O presente Trabalho discute as práticas sociais de pessoas, ligadas ao Movimento dos Focolares, da cidade do Recife, (o protagonismo sociopolítico e religioso) fundamentado naquilo que Jürgen Habermas denomina razão comunicativa, através da ética do discurso. Na sociedade Moderna, a razão instrumental exacerbada, característica do Capitalismo, canaliza as ações para determinados fins utilitaristas. Os relacionamentos humanos, assim, tendem à degradação, a tirar proveito, à contratação: são relações análogas à compra e venda. Ainda mais, a vulgar interpretação do amor se mistura ao egoísmo em que cada um procura ganhar, e os nobres sentimentos desta maneira sempre se definham e são sufocados. No entanto, a Teoria da Ação Comunicativa visa ao entendimento, através da linguagem, tendo como parâmetro, o consenso, em que os atores agem na liberdade. A linguagem coordena as ações: pretende ter uma função emancipadora. Trata-se de uma abordagem direcionada aos vários aspectos da construção da identidade humana, na relação social. Partindo da analise do discurso do material colhido, nas entrevistas tornou viável traçar um paralelo entre as propostas de vida que as pessoas do Movimento dos Focolares assumiram, como meta, a vivência da Arte de Amar, da Fraternidade universal, da Unidade na diversidade e os pressupostos da Teoria da Ação Comunicativa, i é a prática do melhor argumento, o diálogo. Registro de análise dos depoimentos identificou a correspondência dos objetivos do Movimento dos Focolares com os conceitos de Racionalidade Comunicativa e da Ética do Discurso de Habermas. O cerne desta Pesquisa está no reconhecimento de valores que dão sentido a ações que levam ao protagonismo do grupo, em estudo. / This Work discusses persons-who are bonded to the Focolari Movement - social practices (sociopolitical and religious protagonism), based - this work debate - in Jürgen Habermas Communicative Reason i. e. Jurgen Habermas conception through his discourse Ethics. In modern society, Instrumental, Reason in its exarcebated sense, typical to Capitalism, conveys, as a kind, a sort of channel, man actions toward determined upshots, so to say inescapable purposes. Human rapports tend, are conducted to degradation, to take profit from everything and everyone, to bargain; they are rapports that are analogous, in all senses, to purchase and selling. In deeper instances, love vulgar interpretation is confounded with egoism, mixes with selfishness with each one in seeks to gain greedly always to detriment to the noblest feelings that are supposed to be, at any cost, suppressed. Nevertheless, The Theory of Communicative Action aims at understanding, through language, having as parameter Consensus which the actors behave in at liberty. Language coordinates men actions: it pretends having, aims at having an emancipating function. One is dealing with an approach directed to human identity construction, building several aspects, in a social rapport which, i.e. the abovementioned approach, based, founded in the Focolari Movement, departing from Discourse Analysis about the gathered material through interviews rendered, made possible, workable a certain parallel, comparison between the life proposals that the Focolari Movement persons adopted as their life goal, their utmost life purpose, their Art of Love liveliness, as well as they embraced Universal Fraternity and unity in diversity ideals, between, so to say, all these conceptions and deeds and the Communicative Action Theory presuppositions, so to say: best argument practice is dialogue. It was, also, possible to observe, to verify that both these conceptions constitutive elements are intercomplementary, compatible in their nature, being both these of them, nearly, each other foundation. At least, as one understands Jürgen Habermas`s theory, on can the Focolari Movement`s ideas, so to say Ideal. This researchs nucleus is found in the values recognition that bestows a great sense, meaning to actions, deeds that bring forth to this studied group protagonism.

