The analysis of the rules evolution, in particular internationally, demonstrates normative and principles conflicts that serve as power play instrument and the colonizer-colonized dichotomy, even when its essence is directed to the maintenance of peace. The the Responsibility While protecting (RWP) presented by Brazil in 2011, within the context of the development of global standards, permeated by non-linear conflictual interactions, where the interventions based on a Responsibility to Protect(R2P) civilians, have challenged the existing structures in the global order and therefore has sparked great debate regarding the prevalence of decisions emanating from the United Nations Security Council - UNSC against the sovereignty and self-determination of peoples, since there is no control of legality and legitimacy of that discretion which the United Nations - UN holds. In this sense, the present work aims to analyze if the Responsibility to Protect can be considered as an attempt to influence from the Global South countries in the production of global standards and this can work as a capable principle of safeguarding the coercive nature of measures by of the UNSC, a way of accountability that implies a large extent by the level of responsibility of emanating acts from the UN Security Council that determ interventions, and what tools are needed for the Responsibility to Protect is an effective tool of prior control of legality and legitimacy. In order to meet this goal, we adopted a dialectical approach, drawing on the monographic method, through bibliographical and documentary research and interdisciplinary literature, among others that apply to the subject under study. / A análise da evolução das normas, em específico no âmbito internacional, demonstra conflitos normativos e principiológicos que servem de instrumento de reprodução de poder e da dicotomia colonizador-colonizado, mesmo quando sua essência está voltada para a manutenção da paz. O Princípio da Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RWP, sigla em inglês), apresentado pelo Brasil em 2011, surge no contexto da evolução das normas globais, permeadas por interações não lineares conflituosas, onde a implementação cada vez maior de intervenções baseadas em uma Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P, sigla em inglês) civis, tem desafiado as estruturas existentes na ordem global e por isso tem suscitado grande debate no que toca a prevalência de decisões emanadas do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas - CSNU face à soberania e a autodeterminação dos povos, uma vez que não há um controle de legalidade e legitimidade desse poder discricionário do qual a Organização das Nações Unidas - ONU é detentora. Nesse sentido, a presente dissertação visa analisar se a Responsabilidade ao Proteger pode ser considerada como uma tentativa de influência a partir dos países do Sul Global na produção de normas globais e se esta pode funcionar como um princípio capaz de acautelar as medidas de natureza coercitiva por parte do CSNU, isto é, uma forma de accountability que implique em um maior nível de responsabilidade por parte dos atos emanados do Conselho de Segurança da ONU que determinem intervenções, bem como quais são os instrumentos necessários para que a Responsabilidade ao Proteger seja uma ferramenta eficaz de controle prévio de legalidade e legitimidade. De forma a cumprir esse objetivo, adotou-se uma abordagem dialética, valendo-se do método monográfico, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e literatura especializada interdisciplinar, dentre outras que aplicáveis ao tema em estudo.

The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

<p><i>Children of Globalization: Diasporic Coming-of-age Novels in Germany, England, and the United States </i>is an exploration of contemporary Diasporic Coming-of-age Novels written in the context of globalized and de facto multicultural societies. Framed in the long tradition of <i>Bildungsroman </i>studies, this study illuminates the structural transformations that the coming-of-age genre has undergone in contemporary diasporic communities. <i>Children of Globalization</i> analyzes the complex identity formation of first- and subsequent-generation migrant protagonists in globalized rural and urban environments and dissects the implications that these diasporic formative processes have for the tercentennial genre. While the most traditional iteration of the <i>Bildungsroman </i>genre follows male middle-class heroes who forge their identities in a process of complex introspection to become citizens and workers, contemporary Diasporic Coming-of-age Novels represent formative processes that fit into, resist, or even disregard, narratives of nationhood. Recent changes in the global genre are the direct consequence of the intricacies of the formative processes of culturally-hybrid protagonists who must negotiate their access into adulthood and citizenship, and puzzle over sexuality and gender identity, in host societies that at times regard them with contempt and distrust. The study spans three centuries as it traces both perennial and volatile elements of the genre through its contemporary state. In doing so, it identifies thematic and structural seeds which, planted through the centuries in varied locations, have bloomed into nuanced explorations of the self in an interconnected world where regional and national definitions of identity are increasingly contested and in flux.</p><p>In order to contextualize the genre and provide evidence of its enduring malleability, the study begins in Germany, tracing what I term Proto-<i>Bildungsromane, </i>long medieval narrative poems that follow the formative processes of knights and heroes in grandiose style. Wolfram von Eschenbach’s thirteenth-century poem <i>Parzival </i>and the coeval Gottfried von Straßburg’s <i>Die Geschichte der Liebe von Tristan und Isolde </i>ponder the development of the self but too heavily rely on destiny to be considered <i>Bildungsromane. </i>Still in Germany, I illustrate the fundamental characteristics of the genre in Wolfgang von Goethe’s <i>Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre. </i>In order to showcase the flexibility of the genre, I analyze its early transformations in England in prominent works by Jane Austen, Charles Dickens, and E. M. Forster. The last four chapters focus on the exciting development of Diasporic Coming-of-age Novels in England, the United States, and Germany. Despite the stark differences between these societies and the particular cultural wealth of diasporic groups that have migrated there, the Diasporic Coming-of-age Novel has enabled sophisticated explorations of identity and belonging in all three countries. As the chapter summaries show, contemporary writers have used the Diasporic Coming-of-age Novel to untangle complicated formative processes, understand the expectations of their social environments, and achieve different levels of belonging and maturity.</p><p>With <i>Children of Globalization, </i>I seek to deepen our understanding of the exciting influence that contemporary diasporic movements have on the coming-of-age genre in particular and literary studies in general. Additionally, it is my hope that the exploration of Diasporic Coming-of-age Novels contributes to a capacious understanding of the important role of literature in the study of migration.</p>

Denna uppsats undersöker hur den svenska myndigheten Sida med föregångare använt människorättsbegreppet i årsredovisningar 1956 – 2019. Specifikt undersöks vilken relation detta har till epistemiska jämlikhetsdimensioner i materialet. Med epistemisk makt menas makten att påverka de begrepp och diskurser som ligger till grund för förståelsen av bistånd och utvecklingssamarbeten. Människorättsbegreppet var i stort sett osynligt i materialet fram till1980. Från och med slutet av 1980-talet associeras mänskliga rättigheter starkt till demokratibegreppet på ett sätt som därefter dominerar stora delar av materialet. Under 2010-talet syns också en ökande association mellan mänskliga rättigheter och jämställdhets- respektive miljöfrågor. Även om det finns exempel på formuleringar som reproducerar epistemisk ojämlikheteller återspeglar en eurocentrisk universalism, är exemplen förhållandevis få. Givet Sidas speciella uppdrag, är det naturligt att fokus ligger på problem och lösningar i länder i det globala Syd. Samtidigt bidrar detta dock till en epistemiskt ojämlik helhet av diskurser där den sammantagna bilden blir att det globala Syd utgör arenan där både hinder och lösningar för hållbar utveckling finns. Det kan leda till att de förändringar som krävs i Nord för att uppnå en hållbar global utveckling inte får tillräckligt med uppmärksamhet. / This study examines how the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida)and its predecessors have used the concept of human rights in annual