La notion de personne vulnérable est employée de manière exponentielle dansdifférentes branches du droit international contemporain. Si elle est rarement définie par lesacteurs qui l’emploient, la notion désigne un individu dont la faiblesse et/ou la situationparticulière le prédispose à la réalisation d’un risque grave. La personne vulnérable recouvreainsi des hypothèses diversifiées. La plasticité de la notion permet une protectionfonctionnelle de l’individu, adaptable selon ses besoins. La personne vulnérable s’insère ainsidans le droit positif, sans que sa définition ne soit précisée, tout comme, en conséquence, sesbénéficiaires et les modalités de protection de ceux-ci. Mais précisément parce que la notionproduit des effets juridiques, sa conceptualisation devient nécessaire. Dès lors qu’elle prendune réalité en droit international, elle influence l’ordonnancement juridique mais égalementl’environnement social qu’il traduit, et suscite ainsi de profondes remises en questionthéoriques. / The term vulnerable person is more and more frequently used in the different fieldsof contemporary international law. Although rarely defined when used, a vulnerable personcan be understood as an individual whose weakness and/or particular situation predisposeshim to serious risks. The term can then cover various situations. The adaptability of the termenables a practical protection of the individual, according to each specific need. The term ofvulnerable person thus takes a place in the positive law without any specific and expressdefinition. As a consequence, neither the beneficiaries nor the terms of protection of the latterare defined. However, as the identification of an individual as a vulnerable person produceslegal effects, the conceptualization of such term becomes necessary. As it has become areality in international law, it influences not only the legal order but also the socialenvironment, and as a consequence arouses theoretical questionings.

Aujourd’hui, l’Afrique est sans aucun doute la partie du monde la plus affectée par la commission des crimes internationaux les plus graves. Pourtant, depuis des décennies, il existe des mécanismes juridiques visant à sanctionner les responsables des crimes qui heurtent la conscience humaine. Seulement, l’échec relatif de ces mécanismes peut pousser l’observateur à se demander s’il est possible de garantir la diffusion du droit international pénal sur le continent africain. Cette interrogation est loin d’être incongrue, car même si un nombre important d’états africains ont ratifié le Statut de Rome qui organise la répression du génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité, des crimes de guerre et même du crime d’agression, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’application de ce Statut dans les différents ordres juridiques concernés est très souvent compromise. La principale raison à cela c'est que, le droit international pénal ne tient pas forcément compte des particularismes juridiques des états qui ont pourtant la primauté de compétence, en vertu du principe de subsidiarité, pour sanctionner la commission des crimes internationaux selon les règles classiques de dévolution des compétences. De plus, il faut préciser que l’Afrique est le terrain de prédilection du pluralisme juridique qui favorise la juxtaposition de l’ordre juridique moderne et de l’ordre juridique traditionnel. Si le premier est en principe réceptif aux normes internationales pénales, le second qu’il soit musulman ou coutumier avec l’exemple des Gacaca rwandais, repose sur une philosophie juridique différente de celle du droit international pénal. Dans tous les cas, l’articulation du droit international pénal avec les ordres juridiques africains est une des conditions de sa diffusion. Cette articulation pourrait d’ailleurs être favorisée par le dialogue entre les juges nationaux et internationaux qui doivent travailler en bonne intelligence pour édifier un système international pénal ; d’où l’intérêt pour les états africains de favoriser une coopération effective avec les juridictions pénales internationales. Il va sans dire que, tout ceci ne sera possible qu’au sein des régimes politiques démocratiques capables de renoncer aux règles et pratiques juridiques anachroniques pour s’appuyer sur une politique criminelle pouvant favoriser, dans un avenir plus ou moins lointain, un véritable universalisme du droit international pénal. / Today, Africa is undoubtedly part of the world most affected by the commission of the most serious international crimes. Yet for decades, there are legal mechanisms to punish those responsible for crimes that shock the conscience of humanity. But the relative failure of these mechanisms can push the viewer to wonder if it is possible to ensure the dissemination of international criminal law on the African continent. This question is far from being incongruous, because even if a significant number of African states have ratified the Rome Statute that