到尾都被套上個人實踐的道德化框架，削弱其可獨當一面，取代焚化爐的正當性，亦排除了國家在減量回收政策上的責任。 兩報探討垃圾與焚化爐問題的社論絕大多數是應垃圾大戰而寫，只有一篇聯合報社論以焚化爐風險為主題。兩報對於焚化爐爭議大致上有固定的框架，中國時報很一貫地抱持「焚化是不得不然的選擇」，所以要作好管制/公關工作的詮釋框架，聯合報則是一直強調源頭管制（減量）的重要性，只可惜該報的言論並不認為源頭管制可以完全取代焚化，故在立場上是採取「嚴格管制焚化爐，加上個人要作好源頭減量才是戴奧辛的治本之道」。不過，這種一致性僅限於全國版，地方版無法歸納出類似規則。

1987年國父紀念館女性員工因懷孕而遭到雇主解雇的事件發生，促使婦女新知基金會檢討台灣女性的工作權益，並於1989年草擬完成一部專屬勞動婦女的「男女工作平等法」草案。但從法案的提出到三讀通過卻歷經了12年之久，因而誘發作者想瞭解到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或有其它的結構性因素的操作延宕法案的通過。 過去國家機器與資本家是建立在「共謀」關係上，因此，法案的提出勢必影響兩者的「共謀」關係。丙國家如何在不傷及資本家又能顧及女性勞動利益下，制訂出「兩性工作平等法」。國家尋求哪些不同的解決途徑？資本力量又是如何鑲嵌在政治勢力中對法案產生嚴重的阻撓作用？法案的通過是否代表婦運團體對於國家機器與資本主義運作的挑戰成功？ 本文目的在於釐清婦運如何挑戰國家機器與市場機制，而制定出保障婦女的法令政策，同時在整個推法過程中，新知如何逼使國家提出相對法案。文中也將呈現資本家如何透過在立法院的代言人影響法案的通過與制定，以及在整個立法過程中，婦運團體如何顛覆父權思想與資本主義體系的運作邏輯。因此，除了探究職場中存在哪些性別不平等的結構事實外，還必須剖析這些現象的產生是因結構、制度因素而成的，或是婦運變遷的結果。以及到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或是因為其他的結構性因素的操作而不能完成立法。 在資本主義下女性除了面臨職場內兩性不平等的對待外，更要擔負沈重的家務責任。但對於這些不平等的對待，過去並未有學者深入分析研究。第二章即說明女性因料理家務未就業、因懷孕生子退出勞動市場等行為何以稱為是「就業歧視」。經濟學觀點、社會文化觀點又如何看待女性勞動，女性主義觀點對於父權及資本主義叉提出哪些批判？ 第三章將論述80年代末期台灣政治結構轉型加速了社會運動的發展，其中社會運動的特質、運動方式及策略有哪些？婦女運動與社會運動有何不同之處何在？本章主要論述社會運動與婦女運動問的關係以及婦女運動中的「兩性工作平等法」的出現，與台灣政經脈絡及社會結構有何種關係。 第四章將陳明國家與資本家如何回應婦運團體的立法？此外，並論述婦運團體如何推法，運用哪些運動策略以及如何將女性主義實踐在法律條文中，便其成為體制或制度的一部分。最後，本章將側重國家在法案推動過程中角色的扮演。國家在法案推動過程中，是否一如過去馬克思主義所言是資本階級的代言者，或是國家在法案中另有其政策考量？為何國家態度從原先的拖延到主動提出相對版本，甚至有轉為積極的態度？ 第五章則在於論述「兩性工作平等法」如何挑戰資本主義市場運作？而它的出現又是如何制衡資本主義市場對女性勞動者的過度剝削或歧視行為？女性主義如何將其理念實踐在法條中，對資本主義與父權進行更進一步的挑戰？如第四章所論，國家過去與資本家關係密切，所以在不願得罪資本家的態度下一直拖延法案審查。資本家透過哪些管道間接或直接影響法案本身的推動？運用哪些方式阻撓法案的通過？婦運團體又運用哪些策略與戰術逼使國家正視法案且最終通過三讀。 關鍵字：國家機器、父權、資本主義、婦女運動、女性主義、「兩性工作平等法」、婦女新知基金會 / In 1987, female employees who worked in Sun-Yet-Sen Memorial Hall, were laid off because of their pregnancy, thus promoting the Awakening Foundation to look back to the bill regarding female labor in Taiwan, and the draft belongs to laboring women-The Men and Women Equal Employment Bill was finished In 1989, but it took 12 years from the lift to the passing of the three-read, so this induced the author to want to understand if the government ignored the rights of women on purpose or are there other constant factors which caused the delay of the passing of the draft. In the past, the state apparatus and the capitalists were built on collusion; thus, the lifting of the Bill must affect the relationship of the collusion of the two. Therefore, the state must decide on the Equal Employment Bill without hurting all capitalists while caring for the interests of women. What solution is our government seeking? How is capital power embedded in the political power frustrating the effect to the law? Does the passing of the Bill successfully present the women group to challenge the operation of state apparatus and capitalism? The aim of this article is to clarify the women movement challenging the state apparatus and marketing organism, to make relative laws of state guarding the women while promoting the laws how Awakening stops our government to offer relative laws. This article shows how the capitalists have affected the passing and making of the law through legislators, and in the whole process of making the law, how the women group overthrow the operating logic of patriarchy and capitalism. Thus, aside from discussing what unfair structural facts exist in the working field, we must dissect whether the producing of phenomenon belong to structure or institutional factor or the outcome of the change of women movement, and is the state ignoring women's right purposely or there are other