reports 1956 – 2019, and what relation this use has to epistemic equality. Epistemic power is the power over the conceptsand discourses, forming the basis for the understanding of international development. Human rights as a notion is almost invisible in the reports until 1980. As from the end of the 1980s and onwards, the concept is associated to democracy in a way that dominates large parts of the reports. In the 2010s, the concept is also increasingly connected to gender equality and environmental issues. Although there are examples of reproduction of epistemic inequality or mirroring of an eurocentric universalism, these are proportionately few. Due to Sida’s mission, it’s natural to focus on problems and solutions in the Global South. At the same time, this contributes to an epistemically unequal entirety of discourses, in which the overall picture is that the Global South is where both obstacles and solutions to sustainable development are to be found. This way, changes in the Global North that are also necessary to achieve global sustainable development will not be paid sufficient attention. / <p>Godkänt datum 2020-06-05</p>

The concept of development has been extensively researched, and it isa key topic in political and economic international and domestic agendas.Modernization and globalization theories have been the most prevalentanalytical approaches to development, but from a postcolonial and decolonialperspective, these theories are Western-centric, overgeneralized, andoverused. As a result, Political Studies have struggled to comprehend andlegitimate the local knowledge from the Global South and face moderncolonialism, as uncritical transfers of science, technology, and knowledgefrom the Global North take place. For this, the goal of this thesis was to raiseawareness of the OECD's development discourse through a transformationaland critical lens. Decolonial thinking, which asserts an epistemology from thesouth, specifically from Latin America, was employed for this work as atheoretical-epistemological, ethical-political, and methodological framework.This investigation is a pilot and desk study with abductive reasoning thatexamines discourses characteristic of the OECD, supported by a qualitativeresearch approach. In response to coloniality and modernity -building theoriesof development-, a content and critical discourse analysis through categorieswas conducted. Along with the instrumentalization of concepts and discursivetactics, the findings demonstrate and explore a productive, economical, andbusiness-like logic in the OECD discourses. In conclusion, colonial narrativesare found in the modernization and globalization approaches that take the formof utilitarian, neoliberal, universal, and emotive narratives in the twodevelopment reports by the OECD where the epistemic postulates are builtupon the idea of growth and a natural need to evolve.

L’émergence de la Chine dans le système international post-guerre froide pose un défi pour la position hégémonique des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral. Lorsqu’ils tentent d’expliquer ce défi, les spécialistes tendent à se concentrer uniquement soit sur le hard power chinois (en particulier, sa puissance militaire) soit sur son soft power (l’attrait de sa culture et idéologie). Cette thèse développe un cadre d’analyse alternatif inspiré de la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu, articulé autour de la notion de pouvoir symbolique. Elle conçoit la politique internationale en termes d’une lutte symbolique (entre, par exemple, une orthodoxie et une hétérodoxie) dont l’issue est déterminée par au moins trois facteurs cruciaux : contexte, capital et lieux communs. Ce cadre est appliqué à l’analyse du nouveau rôle de la Chine dans le monde depuis la fin de la guerre froide, lequel est indiscutablement l’un des développements les plus remarquables des relations internationales des temps modernes. La thèse démontre que la Chine ne défie pas l’hégémonie des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral au sens conventionnel de la puissance matérielle ou de l’idéologie, mais plutôt au niveau symbolique. La thèse soutient que la conjonction des trois facteurs susmentionnés a été nécessaire à l’influence mondiale de la Chine : (1) la crise de légitimation des États-Unis (sur les plan économique, politique et idéologique), couplée à l’extraordinaire ascension de nouvelles puissances dans le système international comme la