In this thesis, I scrutinise and interpret Jürgen Habermas’s claim that justification of moral norms necessitates cognitivism. I do this by analysing the general idea behind his discourse theory of morality and then his metaethics. From there, I examine the non-cognitivist theory called prescriptivism as set out by Richard Hare to see if his account of moral reasoning is able to counter Habermas’s claims and thereafter, I examine some criticism against his concept of communicative action. I also engage with the discussion on how to define cognitivism: that is, whether the line should be drawn between moral realism on the cognitivist side, and constructivism on the other, or if cognitivism can include constructivist theories too. I propose that it should, provided that it allows moral statements to be truth-apt and express a mental state like that of belief. Following this definition, I argue that Habermas can be labelled a cognitivist and finally, I conclude that Habermas's argument does not hold under scrutiny.

A discussão contemporânea sobre a organização de uma sociedade política que estabeleça princípios normativos visando à legitimação do Estado de direito está no epicentro da fundamentação das teorias de democracia deliberativa. Assim, indagaremos sobre a estruturação de mecanismos constitucionais que possibilitem o exercício dos direitos políticos para a formação da opinião pública. A tese a ser defendida é que há pontos problemáticos na teoria deliberativa de Habermas que dificultam a sua aplicação na práxis social. O que observamos é a necessidade do estabelecimento de mecanismos para a defesa dos cidadãos perante a forma instrumental por meio da qual os sistemas sociais operam na sociedade capitalista tardia. Por isso, com o auxílio da teoria de democracia contestatória e a concepção de liberdade republicana, apresentadas por Pettit, almejamos salvaguardar os princípios discursivos da teoria habermasiana de democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, possibilitar uma ampliação no processo de reconstrução normativa e discursiva do Estado democrático de direito. A teoria republicana de liberdade como não-dominação nos oferece um estratagema para escapar da aporia na qual as teorias contemporâneas de democracia deliberativa encontram-se aprisionadas, em particular, no que se refere à finalidade de equilibrar a força de legitimação do poder comunicativo e a sua influência na formatação do aparelho administrativo-estatal. / The contemporary discussion on the organization of a political society to establish normative principles aimed at legitimizing the rule of law is at the epicenter of the grounds of deliberative democracy theories. Therefore, we inquire on structuring constitutional mechanisms that enable the exercise of political rights for the formation of public opinion. The thesis to be defended is that there are trouble spots in the deliberative theory of Habermas that hinder their implementation in social praxis. What we observe is the need to establish mechanisms for the protection of citizens before the instrumental means by which social system operate in late capitalist society. Therefore, with the help of contestatory democracy theory and the design of republican liberty, presented by Pettit, we aim to safeguard the discursive principles of Habermas\' theory of democracy and at the same time, enabling an expansion in the process of normative and discursive reconstruction of the democratic state of law. The republican theory of freedom as non-domination gives us a ploy to escape quandary in which contemporary theories of deliberative democratic are trapped in particular as regards the purpose of balancing the legitimacy under power communicative and their influence in shaping the administrative-state apparatus.

Submitted by Priscilla Araujo (priscilla@ibict.br) on 2016-08-01T19:17:59Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese para impressao capa dura.pdf: 10961165 bytes, checksum: 7edabf37c43d0eee06e3701d01e9670a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-01T19:17:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese para impressao capa dura.pdf: 10961165 bytes, checksum: 7edabf37c43d0eee06e3701d01e9670a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-25 / Discute a dinâmica de validação da informação na Wikipédia. Descreve a cultura colaborativa da Wikipédia, identifica verbetes construídos colaborativamente, investiga o processo de validação social dos verbetes construídos de forma colaborativa e descreve como a web é considerada um espaço de produção de sentido por meio de discurso argumentativo. É usada a cartografia das controvérsias e a análise de redes sociais para compreender as dinâmicas infocomunicacionais de um grupo de pessoas com interesse em discutir uma lista de verbetes que devem constar em todas as Wikipédias. Conclui-se que, de acordo com as propostas teóricas de Jürgen Habermas, a Wikipédia é um ambiente discursivamente emancipatório e construído a partir do discurso argumentativo habermasiano. / It discusses the dynamic validation of information on Wikipedia. It describes the collaborative culture of Wikipedia entries built collaboratively, It investigates the process of social validation of entries constructed collaboratively and It describes how the web is considered an area of production of meaning through argumentative discourse. It is used mapping of controversies and social network analysis to understand the infocommunicative dynamics of a group of people interested in discussing a list of entries to be included in all Wikipedias. In conclusion, according to the theoretical proposals of Jürgen Habermas, Wikipedia is an emancipatory discourse environment and It is built according to Habermasian argumentative discourse.

