Både fetma och ätstörningar klassificeras som viktrelaterade tillstånd som har förknippats med ökad risk för olika hälsoåkommor. En skillnad sinsemellan är dock statusen på de kroppar som respektive tillstånd associeras till, där övervikt stigmatiseras medan smalhet tvärtom idealiseras. Vidare är nyhetsmedia en institution i vårt samhälle som både eftersträvar objektivitet samt har en informerande funktion, och bör därmed idealt sätt inte reproducera ovanstående. Det är även i detta spänningsfält som denna uppsats tar avstamp, mer specifikt genom att undersöka hur fetma och ätstörningar representeras i totalt 8 artiklar från online-versionen av Aftonbladet. Frågeställningarna är mer specifikt ”Hur konstrueras fetma och ätstörningar i 8 artiklar från Aftonbladet” samt ”Vilka värderingar går att utläsa om människor med tillstånden i artiklarna?”. Dessa besvaras med hjälp av framing som teoretiskt verktyg - där ett särskilt fokus placeras på hur artiklarna inramar tillstånden i relation till ansvar, närhet och moral - samt kritisk diskursanalys som metod, vilket möjliggör ett maktperspektiv i analysen. Efter avslutad analys har även svar på dessa frågor utkristalliserats. Resultatet påvisar hur fetma och ätstörningar på flera sätt konstrueras på motsatt sätt i de undersökta artiklarna, där konstruktionen av fetma upprättar en distans till enskilda individer och erbjuder en huvudsaklig medicinsk läsning av tillståndet, medan ätstörningar tvärtom etablerar en närhet till specifika personer, medan en distans till ätstörningar som sjukdom upprättas. Detta kommer även till uttryck i de värderingar som går att utläsa i artiklarna, där det uttrycks negativa värderingar om människor med fetma, medan ätstörningar istället associeras med nästintill positiva värderingar. Sammantaget kan en säga att artiklarna om fetma skapar en negativ bild av både tillståndet och människor med tillståndet, medan artiklarna om ätstörningar istället skapar empati för enskilda personer, men däremot förringar allvarligheten i den faktiska sjukdomen.

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa o debate público sobre o projeto do Pontal do Estaleiro entre as esferas pública, política e midiática. O terreno referente ao Pontal do Estaleiro se tornou uma polêmica durante a revisão do Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Ambiental de Porto Alegre. Este projeto monopolizou um debate entre novembro de 2008 e agosto de 2009, ao sair do escopo da revisão do plano diretor e solicitar alteração da Lei Complementar 470 de 02/01/2002 (LC 470/2002) para permitir edificações residenciais em espaço de orla às margens do Guaíba. A polêmica rendeu duas aprovações do projeto, veto do prefeito e audiências públicas na Câmara de Vereadores. Acabou resultando em deliberação pública através da realização de uma consulta à população. O trabalho aborda a circularidade das questões nas cinco principais fases do debate, a partir das especificidades de cada instância. Na esfera política, analisaram-se os movimentos de accountability (prestação de contas) em notícias publicadas pela Câmara de Vereadores e Prefeitura Municipal nos respectivos sites. Na esfera pública, foram identificados os argumentos da arena de interlocução através da observação participante de uma audiência pública, duas reuniões do Fórum de Entidades e de entrevistas realizadas no dia da consulta pública. Na esfera midiática, foram examinadas as questões enquadradas nas principais coberturas jornalísticas sobre o Pontal, realizadas pelos jornais Zero Hora, Correio do Povo e Jornal do Comércio. Concluiu-se que as esferas realizam diferentes tipos de comunicação no debate. A esfera pública substanciou os principais argumentos que foram discutidos no debate público. Juntamente com a esfera política, foi mais permeável à circulação de questões em debate, mas ambas não conseguiram agendar a esfera midiática na exposição argumentativa. Assim, a mídia se mostrou menos permeável aos argumentos reduzindo a amplitude do debate público. / This thesis describes and analyzes the public debate on the development proposal for Pontal do Estaleiro between the public, politics and media spheres. Pontal do Estaleiro’s property became controversial during the revision of the Master Plan for Urban and Environmental Development of Porto Alegre. This project was the main focus of a debate between the months of November 2008 and August 2009, when it left the scope of the Master Plan review and a change of the Complementary Law 470 of 01/02/2002 (LC 470/2002) was requested in order to allow residential buildings to be built on the coast of Guaíba Lake. The controversy was such that the project had two approvals, the mayor's veto and public hearings at the City Council. It eventually was resolved through public deliberation by a query within the population. This work addresses the issues of circularity in the five main stages of the debate considering the specificities of each instance. In the public sphere, the arguments of the arena for dialogue were identified through participant observation of a public hearing, two meetings of the Forum of Entities and interviews done during the public consultation. In the political sphere, the movements of accountability were analyzed in reports published by the City Council and City Hall on their websites. In the media sphere, issues framed in the main news coverage on the Pontal made by Zero Hora, Correio do Povo and Jornal do Comércio were examined. It was concluded that the spheres carry different types of communication throughout the debate. The public sphere has substantiated the main arguments that have been discussed in public debate. Along with the political sphere, it was more open to the circulation of issues under discussion, but both failed to influence the media sphere's agenda towards the explanatory argument. Thus, the media showed itself less susceptible to arguments, reducing the extent of public debate.