governs the fight against genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression even, the fact remains that the application of the Statute in the different legal systems involved is often compromised. The main reason for this is that international criminal law does not necessarily take into account the legal peculiarities of the states that have yet the primacy of jurisdiction under the subsidiarity principle, to sanction the commission of international crimes by the conventional rules devolution of powers. In addition, it should be noted that Africa is the stomping ground of legal pluralism that promotes juxtaposition of the modern legal system and traditional law. If the first is normally receptive to criminal international standards, the second whether Muslim or customary with the example of the Rwandan Gacaca is based on a different legal philosophy from that of international criminal law. In all cases, the articulation of international criminal law with African legal systems is one of the conditions of release. This link could also be encouraged by the dialogue between national and international judges who must work in harmony to build an international criminal system; hence the need for African states to promote effective cooperation with international criminal courts. It goes without saying that all this will be possible only in democratic political systems which can waive the rules and legal practices anachronistic to press a criminal policy that can promote in a more or less distant future, a true universalism of international criminal law.

Les crimes internationaux constituent des infractions dont les conséquences dramatiques affectent la communauté internationale dans son ensemble. Cette dernière s'est engagée dans la poursuite d'auteurs présumés de ces crimes à travers les différents mécanismes juridiques mis en place par la justice pénale internationale. Il incombe essentiellement aux États d'assurer l'effectivité de cette justice. Ainsi, quand des auteurs présumés de crimes internationaux se trouvent sur le territoire ou dans la juridiction d'un État, ce dernier est tenu de les poursuivre ou de les extrader vers d'autres États ou juridictions pénales internationales lorsque cela est nécessaire. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, certains États mettent en application ces obligations en engageant des poursuites à l'encontre de criminels internationaux. La répression nationale des crimes internationaux se heurte à de nombreuses difficultés afférentes, le plus souvent, au manque de moyens ou de volonté, à l'inadéquation de certains systèmes juridiques nationaux, à la realpolitik (de l'allemand politique réaliste), à la nécessité de préserver les relations interétatiques, etc. Par ailleurs, il n'existe pas encore d'instance supranationale capable de contraindre les États à respecter leurs obligations internationales de répression des crimes internationaux. Par conséquent, l'idée de l'implication des cours régionales des droits de l'Homme dans la répression nationale des crimes internationaux s'impose davantage eu égard aux exigences internationales de répression des crimes internationaux qu'elles rappellent constamment aux États / International crimes constitute offences whose dramatic consequences affect the international community as a whole. This international community has committed itself to prosecute alleged perpetrators of these crimes through various legal mechanisms created by international criminal justice. The States are primarily responsible for ensuring the effective implementation of international criminal law. Consequently, when alleged perpetrators of international crimes are on the territory or under the jurisdiction of a given State, national authorities must prosecute them in their own national courts or extradite them to others States or international criminal courts when necessary. Since the Second World War, some States implement these international obligations by prosecuting international criminals. The national prosecution of international crimes faces many barriers related most of the time to a lack of financial resources or political will. This can also result from the inadequacy of some national legal systems, realpolitik, the need to safeguard inter-state relations... In addition to this, a supranational body compelling States to respect their international obligations to prosecute international crimes has not yet been created. Therefore, the legal involvement of regional human rights courts in the implementation of national prosecution of international crimes is necessary. This is the consequence of international requirements related to the pursuit of international criminals reminding the States of their legal duties

