This thesis, with special emphasis on African recipient countries, aims to compare and clarify the foreign aid practices adopted by China and South Korea. While South Korea is mostly portrayed as an emerging donor country intending to tie economic relations to recipients, China draws a very diverse audience with reactions to its aid policy ranging from strong suspicion to sincere curiosity. In this thesis, we examine relationships between economic indicators such as population, Gross Domestic Product (GDP), GDP per capita, trade, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), energy production of African recipient countries and the foreign aid policies of these two donors. Through the statistical research method of panel data analysis, we found that the Chinese government has a tendency to provide its aid to more populous African countries, while the often hypothesized China’s resource-securing aid intention is not confirmed. In the case of South Korea, Seoul has a more risk-avert attitude in its Official Development Assistance (ODA) by providing these funds to higher income-level recipients.

近年中國大陸在全球各地簽訂原油供應與相關原油探勘、開採合約，引起部分西方國家對此不滿，中國大陸能源外交的本質、目的、型態與手段亦成為學政界辯論的焦點，歐洲國家更將其對非洲的能源外交批評為新殖民主義，但中國大陸學者則認為僅止於重商主義。本文的研究目的在於檢視中國大陸外交政策屬於古典或新現實主義、能源是否為中國大陸對非洲外交政策的重心，與其對非洲能源外交的型態究竟是重商主義或新殖民主義；並回顧現實主義、國際政治經濟學、新殖民主義等相關理論，建構不同指標以檢驗本文的研究假設。 本文的研究成果可歸納為四個面向：其一，中國大陸對非洲政策為相當典型的新現實主義風格，追求優於非洲地主國的相對利得、政策佈局亦受國際體系權力結構制約；其次，能源為目前中國大陸對非洲政策的重心，中國大陸企業對非洲的投資亦以能源為主要考量；第三，包括中海油、中石油與中石化在內等三家中國大陸石油企業在非洲的投資以原油的探勘、開採權為主，符合其國內能源安全政策辯論的結果；第四，中國大陸在非洲的能源投資實無助於非洲國家的經濟發展，但亦無延滯非洲國家經濟發展，藉此擴張中國大陸在非洲的政經影響力的目的在內。 / In recent years, Mainland China has tried to sign oil supply and related exploration and exploitation contracts around the world, which has caused some western countries dissatisfaction. The essence, purpose, and means of Mainland China’s energy diplomacy have become the focus of debate in the academic and political circles. Some European countries even judged that Mainland China’s energy diplomacy toward Africa is a kind of neo-colonialism, but scholars from Mainland China consider it as mercantilism. The purposes of this thesis are to examine three assumptions: whether Mainland China’s foreign policy belongs to classical realism or neo realism; whether energy is the core of Mainland China’s foreign policy toward Africa; and whether the type of energy diplomacy toward Africa is neo- colonialism or mercantilism. The related theories including realism, international political economy and Neo-colonialism will also be reviewed of this thesis in order to establish four dimensions and twelve indictors to examine my assumptions. The conclusions of this thesis could be summarized into four dimensions: Firstly, Mainland China’s Africa policy is the typical neo-realism, seeking the better relative gain than African countries, and its policy arrangement is restricted by the power structure of the international system. Secondly, energy, especially oil, is the core concern of the Mainland China’s African policy. The investments of Mainland China’s enterprises in Africa also take energy as the main consideration. Thirdly, investments derived from three oil enterprises including China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) and China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (SINOPEC) focus on the right of oil exploration and exploitation, which conforms to the result of its domestic debates about energy security. Finally, Mainland China’s investments toward Africa can not help the economic development in Africa, but will not slow down the Africa’s economic development nor extend its ability to influence Africa.