The purpose of the presented research is to evaluate the presence of the protest paradigm on a non-violent protest during a sport event, using the national anthem and the national flag as its strategy. The study will examine the protest performed by Mahmoud Abdul-Rauf in 1996, Carlos Delgado in 2004 and Colin Kaepernick in 2016. The empirical data is collected from three major newspapers reporting about the protest and a content analysis is performed to evaluate the presence of negative framing. Drawing from previous research an analytical framework is constructed and used to evaluate the material, presenting a number of negative frames present. The study finds that the protest paradigm is present in all three cases, however with some variations. The articles often discuss the strategy of the protest over the claim being made. Characteristics like the individual’s salary or performance, the public opinion of outsiders or the response from the authorities are highlighted. The analysis state that the use of a national symbol is problematic for an activist as this tends to become the main story in articles rather than the claim of the protest.

Notre travail concerne le cinéma d'Ingmar Bergman et son esthétique. en effet, si ses œuvres dont nous en analyserons que trois (des fraises sauvage, à travers le miroir et persona) parce que nous les considérons comme représentatives, sont données comme narratives, il n'en demeure pas moins qu'elles sont mises en scène de façon très particulière.c'est pourquoi nous avons formulé l'hypothèse suivante que le cadrage choisi par bergman renvoie à sa pensée intime, pensée qui a été fortement surdéterminée voire formatée par la religion protestante. nous nous attacherons tout au long de notre thèse à démontrer sa spécificité et comment l'image de dieu et la pensée religieuse font partie intégrante de ses œuvres. / The aesthetic analysis of Ingmar Bergman’s movies requires a study of the theological and iconographic signifiers. The paradoxical effects of framing and the mobility of the filmic image tell a story of the soul and make it possible to map out an intuitive route for the individuals implied in the story. The unfolding of different points of view involve the soul and give some spiritual scope to this idiosyncratic cinema. In Bergman’s style, spirituality cannot be found within a fiction, but within a form. Style comes out from thought and from the exposure of a wandering search for “the self”. This process is enriched through the shift from dramatic narration to anti dramatic pictures and from linear plot to non figurative forms. In accordance with our active existence, Bergman prefers the figures that are shut in by the edge of the frame, the dissolved images, the empty compositions and disconnected looks: man didn’t come to the world intentionally, but was thrown into it and later forsaken on earth. The framing is a space where the characters can meet with sacred things and have a spiritual experience. A contradiction between earthly matters and heavenly ones remains the main subject within the frame.The study of the relationship between the image and the film script introduces Bergman’s cosmology: it is not the script which builds up the image but the image itself which generates an idea to be developed further.The faces are transformed in portraits, in their search for human truth and, on a wider scale, for man's commitment in Creation. In this sense, nature neither embodies material reality nor serves as a mere filmic object, but it stands out as a form of the sacred.