The aim of the research is to analyze the contributions of critical theory of society of Habermas, especially the habermasian concept of systemic crisis, for understanding the dynamics of contemporary environmental crisis. It is intended to investigate the contemporary environmental crisis, from the reconstruction of concepts of crisis and the nature and understanding the formation and characteristics of tardocapitalistas societies through the habermasian concept of systemic crisis. This research is fundamental or theoretical nature and uses the historical-critical method. It begins with a historical reconstruction of the concept of environmental crisis, from the ideas of crisis and nature, to analyze the current state of debate on the environmental crisis, by submitting the approaches of the scientific literature on the subject. Following is presented the concept of a systemic crisis of Habermas, built as part of its analysis of tardocapitalistas societies, in order to test the hypothesis that this concept contributes to the advancement of epistemological treatment on the environmental crisis. The relevance of this research urges the need to improve the debate on finding solutions to environmental problems that affect the welfare of human beings. The intended result is to an understanding of the environmental crisis, able to contribute to their proper treatment. / O objetivo geral da pesquisa é analisar as contribuições da teoria crítica da sociedade de Habermas, especialmente o conceito habermasiano de crise sistêmica, para a compreensão da dinâmica da crise ambiental contemporânea. Pretende-se investigar a crise ambiental contemporânea, a partir da reconstrução dos conceitos de crise e de natureza e pela compreensão da formação e das características de sociedades tardocapitalistas, mediante o conceito habermasiano de crise sistêmica. Esta pesquisa tem natureza fundamental ou teórica e utiliza o método histórico-crítico. Inicia com reconstrução histórica do conceito de crise ambiental, a partir das ideias de crise e de natureza, para analisar o estado atual do debate em torno da crise ambiental, mediante a apresentação dos enfoques da produção científica sobre o tema. Na sequência, é apresentado o conceito de crise sistêmica de Habermas, construído no âmbito de sua análise das sociedades tardocapitalistas, com o fim de testar a hipótese de que este conceito contribui para o avanço do tratamento epistemológico sobre a crise ambiental. A relevância desta pesquisa incita a necessidade de aperfeiçoar o debate, em busca de soluções para os problemas ambientais que afetam o bem-estar dos seres humanos. O resultado pretendido consiste em uma compreensão da crise ambiental, capaz de contribuir para o seu adequado tratamento.