1978年，中國大陸採取改革開放政策後，經濟發展、現代化成為國家的首要目標，它對國家利益的考量不再偏重意識型態的對立，而是以經濟發展為目標導向。冷戰結束後，蘇聯的瓦解使得原本緊張對峙的兩極體系趨於緩和，中國在國際社會中的外交行為也越來越豐富，多邊外交也成為其近年來的外交策略，如東南亞國協加一（Association of Southeast Asian Nations Plus 1，簡稱ASEAN+1）、亞太經濟合作會議（Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation，簡稱APEC）、世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization，簡稱WTO）、上海合作組織（Shanghai Cooperation Organization，簡稱SCO）等等。在這些不同的區域、議題領域上都可見到中國大陸參與的身影。 而中國採行多邊外交的目的為何？本文將以新自由制度主義對於合作的觀點，看中國發展多邊外交的目的與行為。本文將說明中國多邊外交的轉折並說明中國發展多邊外交的原因，接著說明中國在非發展多邊外交之動機，並以中非合作論壇作為中國多邊外交在非洲實踐的重要案例，最後以新自由制度主義特點檢視中非合作論壇。 其研究發現，中國透過多邊外交與非洲國家交往主要用以追求市場、政治、經濟等國家利益考量為主，雖然中國與非洲國家交往看似與美、歐等國存在利益衝突，但至今大體上中國與美、歐等國皆透過三邊會談方式避免可能造成之衝突。而就以新自由制度主義檢視中國多邊外交行為可以發現，雖然中國在追求國家利益同時，也盡量符合非洲國家利益；中國與非洲國家合作也隨著論壇的舉辦更加深化。但是不可否認的是，中國採行多邊外交行動是以新自由制度主義為框架，卻具有現實主義考量與建構主義之內涵；中國在採行多邊外交時，亦輔以雙邊外交；除此之外，並透過多邊外交拓展與各國間之合作領域。未來，中國仍是國際政治中重要之行為者，其如何透過多邊外交策略、特徵達到其影響力與獲得實際效用，仍是觀察中國國際行為與對國際政治影響力的重要面向。

1990年冷戰結束，蘇聯解體，以美蘇為首的兩極體系崩解，代之而起的是以美國為首的一超多強格局。面對世界秩序正在進行重組，中共提倡世界多極化，欲尋求一個和平穩定的國際環境，以合作方式取代傳統利用衝突解決爭端的手段。 中共在十一屆三中全會提出改革開放，強調將重心轉為國內經濟發展，提出發展是硬道理，以經濟建設為首要任務，為了供應國內基礎建設、經濟發展所需的龐大資源，迫使中共開始向外尋求能源。為取得穩定的石油供應，中共在1997年中國共產黨第十五次全國代表大會上提出「走出去」戰略，透過對外直接投資的方式獲取其所需之利益。在石油能源部分，非洲則為中共戰略重點，積極與非洲建立友好關係則為中共首要之務。 從1989年天安門事件後開始中共對非洲關係轉為積極，隨後每年一月份中共高層官員必定將非洲作為訪問的首站、1998年與南非簽署戰略夥伴關係直到2000年與非洲共同成立「中非合作論壇」，而非洲國家熱烈參與更引起西方關注。 近年來，西方國家開始批評中共對非洲國家的友好作為，其實是正在對非洲進行「新殖民主義」(neo-colonialism)，為何中共在與非洲合作的過程中會引發「新殖民主義」之論調？對中共來說與非洲共同成立「中非合作論壇」之目的為何？是單純為了經濟因素，成為獲取資源的平台又或是有其他政治因素？在中非合作論壇甫過十年之際，筆者有意重新檢視中共對非洲政策及中非合作論壇之成效；另外，隨著全球化思潮逐漸影響非洲，中非之間的貿易或多或少也存在著不平等，這是否將成為未來阻撓中非友好關係之因素，更是本文所欲探討之重點。