Le crime d'agression se veut etre un des quatre crimes internationaux sous la juridiction de la CPI. Lorsque les delegues a la Conference de Rome n'eurent point atteint de consensus sur une definition du crime, celui-ci resta, depuis, indefini en droit. En consequence, la CPI n'aura juridiction pour entendre des causes portant sur le crime d'agression qu'une fois la definition sera adoptee par l'Assemblee des Etats Parties au plus tot en 2009. Ce memoire traite trois problematiques liees au crime d'agression : la question de la responsabilite penale individuelle, le role du Conseil de securite de l'ONU, et les parametres du crime en tant que tel. La responsabilite penale individuelle est analysee, inter alia, du point de vue du principe des sources du droit international. Quant al'eventuelle implication du Conseil de securite dans le champ de competence de la CPI sur le crime d'agression, l'auteure soutient tel que suit: Si le Conseil de securite se voit accorde un pouvoir plus large que celui dont il est presentement dote en vertu des articles 13(b) et 16 du Statut de Rome, chaque membre permanent aura un veto sur toute situation d'agression qui serait autrement portee devant la Cour. Ceci aura pour consequence de politiser la CPI en ce qui a trait au crime et rendra hypothethique toute definition eventuelle. Si la definition est bien con9ue et redigee, on fait valoir, qu'il n' est point necessaire de limiter davantage la competence de la CPI. Les parametres de la definition du crime proposes par l'auteure sont etablis selon les conclusions d'une analyse des notions composantes de l'agression. L'essentiel du concept se veut un recours illegal et non-necessaire qui constitue une rupture ala paix. Amoins qu'il ne soit exerce en « legitime defence» ou en vertu d'un mandat du Chapitre VII, Ie recours ala force constitue prima facie une agression et s'il est suffisamment grave, il s'agira d'un crime d'agression. Ce memoire termine avec un projet de definition du crime d'agression en vue d'avancer Ie discours vers un consensus sur ces problematiques majeures. Non seulement est-il possible d'arriver aun consensus sur la definition, croit l'auteure, mais nous sommes plus que jamais al'aube d'y parvenir. / The crime of aggression is one of the four international crimes under the jurisdiction of the ICC. When delegates at the Rome Conference were unable to agree on the content of a definition, the crime was left undefined. As a result, the ICC can only begin prosecuting individuals for the crime of aggression once a definition is adopted by the Assembly of States Parties in 2009, at the earliest. This thesis examines three issues associated with the crime of aggression: the question of individual criminal responsibility, the role of the UN Security Council and the general scope of the definition of the crime of aggression itself Individual criminal liability is reviewed, inter alia, from the perspective of international sources doctrine. Regarding the role of the Security Council in relation to the crime of aggression, the author concludes: if the Security Council is vested with more powers than it already has under Articles 13(b) and 16 of the Rome Statute, each permanent member will have a veto over any situation of aggression that might otherwise be brought before the Court. This would result in a complete politicization of the ICC and render moot any future definition of the crime of aggression. If a definition for the crime of aggression is properly conceived and constructed, it is argued, there is no need to further limit the Court's exercise of jurisdiction. The author proposes general parameters for the scope ofthe definition based on conclusions reached in the analysis of the conceptual components of aggression. At its essence, the act of aggression is the unnecessary, unlawful use of force which constitutes a breach ofthe peace. Unless employed in "self-defence" or under a Chapter VII mandate, the use offorce constitutes prima facie an act of aggression, and if it is sufficiently grave, a crime ofaggression. This thesis concludes with a working definition ofthe crime of aggression to promote dialogue and ultimately a consensus on these core issues. Not only is a definition is within reach, the author believes, we are closer to it than we ever have been before. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en Maîtrise en droit Option recherche"

Ce mémoire traite de la contribution du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (« TPIY ») au développement des sources formelles du droit international public. Il considère, plus précisément, le dilemme normatif entre le droit international classique, polarisé sur l'État et « résorbé» dans une juridicité formelle, et le «droit de l'unité substantiel », codifiant le mythe kantien de la paix par le droit et associant juridicité et légitimité par une intégration de l'éthique dans le droit. L'analyse postule la rétroaction du droit sur ses sources et étudie les courants idéologiques du droit international contemporain à partir de la jurisprudence du TPIY. Le mémoire conclut à une rupture entre le discours rhétorique du TPIY sur les sources, se réclamant du droit international classique, davantage