institutional factors that prevents the Bill from being passed. Aside from facing the unfair treatment in the working field under capitalism, women also need to bear the heavy burden of a caring for the family. In the past, no scholars analyzed and researched these unfair treatments. The second chapter informs us how women quit working because of family duty or pregnancy, either of which is considered a discrimination, how the economical opinion or social-cultural opinion looks at women labor, and what is the opinion of feminists opposing and criticize patriarchy and capitalism? The third chapter discusses the political transformation of Taiwan by the end of the eighties, which accelerated the social movement development, discussing what character, ways and tactics of the social movement, and the difference between women movement and social movement. In this chapter, we'll talk about the relationship of the social movement and women movement, and the appearance of the Equal Employment Bill in the women movement? What kind of relationship is there between the political and economic contexts, and social structure in Taiwan. The forth chapter talks about how the state and capitalists respond to the women group pushing the Bill? Even more, I will discuss how women group was able to complete the bill, what actions they used and how feminism was realized the law, promoting these to become part of the apparatus or the institution. In the end, this chapter will focus on the role-playing of the state in this Bill. In the process of pushing the Bill, according to Marxism: is state the spokesman of capital class, or are there other considerations in the policy? How come the attitude of the state from originally delaying the passing of the bill to actively offering relative solutions, even turning to aggressive attitude? The fifth chapter discusses how the Equal Employment Bill challenges the work of capitalism, and how its appearance balances capitalism's work over women labor to exploit or discriminate them too much? How does feminism, realized in the Bill, challenges capitalism and patriarchy? As what we have discussed in the fourth chapter, state and capitalists are very much related in the past, so the state constantly delays the examination of the Equal Employment Bill so as not to offend the capitalists. Through what do the capitalists frustrate the Bill directly or indirectly? What ways do they use to frustrate the completion of the Bill? And what ploy and tactics do women groups use to make our state facing up to the Bill and eventually pass the three-read. How did feminism challenge capitalism and patriarchy, thus improving or advancing the practice of law? Key Words : state apparatus、patriarchy、capitalism、women movement、feminism、Equal Employment Bill、Awakening Foundation

在過去二到三年之中，能源、金屬、軟性商品等原物料價格漲勢強勁，成為市場上最炙手可熱的商品。然而，原物料價格漲升為全球帶來了通膨隱憂，世界各國紛紛採用各種貨幣政策和財政政策試圖緩解通膨壓力。其中，利率政策即是相當重要的一環。在這樣的背景之下，是否對於能源、貴金屬和利率衍生性商品的設計和定價上產生影響，值得進一步檢視。因此，本論文選擇以中國大陸的原油與黃金連結複合式選擇權，以及利率（HIBOR）連結可贖回每日區間計息等兩種結構性存款作為研究個案，以財務工程的理論模型為中國銀行的金融創新產品作評價與分析。 在原油與黃金連結複合式選擇權部分，分別假設金價和油價服從幾何布朗運動（Geometric Brownian Motion）推導出封閉解，以及Schwartz的一因子均數回歸模型，採蒙地卡羅模擬法模擬標的資產之價格路徑並以之估算商品理論價值和發行機構利潤，之後則就避險參數和商品預期收益率作分析。在利率連結可贖回每日區間計息結構性存款部分，由於具有發行機構可提前贖回的特性，本論文採用LIBOR市場模型（BGM Model）為評價基礎，先利用市場報價資訊計算期初遠期利率及進行參數校準，再以蒙地卡羅模擬法模擬遠期利率路徑，最後以Longstaff and Schwartz（2001）提出的最小平方蒙地卡羅法（LSM）計算商品理論價值和發行機構利潤。 除估算商品理論價值以檢視中國銀行的商品定價合理性之外，本文也針對中國大陸的外匯和利率政策對金融機構在商品設計方面的影響作分析，最後則分別就財務工程與金融創新以及總體政策與金融市場兩方面提出結論與建議，以供各界參酌。 / The prices of physical commodities have risen a lot and led to pressure of inflation for several years. Many countries over the world have tried hard to tackle inflation threat with monetary and fiscal policies. Under this circumstance, the design and pricing of structured products should be affected. Therefore, the oil and gold-linked and interest rate-linked structured deposits launched by Bank of China are selected to be the case study in this thesis. Prices of the underlying assets are assumed to follow Geometric Brownian Motion, and the close-form solution of the oil and gold-linked structured deposit embedded with compound options is derived. Moreover, Schwartz’s One-Factor Mean Reversion Model is adopted to derive the fair value by simulation. In addition to the fair value and issuer’s profit, the expected rate of return, hedge parameters (Greeks) and model difference are presented in this thesis. As for the interest rate-linked Callable Daily Range Accrual Deposit, the thesis presents the steps of pricing by simulation. LIBOR Market Model (BGM Model) is adopted to derive the fair value of Callable Range Deposit with Least Squares Monte Carlo approach. Besides, the design and pricing of structured products are actually influenced by those policies in relation to interest rates and currencies adopted by government of Mainland China. The influence is discussed in the thesis as well. Eventually, the conclusions and suggestions are made with respect to macroeconomic policy and financial market as well as financial innovation.

台灣是製造代工王國，在建立品牌上才剛起步。但是當競爭愈來愈激烈時，企業獲利受到壓縮，品牌即變得愈來愈重要。媒體是促進社會進步重要的一環，同時也是企業，也有必要藉由打造品牌而建立競爭優勢。媒體應如何打造品牌？為了有系統地了解媒體品牌的要素和建立的過程，我們有必要將品牌權益（brand equity）的理論和實務做些印證。 本研究採個案研究法，將品牌深受肯定的天下雜誌當作研究對象，探討如何找出最能有效解釋並引導企業建立品牌權益的理論模型，並探討品牌權益各變項中，哪些變項對媒體品牌最重要。研究發現Keller的「以顧客為基礎的品牌權益」模型(CBBE)，結構和邏輯非常清楚，探討的面向嚴密而完整，因而能有效解釋並引導企業建立品牌。 根據Keller的CBBE理論，建立一個強勢品牌需要進行四個步驟的工作：一是用品牌顯著性建立品牌認同，也就是讓消費者認識「你是誰」（Who Are You?）。二是創造品牌內涵，就是讓消費者知道「你有什麼內涵」(What Are You?)，其中分為品牌表現和品牌想像。三是引導消費者對品牌產生反應，知道「你有多優秀？」(What About You?)，分為消費者評價和感覺。四是建立合適的消費者和品牌的關係，創造品牌共鳴(Relationships: What About You and Me?)，這會表現在忠誠的行為、態度上的依賴、社群感和積極參與。 運用這個架構，可以很清楚地看出天下雜誌如何打造出強勢品牌。從清晰的品牌宗旨出發，天下雜誌以「具有人文關懷的財經雜誌」為特色，在建立品牌識別系統、創造品牌內涵上做的很紮實，不隨波逐流，堅持積極、前瞻、放眼天下的報導態度，走一條自己的路，結果順利引導消費者對品牌產生正面反應，不但消費者評價高，對品牌的感覺也很強烈，最後創造出高度品牌共鳴。 本研究也發現，品牌個性對媒體打造品牌很重要。天下雜誌具有「能力」和「真誠」的品牌個性，因而能有效吸引一群有理想性、熱愛學習的讀者和廣告客戶，形成具有歸屬感的社群，27年來持續發揮社會影響力。但面對網路2.0時代，讀者需要更多的參與，和更具創意的多元接觸，天下雜誌的品牌個性可能必須用不同的方式來詮釋和加強，例如在網站上設計更多活動，或嘗試邀請部落客進駐網站，帶動更多網友的參與和討論。甚至在網路上徵求讀者的意見，作為雜誌選擇報導議題的參考等。 / Being a kingdom of OEM for several decades, Taiwan has just begun to build its own brand. But as competition gets fierce and profits are squeezed, branding becomes more and more important for Taiwanese companies. Media industry, which is crucial in the advancement of society, has experienced severe revenue shrinkage in recent years, so branding has also become an imperative to increase its competitiveness. To find out how a media company could build up its brand, we need to consult major theories in brand equity and compare them with practices been taken in the industry. This research uses the technique of case-study analysis. Using the widely acclaimed CommonWealth Magazine as the case to be studied, it is aimed at finding out the most suitable brand equity model to explain how a strong media brand is built, and what variables are most important in this process. We found that the Customer Based Brand Equity Model (CBBE) by Kevin Keller can best explain the way to build a strong brand, because it is solid and