Among the entire continent in the world, Africa is the one with plenty valuable resources and many business opportunities. But African themselves, don’t have enough cash to auto-finance their project or to exploit such resources. With the existing financial crisis in Europeans countries, the slowdown of economic into several part of the world and the higher probability of gain from return on investment opportunity in Africa, many European and Asian choose to go to Africa for their business development. Unlikely, the result in terms of economic and social growth is still negative for many African countries. Taking into consideration the fact that many foreign business enterprises which were attracted by Africa business opportunities went to bankrupt after invested a lot of money, and the necessary need of African countries economic development, we propose to launch a consulting firm to bring our modest contribution. Since we have well knowledge of Africa social, political and geographical structure, moreover our knowledge of Asian’s and European’s way of doing business, and our experience of developing and running successful foreign business entities in Africa, we decided to setup our organization. We believe that our organization will be very helpful and a benefic tool for both foreign investors and African countries. Our organization is a not-for-profit organization, which aims to help foreign investors who plan to go to Africa for business purpose, to avoid them to do wrong investments and lose their money and to help African countries to get into social and economic growth. To sustain our organization, will be charging African governments for each valuable investor will bring to them, our clients for consultancy services through personal contact and later on a dedicated Website click and pay services.

Using content analysis, and countries foreign aid to economic growth selective variables comparison, this study reassesses Taiwan (ROC) earliest economic achievement. The period considered is the early post World War II (1951 to 1965), the subject focus is the U.S. Aid investment to human capital formation, its correlation to the country further development and its implications for Burkina Faso today. The research therefore evolves around this main objective and raises the following questions: how financial and technical resources from the US Aid were investing into Taiwan human capital formation? How does it covariate with the country’s economic development? What were intervening factors to this achievement? Which lessons are worth learning? How can, both the MDGs and Burkina Faso leadership, on the light of Taiwan’s experience improve the development process in Burkina Faso? The data analysis led to the conclusion that most of the USA funds for this early period went primary to fill the human capital gap, which in turn allowed the financial gap to be filling up. This finding comforts our proposed theory that filling the human capital gap is the pre-requisite for countries that still in the first stage of their development. Based on this foundation theory, the study suggests in its conclusion, a couple of policy recommendations for the Millennium Development Goals achievement in Burkina Faso. The suggested recommendations militate firstly, for a better process for financial funds disbursement and investment through a semi autonomous institutional framework, and secondly, for the establishment of a human capital bank through a national volunteer program.

非政府組織現今全球性議題上，均扮演著重要的角色，其活動範圍亦遍及全球性、區域性及個別國家之中；目前一般學者對非政府組織的研究多偏重於理論探討，暨其在國際建制的角色與功能；既然非政府組織在善心的動念上是為了更平等的世界，因此研究者在本文研究對象上，決定選擇全球發展最不平等的低度開發國家，並且藉由實際走訪馬拉威共和國的經驗與例證，檢視非政府組織與該國的關係。 本論文首先對非政府組織與低度開發國家做個別的一般性說明，並著重於討論低度開發國家形成原因，進而選擇漠南非洲做為低度開發國家的代表區域；嗣在漠南非洲國家的討論之中，聚焦於馬拉威共和國為個案研究的對象，期藉該國近年的穩定發展，排除政治與內戰之干擾，得到較為獨立的結論。本論文在經過系統性的研究後認為，非政府組織在低度開發國家從事服務遞送與災難救援等類型之活動，成效明顯較一般政府組織卓著，機動性亦強，惟可能導致該等國家之依賴心理，妨礙政府正常職能之建立；其次，非政府組織在低度開發國家中，對高階政治議題的參與，仍有根本性的限制；最後，低度開發國家中，跨國性非政府組織與國內非政府組織所獲資源與具備之能力對比太大，權力分配不均，使國內基層組織能量始終無法有效建立，亦難構建成為合理的組織模型，可能阻礙未來效率之提升。 / Although the activities of the Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have spread all over the world, most studies still focus on the theory of NGOs or their roles in the international regime. This paper, meanwhile, has targeted to focus on the relation between NGOs and Least Developed Countries (LDCs), especially for the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. By analyzing the case of the Republic of Malawi, this paper has proved that for LDCs, the NGOs have more efficiency in the mission of rescue or deliver service than that in the local government or International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) because of their flexibility. Even NGOs have reached the achievement that is mentioned above, they still have difficulty involving in LDCs’ politics or decision-making process. Meanwhile, the conclusion also shows that LDCs may lie on NGOs’ support too much to develop their own functions as well.