Chine, ont créé un contexte historique favorable ou « condition de possibilité »; (2) l’énorme capital symbolique accumulé par la Chine, en raison non seulement de son nouveau statut de grande puissance, mais aussi de son approche pragmatique des questions nationales et internationales, en a fait une source d’inspiration convoitée mondialement ; (3) la mobilisation stratégique par la Chine de son capital symbolique, sous la forme d’un ensemble de lieux communs ‘rhétoriques’, a grandement contribué à légitimer sa puissance, en particulier aux yeux des élites dirigeantes dans le monde en développement, dissimulant ainsi le caractère asymétrique et arbitraire de ses relations. Ensemble, ces trois éléments –contexte, capital, lieux communs– expliquent le pouvoir symbolique de la Chine, c’est-à-dire la perception selon laquelle, contrairement aux États-Unis, elle propose des réponses pertinentes et cohérentes aux problèmes d’organisation sociale, économique et politique de ce monde. L’ascension de la Chine remet ainsi en question le « méta-capital » des États-Unis, c’est-à-dire son monopole sur la production du capital économique, social, culturel et symbolique. L’accent mis sur cette dimension symbolique de la lutte pour définir et imposer la « vision légitime du monde social et ses divisions » révèle une rupture avec la pratique conventionnelle de la politique des grandes puissances, au profit d’une transformation pacifique du système international et d’une diplomatie symbolique. Cet accent sur le pouvoir symbolique ouvre des avenues prometteuses pour l’étude du changement et des sources d’autorité sur la scène politique mondiale, traditionnellement définie comme « anarchique ». / China’s rise within the international system in the post-Cold War era challenges the hegemonic position of the United States and the Western liberal order. In trying to explain this challenge, scholars tend to either focus on Chinese hard power (in particular, its military power) or on its soft power (the attractiveness of its culture and ideology). This thesis develops an alternative Bourdieu-inspired framework addressing symbolic power. It conceptualizes international politics in terms of a symbolic struggle (such as that between orthodoxy and heterodoxy) whose outcome is determined by at least three crucial factors: context, capital and commonplaces. The framework is applied to the analysis of China’s new world role, which is arguably one of the most remarkable developments in modern international relations. The thesis shows that China does not challenge U.S. hegemonic position and the Western liberal order in the conventional sense of material power or ideology, but rather at the symbolic level. The thesis argues that the combination of the three above-mentioned factors has been necessary to China’s worldwide influence : (1) the legitimation crisis of the United States (economically, politically and ideologically), paired with the extraordinary rise of new illiberal powers on the world scene such as China, created a favourable historical context or “condition of possibility”; (2) the huge amount of symbolic capital accumulated by China, not only because of its new status as a great power, but also because of the success of its pragmatic approach to national and international issues, made it become a source of inspiration for countries across the world; (3) the strategic mobilization by China of its symbolic capital, in the form of ‘rhetorical’ commonplaces, greatly contributed to legitimize its power, especially in the eyes of ruling elites in the developing world, thereby dissimulating the asymmetric and arbitrary nature of the Chinese power and relations. Together, these three components -context, capital, and commonplaces- explain the emergence of China as a symbolic power, i.e. the perception that, unlike the United States, China now has the authority to speak the truth and to define causes of and remedies for certain problems and crises. China’s rise challenges the Unites States’ ‘meta-capital’, that is, its monopoly on the production of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital. The focus on this symbolic dimension as a ‘weapon’ in the struggle to define and impose the “legitimate vision of the social world and its divisions” reveals a rupture in the conventional practice of great powers politics, pointing to a peaceful transformation of the international system and symbolic diplomacy. It shows that a focus on symbolic power opens promising avenues for the study of change and sources of authority in world politics, traditionally defined as “anarchic”.