Over the last 30 years, awareness of anthropogenic climate change has increased and quickly become the one of the most pressing issues facing our planet. Canada is both a nation that has contributed to the acceleration of the climate problem and one that aims to help address the issues through commitments to global climate accords and other accountability actions. Global journalism is both a theory and practice born of the evolution of our world into a more global collective. Climate change, as a problem that is faced by every nation in the world, is one subject matter area that has been difficult to report on in the past but more necessary than ever to discuss. It is crucial work for journalists to normalize the connections between people, places, problems, and how they are interrelated throughout the world. This thesis aims to explore the presence or absence of global journalism in two different regions of Canada: Alberta and Ontario, represented by the cities of Calgary and Ottawa. Through quantitative and qualitative analysis, articles that mention“climate change” or “global warming” over a six-month period in 2015 are collected and catalogued. The quantitative data provides a macro view of the amount and kinds of discourse taking place in each city around the topics of climate change and global warming, giving a sense of the scale and framing of the issue. Four of these articles and two headlines are then reviewed through the lens of critical discourse analysis for their choice of words, quotations, the voices that are present and absent, and the local coherence of the article. Collectively, this information is collated and reviewed to argue for the presence or absence of global journalism in the reporting. The final results should a stark difference in the representation of climate change in Calgary and Ottawa. There are promising signs of global journalism in action throughout the Calgary Herald, while the Ottawa Citizen has missed opportunities to reflect the same global perspective.

Problemformulering och syfte: Trots att gestaltningsteorin har varit en av de mest använda teorierna inom medieforskning de senaste decennierna så finns det relativt få kvalitativa analyser av politiska debatter, och ännu färre politiska slutdebatter. Sverigedemokraterna har de senaste åren jobbat för att bli mer socialt accepterade och blev i riksdagsvalet 2014 Sveriges tredje största parti. I dag är Sverigedemokraterna Sveriges snabbast växande parti, trots detta finns det relativt lite forskning kring hur Sverigedemokraterna gestaltas i politiska debatter. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur de politiska frågorna i SVT:s slutdebatter 2010, 2014 och 2018 gestaltas, samt att se hur Sverigedemokraterna gestaltas i debatterna. Metod och material: Jag har använt mig av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Mitt material har varit SVT:s slutdebatter 2010, 2014 och 2018. Huvudresultat: Huvudresultatet från min studie visar att de politiska frågorna från slutdebatten 2010 var övervägande politisk sakgestaltade. I slutdebatten 2014 var frågorna endast spelgestaltade, och i slutdebatten 2018 var de politiska frågorna övervägande sakgestaltade, med inslag av spelgestaltning. Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades negativt i samtliga slutdebatter.

Den här undersökningen är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys för vilka typer av gestaltningstekniker Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna använder sig av i sina valfilmer under valkampanjerna 2010, 2014 och 2018. Ett kodschema inspirerat av Fairhurst och Sarr i boken “ The art of Framing: Managing the Language of Leadership” har legat till grund för att kunna besvara frågorna “vilka budskap som förs fram i filmerna och hur de gestaltas, hur denna gestaltning förändrats över tid genom valrörelserna och om det i så fall finns skillnader mellan valrörelser och partier.” Sammanlagt har nio filmer analyserats, ett urval baserat på vilka filmer med flest visningar på YouTube som släppts närmast inpå respektive val. I denna kvalitativa innehållsanalys har frågor ställts till materialet utifrån Fairhurst och Sarrs framingverktyg; metaforer, kontraster, jargong och slagord, spin och stories. H uvudresultatet som framkommit är att även det svenska valkampanjandet via filmmediet gått mot ett ökat skuldbeläggande på meningsmotståndare, under kategorin spin (en strategi som funnits med Sverigedemokraterna hela vägen, men nu även blivit tydligt hos Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna), likväl som ett ökat fokus på partiledaren, där samtliga partiledare tar rollen som den “allvetande berättaren”.