大學生是一群熱切使用媒體和科技的世界公民，他們特別會透過新媒體接觸來自整個地球村的大量資訊。大學生可以透過學校課程與活動、與國際學生社群互動以及到國外旅行都是其中的管道。本研究援引社會建構理論與涵化理論，以質性研究探討台灣大學生的人口變項、與非洲接觸行為、西方媒體使用、世界主義意識以及媒體呈現偏誤之察覺與台灣大學生對非洲刻板印象建構之間的關係。 線上問卷收集共215位台灣大學生有效樣本。研究顯示非洲接觸行為與媒體呈現偏誤之察覺，皆與刻板印象認同呈現正相關。 / University students are some of the more cosmopolitan groups in society, as voracious consumers of media and technology, especially new media, and exposed to a plethora of information about the global community. University courses, interaction with the international student communities, events on-campus and opportunities to travel abroad are some of the avenues available to them. Using quantitative analysis, this study examined the relationships between demographic and contact variables, Western media exposure, cosmopolitanism and perceived bias of media portrayals and its effect on Taiwanese university students’ endorsement of stereotypes of Africa. The research framework is informed by the theory of social construction of reality and the cultivation theory. Using an online survey, data was collected and analyzed from a sample of 215 Taiwanese university students. The analysis reveals that contact with Africa and perceived bias of media portrayals have the most significant influence on stereotype endorsement.