logical in its structure, and is comprehensive in the aspects it covers. According to the CBBE model, there are four steps in building a brand: 1. Ensure identification of the brand with customers, and let customers know “Who are you?” 2. Firmly establish the totality of brand meaning in the minds of customers, and let customers know “What are you?” 3. Elicit the proper customer responses to this brand identification and brand meaning, and let customers know “What about you?” 4. Convert brand response to create an intense, active loyalty relationship between customers and the brand, and let customers know “What about you and me?” Using this model as a reference, we can see clearly how CommonWealth Magazine has developed a strong brand. Ever since its establishment, CommonWealth has strived to create a business magazine with a spirit of humanity. The name “CommonWealth” represents its mission to make a better society. It has been very mindful in building its brand identity and brand meaning, insisting on a positive, outward looking and forward looking approach, and has thus created positive brand response and high loyalty from its readers. This research also finds that brand personality plays an important role in brand building. With a perceived personality of competence and sincerity, CommonWealth has successfully attracted a large readership characteristic of being idealistic and always eager to learn. A community of loyal readers and long-time advertisement clients has thus been formed over the past 27 years, supporting CommonWealth to become one of the most influential magazines in Taiwan. But with the advent of Web 2.0, people are requiring more interaction with media and are looking for creative and diversified media contacts. Therefore CommonWealth Magazine needs to interpret its brand personality in a different way, such as providing more on-line activities, openly soliciting story ideas from readers, or inviting bloggers to write on its website, so as to involve and engage more readers.

研究目的：本研究旨在探究高功能自閉症類群障礙（High-Functioning Autism Spectrum Disorder, HFASD）兒童基本的運動知覺、動物生物性運動知覺、與人類生物性運動知覺之偏好注視表現與注意力時間歷程，逐步澄清HFASD兒童的生物性運動知覺表現與社會缺損的關聯性。此外，針對自閉症類群障礙的異質性，進一步探討HFASD兒童具智能優異特質者之生物性運動知覺表現。 研究方法：本研究共招募50名7至10歲之HFASD兒童與25名配對生理年齡與智力之TD兒童。本研究採偏好注視作業，以光點呈現三種運動刺激對比的視覺配對情境：（1）基本運動知覺：物體運動配對散亂運動；（2）動物生物性運動知覺：動物運動配對物體運動；（3）人類生物性運動知覺：人類運動配對動物運動。透過眼動追蹤技術測量受試兒童觀看各運動刺激之凝視時間比例與時間歷程之凝視可能性。研究亦涵蓋智力、症狀嚴重度、及適應行為評估。 研究結果：基本運動知覺方面，TD兒童與HFASD 兒童皆對散亂運動具偏好反應。生物性運動知覺方面，整體來說，TD與HFASD兒童皆較偏好動物與人類運動。時間歷程分析顯示，HFASD與TD兒童在相同的時間窗格對動物與人類運動產生偏好興趣。此外，在動物生物性運動知覺中，於時間歷程早期階段，HFASD兒童偏好動物運動之程度低於TD兒童，且偏好動物運動的程度與社會溝通缺損具相關性，於晚期階段，兩組偏好動物運動的程度無顯著差異。在人類生物性運動知覺中，於時間歷程早期階段，HFASD兒童偏好人類運動的程度與TD兒童相當，隨時間遞增，TD兒童維持對人類運動的偏好興趣，然而，HFASD兒童對人類運動的偏好興趣則逐步遞減，至晚期階段，HFASD兒童偏好人類運動的程度顯著低於TD兒童，且與自閉症狀具相關性。考量本研究HFASD兒童樣本之異質性，結果指出智能優異的HFASD兒童對動物生物性運動的偏好程度與TD兒童相當，但在人類生物性運動知覺中，智能優異組與非智能優異組皆隨時間遞增對人類運動的偏好興趣則逐步遞減。 總結：研究結果指出，HFASD兒童對生物性運動的偏好興趣及產生偏好的速度與TD兒童無明顯差異。但HFASD兒童對人類生物性運動偏好興趣的持續度較TD兒童低落，且不因認知優勢具補償作用。整體而言，顯示HFASD兒童的生物性運動知覺表現型態在反映其社會缺損上具有參考價值。本研究也進一步探討臨床應用、研究限制與未來的研究方向。 / Purposes: This study investigated the preferential attention and attentional processing on the basic motion perception, animal biological motion perception, and human biological motion perception in children with High-Functioning Autism Spectrum Disorder (HFASD). It aimed to explore the processing of biological motion perception in children with HFASD and the association to social deficit. Moreover, concerning the heterogeneity within ASD, the study examined the biological motion perception in intellectually gifted children within HFASD. Method: Fifty children aged 7 to 10 years with HFASD and twenty-five children with typically development（TD）matched on age and IQ were recruited. The current study utilized preferential looking paradigm and motion point-light displays, demonstrating three visual comparison: (1) basic motion perception: object motion paired with scrambled motion; (2) animal biological motion perception: animal motion paired with object motion; (3) human biological motion: human motion paired with animal motion. Eye-tracking techniques were applied to measure proportion of dwell time and time course of fixation probability on each motion stimuli. Cognitive function, symptom severity, and adaptive function were also measured. Result: In basic motion perception, children with TD and HFASD preferentially attend toward scrambled motion. In biological motion perception, generally, children with TD and HFASD preferentially attend toward animal motion and human motion. Time-course analysis revealed that children with TD and HFASD attended toward animal motion and human motion at the same time window. Moreover, in animal biological motion perception, children with HFASD showed lower preferential interest in animal motion than children with TD at the early stage of time course, and there were no significnant difference between groups at the late stage of time course. The results also found that the level of preference for animal motion was associated with the severity of social communication. In human biological motion perception, children with TD and HFASD showed similar level of preferential interest in human motion at the early stage of time course; afterthat, children with TD matained preferential interest in human motion across time, but children with HFASD reduced preferential interest in human motion across time. At the late stage of time course, children with HFASD showed significantly lower level preferential interest in human motion than children with TD, and it was associated to symptom severity. Concerning the heterogeneity within the study sample of HFASD, results indicated that there was no difference on the level of preferential interest in animal motion between intellectually gifted HFASD (IG-HFASD) and TD group; however, in human biological motion perception, IG-HFASD and nonIG-HFASD group reduced preferential interest in human motion across time course compared to TD group. Conclusion: Findings suggested that children with HFASD exhibit the equivalent preferential interest and speed of attending to biological motion as did TD children. However, children with HFASD reduced referential interest in human biological motion across time course compared to TD children, and not influenced by the intellectually gifted advantage with compensation. The results implicated that biological motion perception may play an important role to understanding the social deficit in children with ASD. Theoretical and clinical implications of the study were discussed.

新聞報導是一種語藝的行動或一種說服之過程，也是一種真實的再現，透過不斷的傳播，建構出團體成員對外在世界的共同認知，逐漸成為閱聽人的共同印象。以社會運動來說，新聞工作者往往認為「衝突、對抗、造勢」等戲劇性效果，最具新聞價值，也最能代表社運，因此，媒體建構了社運，同時建構了人們對社運的印象。而以學生為主體的社會運動，因角色的轉換與社會的想像，使得媒體刻意在報導中多了些「保護」與「憐惜」，易產生與其它社會運動不同的報導取徑。 　　本研究以《聯合報》的野百合學運和太陽花學運的新聞報導作為研究對象，透過「幻想主題分析」的研究架構，輔以外在分析，探討單一媒體建構學運的語藝視野是否會隨著時代變遷而有所變化？ 　　研究發現，在《聯合報》語藝建構下，兩代學運呈現迥然不同的語藝視野，野百合學運的語藝視野為「憲政改革眾望所歸」和「民主自由難能可貴」；太陽花學運的語藝視野為「朝野惡鬥國會失能」和「民主之恥民主鬧劇」，並發現學運期間的讀者投書，具明顯的覆誦現象，形成一致的語藝社群，不僅如此，本研究同時驗證了單一媒體在建構不同世代學運的語藝視野，並不會全然產生相同的觀看視角與報導取徑。