This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia. / Graduate / miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de

Text in English with abstracts in English, isiXhosa and isiZulu / Disability studies largely ignored or neglected the experiences of rural women with disabilities (WWD) in the Global South. This qualitative study documents the challenges faced by Zimbabwean rural WWD in the enjoyment of their fundamental rights and freedoms. Against the backdrop of various global, regional and national efforts to advance WWD’s rights, the study examines possibilities for change. Utilising a phenomenological design, data were collected through in-depth interviews with women and girls with disabilities (WGWD), and semi-structured interviews with state and non-state actors in disability rights. Augmented by observations and extensive literature and policy reviews, the research findings revealed that the majority of rural WWD are not aware of their legal rights and have limited access to productive resources, information, employment, education and food. Rural WWD face mobility challenges and are largely discriminated against in health institutions and excluded from taking part in socioeconomic and political activities. Girls with disabilities in inclusive schools battle against a myriad of attitudinal, environmental and administrative hurdles that limit their academic and social functioning. The results confirm the feminist disability theory’s view that the functioning of WGWD is heavily determined by wider contextual, social, historic and gendered power relations. The findings support recommendations for an urgent alignment of liberal national disability instruments, policies and practices to international human rights norms. The 2013 Constitution effectuates a human rights approach to disability, yet in practice the exclusion of the disabled, rural, female ‘other’ continues unabated. Transformation in this regard must include a restructuring of financial resourcing of various state institutions for advancing disability rights. Various avenues to ensure for effective disability rights mainstreaming, lobbying, advocacy, awareness raising, and capacitation of rural communities are suggested. At the heart of it all is a change in mind-sets to embrace WWD as equal human beings with rights and dignity. / Izifundo zobulwelwe azikhange ziyithathele ngqalelo imeko namava abantu basetyhini abayimilwelwe behlala emaphandleni kumazwe asemaZantsi. Esi sifundo somgangatho sibhala ngemingeni ejongene nabasetyhini abayimilwelwe basemaphandleni eZimbabwe xa befuna ukuxhamla amalungelo nenkululeko eyimfanelo yabo yemveli. Ngokuqwalasela imizamo eliqela yehlabathi jikelele, yezithili neyesizwe ekuphuhliseni amalungelo abasetyhini abayimilwelwe, esi sifundo sivavanya amathuba otshintsho. Ngokusebenzisa uyilo lwezifundo ngokwenzekayo, kwaqokelelwa iinkcukacha zolwazi ngokuqhuba udliwano ndlebe olunzulu namakhosikazi namantomabazana ayimilwelwe, kwaqhutywa nodliwano ndlebe lwemibuzo engenampendulo zithe ngqo (semi structured interviews) nemibutho yoburhulumente nengeyoyoburhulumente esebenza ngamalungelo emilwelwe. Uphando olwalukhatshwa kukuzibonela nokufunda nzulu okubhaliweyo ngemigaqo nkqubo, lwaveza ukuba uninzi lwabasetyhini abayimilwelwe basemaphandleni alwazi nto ngamalungelo alo asemthethweni kwaye alufikeleli ngokwaneleyo kwimithombo eluncedo, ulwazi, imisebenzi, imfundo nokutya. Abasetyhini abayimilwelwe basemaphandleni bajamelene nemingeni yokungakwazi ukuhamba kwaye bayacalucalulwa kakhulu kumaziko ezempilo. Ababandakanywa ekuthatheni inxaxheba kwimisebenzi yezentlalo, uqoqosho nezombuso/upolitiko. Amantombazana ayimilwelwe asezikolweni zikawonkewonke asedabini nemiqobo emininzi yendlela acingelwa ngayo, indawo ewangqongileyo nolawulo, zinto ezo zikuthibazayo ukusebenza kwawo kwezemfundo nasekuhlaleni. Iziphumo zophando ziyangqinelana nengcingane yezifundo zabasetyhini ethi indlela yokwenza izinto yabasetyhini abayimilwelwe ilawulwa ikakhulu lunxulumano lweemeko ezigqubayo, ezentlalo, ezembali nezesini. Iziphumo zophando zixhasa iingcebiso ezithi makukhawuleziswe kwenziwe ungqamano phakathi kwezixhobo, imigaqo nkqubo nemisebenzi yobulwelwe esizweni nezimiselo zamalungelo oluntu kwihlabathi ngokubanzi. UMgaqo Siseko wama-2013 ubeka elubala indlela yokujongana