中國自1963年向阿爾及利亞派遣第一支醫療隊以來，穩定對非洲發展衛生外交，近年來漸吸引中國及外國學者注意，然基於中國對外援的保密性，以及衛生外交未成顯學，對於中國在非洲衛生外交的狀況因此缺乏資料，本文以現有研究結果為基礎，蒐集和整理中國官方資料，描繪出中國在非洲衛生外交發展、規模及樣態。中國藉由衛生外交在非洲取得可觀利益，包括政治方面，如非洲國家支持中國取代台灣在聯合國席位、為中國人權議題護航以及在兩岸議題上支持中國立場；經濟方面，如以衛生外交打進非洲市場，引入中國製藥品以及以醫療物資換取非洲國家資源；軟實力方面：提升中國形象，促進中非在其他方面的合作。然中國在非洲衛生外交也面臨不少挑戰，包括中國國內醫生不足、語言文化隔閡、中國人大量進入非洲為非洲帶來的威脅感，以及非洲國家效率不佳等問題。 　　本文選用莫三比克為討論個案，主要基於中國對莫國衛生援助穩定，以及莫國非能源出口國，因此正可用以檢視中國官方媒體對中國在非洲衛生外交的「神話」般報導以及有些中國學者對於中國衛生外交不為能源而是傳播道義思想的論述是否真確。研究發現僅管莫國現不具能源，中國藉由提供衛生援助在莫國取得其他重要利益，如政治層面，外科醫生江永生使莫國堅定且明確支持兩岸統一；經濟層面，如熟悉中國藥品的莫國向中國製藥公司購買抗瘧疾藥品，軟實力層面，莫國大部分民眾對中國抱持好感，政府官員也甚讚中莫醫療合作。莫國同時也是第一個曾經拒絕中國醫療隊派遣的國家，也正可藉此檢視中國衛生外交面臨的困境。除語言文化隔閡外，中國醫生不願至莫國偏鄉服務加上其他外國醫生在莫國的競爭使莫國有意降低對中國醫療資源的依賴，是莫國不願續約的主因。中國若不能妥善處理上述問題，莫國可能不會是唯一一個拒絕接受中國醫療資源的國家。 / Since its very first medical team to Algeria in 1963, China has been steadily developing its health diplomacy in Africa. This stably growing flow of medical resources from China to Africa has caught attention from both Chinese and foreign scholars. However, owing to the confidentiality of Chinese foreign aid and the fact that health diplomacy is a term that is relatively new in the academia, there is no clear picture about China’s health diplomacy in Africa. Based on the existing literature, this thesis complies facts and figures principally from Chinese official sources in a bid to draw a clear picture of the development, scale, and pattern of China’s health aid to Africa. Via health diplomacy, China gains considerable benefits. In the political front, African countries that have received medical assistance from China support China’s bid to replace Taiwan in the United Nations, shield China from human right censoring, and stand with China in cross-strait issue. In the economic front, with health diplomacy, China introduces home-manufactured medicine to Africa or simply trades its medical service with Africa’s natural resources, tapping into a continent that is stricken with disease. More than political and economic benefits, health diplomacy most importantly burnishes China’s image in Africa, enhancing its soft power. However, China’s health diplomacy doesn’t go without any obstacles. The lack of volunteer doctors, the barriers of language and culture, a sense of threat conjured by the heavy presence of Chinese in Africa, the inefficiency of African countries and so forth, all present themselves as impediments to China’s health diplomacy in Africa. This thesis chooses Mozambique as the target for further research because China’s medical aid to Mozambique has been very stable. Also, Mozambique is not a major exporter of natural resource; hence it could be used to examine the often mythologized reports from China’s official media on the Chinese doctors serving in Africa, and the claims by some Chinese scholars about how China’s health assistance is not for natural resources but for solidarity. What my research finds however is that despite the lack of energy currently, Mozambique offers some other benefits to China. For political benefits, the Chinese surgeon, Jiang, Yong-Sheng ensures that Mozambique firmly endorses the unification of Taiwan and China. For economic benefits, Mozambique, who is well acquainted with Chinese medicine, purchases anti-malaria medicine from a Chinese medical company. As for soft power, a majority of Mozambicans have favorable opinion toward China. The Mozambican officials for numerous times praise the medical cooperation between China and Mozambique. However, at the same time, Mozambique was the first country that refused to accept a new team of Chinese doctors to come to Mozambique, and thus it is also a good case to analyze the challenges that are facing China now. Apart from language and cultural barriers, Chinese government’s refusal to deploy their doctors in rural areas in Mozambique, and the medical personnel from other countries, make Mozambique tries to gradually reduce its dependence on China’s medical assistance. Being aware of its overdose reliance on China was the main reason why Mozambique didn’t want to renew the contract. If Beijing fails to solve the aforementioned problems, Mozambique might not be the only African country that says no to China’s doctors.

自911事件後，西方國家意識到貧窮為恐怖主義產生之源頭。貧困問題產生時，通常會引起政局混亂、族群衝突、難民、饑餓、疾病與環保等種種困境，使先進國家不得不積極面對。為了要解決貧困所衍生的各種問題，美國提出“馬歇爾計畫”。後來隨著時代變遷、經濟崛起，對外援助計畫也在21世紀後再度成為國際關注趨勢。 為因應國際潮流趨勢與改善第三世界之貧困問題，世界各國開始發展NGO(Non-Governmental Organization，非政府組織)來解決貧困問題，世界先進各國政府也開始對非洲援助。政府對外援助之具體措施包含了恢復國家治理、穩定國家政局、縮小先進國與第三世界國家之貧富差距、協助開發中國家政經發展等。為呼應世界潮流之走向，本研究將著手於探討對外援助之議題上，並選定兩個亞洲區域內經濟大國(中國與日本)為比較分析對象。 近年來，不僅日本與中國對非洲實施援助策略，也有越來越多國家開始重視對第三世界之援助，且援助金額有逐年遞增之趨勢。就非洲而言，日本對非洲援助金額比中國多，但中國與非洲貿易往來卻多於日本。在內外部因素影響下，非洲會不會對中國與日本產生不同態度，這是本研究欲探討之議題。因此，本研究將進一步分析中國與日本在對非洲援助策略下，內外在動機、援助方法、援助型態、援助層級以及援助內容上之差異，並作為比較。