abstract: The Arab Spring revolutions of 2010-11 raised important questions about how social-movement actors use new communication technologies, such as social media, for communication and organizing during episodes of contentious politics. This dissertation examines how organizers of and participants in Tunisia’s Arab Spring revolution used communication technologies such as Facebook, blogs, news websites, email, television, radio, newspapers, telephones, and interpersonal communication. The dissertation approaches the topic through the communication paradigm of framing, which the author uses to tie together theories of social movements, neo-patrimonialism, and revolution. The author traveled to Tunisia and conducted 44 interviews with organizers and participants about their uses of communication media, the frames they constructed and deployed, their framing strategies, their organizing activities, and their experiences of the revolution. The most common frames were those of the regime’s corruption, economic issues, and the security forces’ brutality. Interviewees deployed a hybrid network of media to disseminate these frames; Facebook represented a single node in the network, though many interviewees used it more than any other node. To explain the framing process and the resonance of the frames deployed by revolutionaries, the dissertation creates the concept of the alternative narrative, which describes how revolutionaries used a hybrid network to successfully construct an alternative to the narrative constructed by the regime. The dissertation also creates the concept of authoritarian weakening, to explain how citizens can potentially weaken neo-patrimonial regimes under conditions concerning corruption, poverty, and the introduction of civil society and of new communication technologies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Journalism and Mass Communication 2018

There is consensus in media scholarship that in the best conditions, the media can play fundamental roles as institutions of the public sphere in both established and fledgling democracies. This study applies the critical political economy of the media approach to explore the manner in which the mainstream press in Zimbabwe ‘mediates’ the country’s postcolonial transition through coverage of political contests and political debate. It assumes that how the press frames these pivotal features of democracy is a significant pointer to its role in relation to the public sphere. While on the one level examining patterns of media framing of elections in the selected six newspapers over a period spanning over two decades, on the other level the study explores the relationship between the press and centres of political and economic power in the transition. This is done with a view to establishing the role and influence of these relations on media functions. What emerges from this study is that both the state and fractions of capital informed the manner in which the press ‘mediated’ Zimbabwe’s transition. The state was particularly the most influential power centre which, as its legitimacy waned after the first decade of independence, adopted authoritarian and predatory tendencies with the effect of polarising media along highly partisan forms of ‘oppositional’ and ‘patriotic’ journalism. Where nodes of critical-analytical journalism appeared, as did ‘independent nationalist’ journalism in 2000, they were nipped in the bud by unrelenting political and economic constraints. The study’s major finding is that restrictive media policies aimed at constructing Zanu PF hegemony through the press, as well as pressures from fractions of capital and sections of civil society vying for control of state, combined to seriously compromise the press’s mediation of the political contestation in the transition. It also notes the press’s institutional inability to actively assert its powers of agency against structural constraints, and explains this as a partial inheritance from lethargic Rhodesian institutions such as the Rhodesia Guild of Journalists. Overall, the thesis argues that to nurture a media system that approximates the ideal of a multi-layered and differentiated public sphere which best serves an array of citizens’ interests, Zimbabwe would need radical reforms at the levels of media policy and media practice.

With the development of technology, the communication between people has changed rapidly. Social media is a type of digital network designed to share content with other internet users based on their preferences and associations. The purpose of this research was to understand how industry press and the professional market place frame social media today. Moreover, this research showed the explored current social media pedagogy in business and communication programs to see if it matches the need of industry expectations. This study was a content analysis of the text-based study that uses a qualitative software-Leximancer to analyze data. The result suggested both industry press and the job market expect professionals to understand the skills of how to master the social media platforms, especially Facebook. Finally, universities offer few courses about social media, with primary objective of marketing and communication programs focusing on teaching students to be professional in business and organizations.