nobulwelwe, kodwa kuyaqhubeka kona ukujongelwa phantsi kwemilwelwe, yabasemaphandleni, yabasetyhini. Inguqu kulo mbandela kufuneka iquke ukuyilwa ngokutsha kwenkxaso mali kumaziko oburhulumente ahlukeneyo ukwenzela ukuba kuqhutyelwe phambili amalungelo emilwelwe. Kucetyiswa ngeendlela ezahlukeneyo zokuqinisekisa amalungelo emilwelwe njengokwenza iinkqubo ezifanelekileyo ezingundoqo, ngokuthethathethana nokuphembelela, ngokwazisa uluntu nokuxhobisa uluntu lwasemaphandleni. Esizikithini sako konke kufuneka utshintsho lwengqondo ukwenzela ukuba bamkelwe abasetyhini abayimilwelwe njengabantu abalingana nabanye benamalungelo nesidima. / Izifundo ezimayelana nokukhubazeka zivame ukunganaki noma ukungabi nandaba nokwenzeka kubantu besifazane abakhubazekile (ama-WWD) abahlala emaphandleni emazweni angakathuthuki ngokwanele (aseGlobal South). Lolu cwaningo olubheka kabanzi imininingwane engamaqiniso luqopha izingqinamba ezikhungethe abesifazane baseZimbabwe abakhubazekile abahlala emaphandleni ngenkathi bethokozela amalungelo abo asemqoka kanye nenkululeko yabo. Phezu kwemizamo eyahlukahlukene yezinga lomhlaba, lezifunda nelikazwelonke, yokuthuthukisa amalungelo abesifazane akhubazekile, lolu cwaningo lubheka amathuba akhona oguquko. Kwasetshenziswa uhlobo lokucwaninga olubheka okuthize ngokuhlola imibono yalabo abake baba sesimweni salokho okucwaningwa ngakho, ngokufaka imibuzo abesifazane kanye namantombazane akhubazekile, kanye nalabo abadlala indima kwezamalungelo abantu abakhubazekile abasebenzela umbuso nabangasebenzeli umbuso. Ngokufakazelwa kakhulu ngokubonakele kanye nokuhlaziywa kwemibhalo nenqubomgomo, imiphumela yocwaningo enohlonze iveze ukuthi iningi labesifazane abakhubazekile basemaphandleni abawazi amalungelo abo ezomthetho kanti futhi abafinyeleli ngokuphelele emithonjeni elusizo, kwimininingwane, kwimisebenzi, kwezemfundo kanye nasekudleni. Abesifazane abakhubazekile basemaphandleni babhekana nezingqinamba zokungakwazi ukuhamba kahle kanti futhi bayacwaswa ezikhungweni zezempilo, baphinde banganikwa ithuba lokubamba iqhaza kwezenhlalo-mnotho nezepolitiki. Amantombazane akhubazekile ezikoleni ezamukela zonke izinhlobo zabafundi babhekana nezimo eziningi eziyizingqinamba maqondana nendlela aphathwa ngayo, nesimo sendawo kanye nokwenziwa kwezinto okuba nomkhawulo ekwenzeni kwabo maqondana nezemfundo nezenhlalo. Imiphumela iqinisekisa umbono wenzululwazi elwela abesifazane abakhubazekile wokuthi ukusebenza kwabesifazane abakhubazekile, esikhathini esiningi, kuvame ukuvela ngenxa yengqikithi esabalele yobudlelwano bamandla maqondana nenhlalo, umlando kanye nobulili. Imiphumela yocwaningo yeseka izincomo zokuthi kumele kube khona ukulinganiswa okuphuthumayo kwempahla yokusebenza maqondana nokukhubazeka, izinqubomgomo kanye nezindlela zokusebenza ezingeni likazwelonke kanye nokuvamile ezingeni lomhlaba wonke kokuphathelene namalungelo abantu. UMthethosisekelo wonyaka we-2013 wenza kusebenze indlela yokubheka ukukhubazeka ngeso lamalungelo abantu, kodwa indlela okwenziwa ngayo iqhubeka kakhulu nokubandlulula abesifazane abakhubazekile basemaphandleni. Uguquko, maqondana nalokhu, kumele lufake ukuhlelwa kabusha kosizo lwezimali ezikhungweni ezahlukahlukene zombuso eziqhuba phambili amalungelo aba. Kuhlongozwa izindlela ezahlukahlukene zokuqinisekisa amalungelo abakhubazekile okufaka kukho ukufakwa kwemiphakathi yasemaphandleni ezinhlelweni, ukukhulumisana nayo ukuze ibambe iqhaza, ukuyilwela, ukwenza ukuba iqaphele okwenzekayo kanye nokuyinikeza amandla okwenza. Okuyiyona nto ebaluleke kakhulu, wuguquko ekucabangeni ukuze abesifazane abakhubazekile bathathwe njengabantu abalingana nabanye abanamalungelo nesithunzi. / Development Studies / D. Phil. (Development Studies)

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak gilt als eine der Gründungsfiguren des postkolonialen Feminismus. Ihr Profil als postkoloniale Theoretikerin gewann sie mit der Veröffentlichung ihres Werkes In Other Worlds – Essays in Cultural Politics. In ihren Texten weist Spivak auf Widersprüche innerhalb der Nationen des Globalen Südens hin. Sie fokussiert, u. a. mit Hilfe der analytischen Konzepte Repräsentation (representation) und Subalternität (subaltern), insbesondere auf die problematische Rolle von Geschlechter- und Klassenverhältnissen in postkolonialen Widerstandsbewegungen, auf den Gegensatz zwischen den indischen Eliten und den unteren Bevölkerungsschichten und auf die gewaltsame Unterdrückung von Frauen des Südens.