Our work aims to reflect on the post-metaphysical foundation of law and democracy. Forthis, we will face problems such as: language, reason, metaphysics, pluralism, complexity, characteristics of contemporary society. To fulfill the objective we have considered the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Study the fundamentals post-metaphysical of Law and Democracy implies fundamentally resume the theoretical foundations of Habermas' philosophy evaluating his position theses modern and postmodern, causing the bridge to the implications of that plea. The biggest challenge faced is finding founding principles of social cohesion without resorting to metaphysical and religious principles that traditionally establish and legitimate. In this sense, Habermas goes beyond the metaphysical tradition and influenced by the yaw-linguistic posits language as an effective means for social cohesion, characterized, so as post-metaphysical. In a further step, we will seek to extend the principle of discourse about the validity of rights and democracy. For Habermas characterizes itself as a democratic and legitimate. Through the democratic process of legitimation of rights, where everyone can understand them, it is addressed and authors' rights, we understand that the possibility of maintenance of pluralism and social complexity. In this sense, we noted the possibility of a cohesive society with a post-metaphysical. / Nosso trabalho objetiva refletir sobre a fundamentação pós-metafísica do direito e da democracia. Para isso, enfrentamos problemas como: linguagem, razão, metafísica, pluralidade, complexidade, características da sociedade contemporânea. Para cumprir o objetivo estudamos o pensamento filosófico de Jürgen Habermas. Estudar os fundamentos pós-metafísicos do Direito e Democracia implica fundamentalmente retomar as bases teóricas da filosofia habermasiana avaliando seu posicionamento frente às teses modernas e pós-modernas, fazendo a ponte para as implicações desse fundamento. O maior desafio enfrentado foi encontrar princípios fundamentadores da coesão social sem lançar mão de princípios religiosos e metafísicos que tradicionalmente a fundamentavam e legitimavam. Nesse sentido, Habermas vai além da tradição metafísica e, influenciado pela guinadalinguística, postula a linguagem como um meio eficaz para a coesão social, caracterizando-se, por isso, como pós-metafísico. Num passo além, procuramos estender o princípio do discurso sobre a fundamentação dos direitos e da democracia. Para Habermas caracteriza-se como um processo democrático e legítimo. Através do processo democrático de legitimação dos direitos, no qual todos os possíveis envolvidos possam entender-se como destinatários e autores dos direitos, compreendemos que há possibilidade de manutenção do pluralismo e da complexidade social. Nesse sentido, evidenciamos a possibilidade de uma sociedade coesa, com um fundamento pós-metafísico.

La présente investigation sur le thème «Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil et les limites politiques de la société civile» se veut une «contribution à la réflexion sur le sens de l’engagement politique citoyen». En effet, en conférant à la société civile la vocation politique de légitimation de l’Etat, le philosophe et sociologue allemand, Jürgen Habermas, postule que la prise de parole sous forme d’exercice public de la raison suffirait pour enclencher un Agir communicationnel à même de faire du citoyen l’acteur et le destinataire des lois et des institutions qui le gouvernent. Mais cet aboutissement ne va pas de soi. Elle dépend, selon le philosophe français, Eric Weil, de conditions particulières induites par la nature et le fonctionnement de la société moderne. La principale préoccupation de cette investigation qui, ose un dialogue virtuel entre les deux penseurs, est de montrer que, si le triomphe planétaire de l’ idée de société civile contribue à l’accélération de l’avènement d’une société universellement administrée dans les limites de la simple raison, l’atteinte de cet objectif reste minée par l’omniprésence de la violence et du non-sens dans la sphère politique contemporaine. Aussi, pour sortir de cette double impasse à laquelle s’expose l’exercice public de la raison, le dialogue entre Jürgen Habermas et Eric Weil s’achève par la primauté de la question du sens. Un aboutissement qui se justifie et justifie par conséquent l’engagement politique citoyen. Car, c’est en continuant à agir de façon raisonnable et non-violente, seul et/ou avec les autres pour l’avènement d’un Etat vrai, malgré la persistance de l’irrationalité, de la violence et du non-sens, que le citoyen contribue au renouvellement du sens de son existence individuelle et collective. / The present investigation on “Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil and civil society political boundaries” is intended to be a “contribution to the reflection on the meaning of citizen political engagement”. Indeed, by giving civil society the political vocation of legitimation of the state, the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, posits that speaking in the form of public speaking exercise of reason would be enough to trigger a Communicational Action making the citizen the actor and the recipient of the laws and institutions that govern him. But this achievement does not happen by itself. It depends, according to the French philosopher Eric Weil, of special conditions created by nature and functioning of modern society.The main aim of this investigation which dares a virtual dialogue between the two thinkers, is to show that if the global triumph of the idea of civil society contributes to the acceleration of the advent of a universally administered society within the limits of simple reason, the achievement of the goal remains undermined by the omnipresence of violence and nonsense in contemporary political sphere.Therefore, to get out of this double impasse to which the public exercise of reason is exposed, dialogue between Jürgen Habermas and Eric Weil ends with the primacy of the question of meaning. An outcome which is justified and therefore justifies the citizen political engagement. It is by continuing to act reasonably, non-violently, alone and/or with others for the advent of a Real State, despite the persistence of irrationality, violence and nonsense that the citizen contributes to the renewal of the meaning of its individual and collective existence.

[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é trazer as principais contribuições teóricas acerca do debate sobre reconhecimento. Vivemos uma época em que o eixo da política e do poder desloca-se cada vez mais das lutas de distribuição para as lutas por reconhecimento simbólico. As sociedades democráticas contemporâneas são marcadas pela tensão entre a força homogeneizadora de uma cultura mundial e o acirramento das lutas em defesa de identidades particulares. A falta de reconhecimento ou o falso reconhecimento resultam em uma formação distorcida da própria identidade, assim, o reconhecimento não pressupõe cortesia, mas algo que deve ser garantido aos outros por consistir uma necessidade humana vital. A partir das reflexões propostas por Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas e Axel Honneth, pretendemos aproximar a temática, geralmente empreendida no campo da filosofia política, do Direito Constitucional e da realidade brasileira. / [en] The goal of this work is to put together the most important theoretical contributions concerning the recognition debate. We live in an era where the political and power axis shifted increasingly from the distribution of the symbolic recognition struggles. Contemporaneous democratic societies are marked by tension between the hegemonic global culture power and the aggravation of the particular identities struggles. The lack or false recognition results in a distorted formation of the self identity, and therefore, the recognition does not foresee courtesy, but something that should be guaranteed to others to consolidate a vital human need. Starting from the reflections proposed by Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas and Axel Honneth, we intend to approach the theme, usually covered in the political philosophy, of the Constitutional Law and the Brazilian reality.

The following essay aims to investigate recent transformations of the public sphere influenced by social media. The main goal is to use the philosophical frameworks and concepts developed by Arendt and Habermas as an analytic tool to better understand social media in their role as a public sphere. The first part outlines the concept of the public sphere and its related concepts as developed in Arendt’s The Human Condition and Habermas’ The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Central themes are discussed and juxtaposed primarily in between Arendt and Habermas, but also with the ideas of later philosophers. From this discussion emerges a theoretical framework in terms of two main headings; the properties of the public sphere, and; the character of the political discourse in the public sphere. The second part examines central features of present-day social media utilizing the conceptual framework deriving from Arendt’s and Habermas’ notions of the public sphere. Salient features of contemporary social media and political discourse are juxtaposed with properties of the analytical framework developed in the first part of the essay. The analysis shows that the public sphere and its discourse have changed in significant ways. The analysis also shows that the notion of the public sphere, developed 60 years ago, is still a useful tool for the analysis of our present-day public sphere.

Ce mémoire tentera de reconstruire la controverse qui a eu lieu entre Habermas et Gadamer dans les années 1960 et 1970. Ce débat porte sur notre rapport à l'histoire, à la réflexivité et à la raison. À l'aide d'ouvrages majeurs tels que Connaissance et intérêt et Vérité et Méthode, en plus d'articles ayant encadré la polémique entre les deux auteurs, il sera possible de rendre compte des positions de Habermas et de Gadamer au sujet de la possibilité critique de la réflexion, soit l'enjeu qui servira de ligne directrice à ce mémoire et qui permettra d'aborder les autres enjeux tout aussi importants. Gadamer suggère une réflexion herméneutique attentive et réceptive à notre mode d'être qui est par le fait même critique, tandis que Habermas propose une autoréflexion de la société en collaboration avec un sociologue critique qui la guide en vue de son autocritique et de son émancipation. À l'issue de leur dialogue, la pensée de Gadamer se sera développée, alors que celle de Habermas se sera transformée : les deux philosophes auront donc appris l'un de l'autre.