compatible avec le principe de légalité, et les pratiques normatives effectives du Tribunal, ressemblant à un jusnaturalisme moderne, fondé sur des valeurs morales et éthiques. / This thesis studies the contribution by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former- Yugoslavia ("ICTY") to the development of Public International Law. Specifically, it analyses the normative dilemma between sources ofClassic International Law - correlated to the will ofStates, as wel/ as legal formalism - and the "International law ofsubstantial unity" - which codifies the Kantian myth of ''peace by law" and moves the classic idea of legality from formalism to legitimacy by using ethical references. The analysis assumes Law's retroactive effect on its sources and considers ideological movements of Contemporary International Law in the jurisprudence of the ICTY. The thesis concludes to a clash between ICTYabstractfindings related to sources ofInternationallaw and the actual "day-by-day" normative practices ofthe Tribunal. While the first brings into play Classic International Law and the rule of law, the second looks more like a neo-naturalism, fashioned by moral and ethical values. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit - option recherche(LL.M)"

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität, Frankfurt am Main, 2006. / Material type: Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-317).

Après la commission de violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire et dans le cadre parfois d’une transition ou d’une situation post conflictuelle difficile, les Commissions vérité ont été de plus en plus créées au sein des Etats. Parce qu’elles sont destinées à l’examen de violations de règles établies en droit international, se pose la question de leur rapport avec ce droit. Par leurs spécificités formelles et la flexibilité de leurs règles, leur utilisation du droit international et leur prise en compte des victimes, elles constituent un cadre particulièrement novateur dédié à l’examen des violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire. Cependant, instances non judiciaires et eu égard aux évolutions du droit international, elles conduisent à s’interroger sur la responsabilité pour ces violations et des obligations internationales de l’Etat à cet égard, et à exiger la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale pour la commission des violations les plus graves qu’elles ont constatées. / In time of transition or in post conflict situations, many truth Commissions have been increasingly created within many States to deal with a past caracterised by many human rights and international humanitarian law violations. Because they are dedicated to investigate violations of established rules of international law, the question emerge on their relationships with international law. Their formal characteristics and their flexibility, their use of international law and the focus and attention they give to the victims of these violations, make them appear to be an innovative mean allowing specific review of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. However, because there are non-judicial bodies and taking into consideration the developments of international law, they raise questions about responsibility for these violations and international obligations of the State in this regard, and lead to the requirement of prosecution and the implementation of criminal liability for the serious violations they reported.

Why has international society been unable to develop political and judicial collective-security arrangements to limit external aggression? The thesis argues that efforts to limit aggression in moral and legal theory have created an unjust order in which great powers have used these theoretical traditions to reinforce their power in the global order. The thesis argues that is not a new development but can be found in one of the oldest traditions of moral reflection on war, the just war tradition. To substantiate this point, the thesis critically surveys the philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, Medieval Christian Renaissance, and early modern theorists of just war and demonstrates that their just war ideas contain assumptions about exclusion, identity and power reflecting their cultural superiority which underlie the practices and theories of the leading states and justifications of their aggressive wars. The thesis connects these moral reflections to the emergence of modern international law and the European pluralist international society of states based on mutual respect for sovereignty and the norm of non-intervention, highlighting how justifications of its colonial aggression against non-Europeans established an unjust solidarist order against them which persists in the post-Cold War era. To conclude it presents suggestions for improvement in the current pluralist international arrangements to address the issue of aggression.

Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. / O trabalho expõe a consolidação do direito à verdade pelo Direito Internacional e a complementaridade entre as comissões da verdade e os tribunais, mecanismos de justiça de transição, como a combinação que melhor lhe confere aplicabilidade. Primeiramente, a tese reivindica que a transição e a consolidação democrática devem se dar por meio da prestação de contas com o passado, o que se torna possível na medida em que se promoveram a partir da 2a Guerra Mundial significativas alterações no Direito Internacional, que se afasta do paradigma vesfaliano de soberania. Aborda-se assim o excepcional desenvolvimento do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, do Direito Internacional Humanitário e do Direito Penal Internacional, centralizados na ideia de responsabilidade. A tese também abrange o desenvolvimento do direito à verdade no seio da Organização das Nações Unidas e dos sistemas regionais de proteção de direitos humanos, tendo alcançado o status de norma imperativa ou peremptória, sendo explorados os obstáculos ao seu exercício como no caso de anistias e outras medidas similiares como a prescrição, a justiça militar e a coisa julgada. Enfrentam-se, ainda, as potencialidades e limites da verdade que resulta de comissões da verdade e dos tribunais, concebida esta como conhecimento sobre os fatos e o reconhecimento da responsabilidade pelo ocorrido. O trabalho aborda temas como a independência e imparcialidade das comissões de verdade, seus poderes e o alcance de suas conclusões e recomendações. Por sua vez, com vistas a identificar as verdades a serem alcançadas pelos tribunais, privilegia-se o processo criminal, por se entender que a sentença penal pressupõe o exercício mais completo do devido processo. A imperatividade do direito à verdade é também demonstrada pela defesa da participação da vítima no processo criminal e da admissão de culpa por parte do acusado -- ambos consagrados pelo Tratado de Roma. Por fim, a tese analisa alguns cenários para a complementaridade entre estes dois mecanismos de justiça de transição, fazendo o estudo dos casos do Chile, Peru, Serra Leoa e Quênia, casos estes permeados pelo Direito Internacional, seja pela influência da jurisdição universal ou pelo impacto da jurisdição internacional. O caso brasileiro, por certo, não se ajusta a nenhum destes cenários. Sua caracterização como um diálogo em aberto, para efeitos deste trabalho, pressupõe que o Brasil encontra-se em um importante momento de decisão sobre a complementaridade entre comissões da verdade e tribunais - a recente aprovação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade deve conviver com o aparente conflito entre a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, que afirmou a constitucionalidade da Lei de Anistia de 1979, e a decisão da Corte Interamericana no caso Araguaia, que entende nulos os dispositivos da lei que obstaculizam o processamento dos responsáveis, ambas no ano de 2010 - com a oportunidade de demonstrar que a passagem do tempo não arrefece as obrigações a que se comprometeu no cenário internacional. / The dissertation exposes the consolidation of the right to truth by international law and the complementarity of truth commissions and tribunals, both transitional justice mechanisms, as the combination that better confers its aplicability. First, the work claims that transition to and consolidation of democracy should provide accountability for past abuses, what became possible by the changes that have impacted international law after the World War II. The exceptional development of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law is explored, considered the idea of responsability. The dissertation takes care of the development of the right to truth within the United Nations Organization and the human rights regional systems, and its status of imperative or peremptory norm, as well the obstacles for its exercise in the case of amnesties and other similar measures as statute of limitation, military justice and doble jeopardy (res judicata). The truth that results from truth commissions and tribunais its potentialities and limits are here conceived as knowledge e acknowledgment of what occured. The work also considers aspects as the independence and impartiality of truth commissions, its powers and the reach of its conclusions and recommendations. On the other hand, considering the truth to be obtained by tribunals, the dissertation priviledges the analysis of criminal procedure, in the sense that a criminal veridict implies due process. The imperativity of the right to truth is also demonstrated by the participation of victims in the criminal procedure and the admission of guilty by the accused both celebrated by the Statute of Rome. The dissertation also covers some sceneries of complementarity between truth commissions and tribunals, making use of the case of Chile, Peru, Sierra Leone and Kenya, cases that suffered significant impact by international law, considered the influence of universal jurisdiction or the impact of international jurisdiction. The Brazilian case, at the end, does not fit precisely in any of these sceneries. Its caracterization as an open dialogue assumes that the country has come face to face with the debate of complementarity the recent approval of the National Truth Commission has to live together with the apparent conflict between two decisions held in 2010: the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the 1979 Amnesty Law and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on the Araguaia Case that considered null and void the parts of the law that obstacle the criminal persecution of the ones responsible -, and has opportunity to demonstrate that time has not moderated the obligations to which Brasil has compromised with in the international arena.

Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. / O trabalho expõe a consolidação do direito à verdade pelo Direito Internacional e a complementaridade entre as comissões da verdade e os tribunais, mecanismos de justiça de transição, como a combinação que melhor lhe confere aplicabilidade. Primeiramente, a tese reivindica que a transição e a consolidação democrática devem se dar por meio da prestação de contas com o passado, o que se torna possível na medida em que se promoveram a partir da 2a Guerra Mundial significativas alterações no Direito Internacional, que se afasta do paradigma vesfaliano de soberania. Aborda-se assim o excepcional desenvolvimento do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, do Direito Internacional Humanitário e do Direito Penal Internacional, centralizados na ideia de responsabilidade. A tese também abrange o desenvolvimento do direito à verdade no seio da Organização das Nações Unidas e dos sistemas regionais de proteção de direitos humanos, tendo alcançado o status de norma imperativa ou peremptória, sendo explorados os obstáculos ao seu exercício como no caso de anistias e outras medidas similiares como a prescrição, a justiça militar e a coisa julgada. Enfrentam-se, ainda, as potencialidades e limites da verdade que resulta de comissões da verdade e dos tribunais, concebida esta como conhecimento sobre os fatos e o reconhecimento da responsabilidade pelo ocorrido. O trabalho aborda temas como a independência e imparcialidade das comissões de verdade, seus poderes e o alcance de suas conclusões e recomendações. Por sua vez, com vistas a identificar as verdades a serem alcançadas pelos tribunais, privilegia-se o processo criminal, por se entender que a sentença penal pressupõe o exercício mais completo do devido processo. A imperatividade do direito à verdade é também demonstrada pela defesa da participação da vítima no processo criminal e da admissão de culpa por parte do acusado -- ambos consagrados pelo Tratado de Roma. Por fim, a tese analisa alguns cenários para a complementaridade entre estes dois mecanismos de justiça de transição, fazendo o estudo dos casos do Chile, Peru, Serra Leoa e Quênia, casos estes permeados pelo Direito Internacional, seja pela influência da jurisdição universal ou pelo impacto da jurisdição internacional. O caso brasileiro, por certo, não se ajusta a nenhum destes cenários. Sua caracterização como um diálogo em aberto, para efeitos deste trabalho, pressupõe que o Brasil encontra-se em um importante momento de decisão sobre a complementaridade entre comissões da verdade e tribunais - a recente aprovação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade deve conviver com o aparente conflito entre a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, que afirmou a constitucionalidade da Lei de Anistia de 1979, e a decisão da Corte Interamericana no caso Araguaia, que entende nulos os dispositivos da lei que obstaculizam o processamento dos responsáveis, ambas no ano de 2010 - com a oportunidade de demonstrar que a passagem do tempo não arrefece as obrigações a que se comprometeu no cenário internacional. / The dissertation exposes the consolidation of the right to truth by international law and the complementarity of truth commissions and tribunals, both transitional justice mechanisms, as the combination that better confers its aplicability. First, the work claims that transition to and consolidation of democracy should provide accountability for past abuses, what became possible by the changes that have impacted international law after the World War II. The exceptional development of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law is explored, considered the idea of responsability. The dissertation takes care of the development of the right to truth within the United Nations Organization and the human rights regional systems, and its status of imperative or peremptory norm, as well the obstacles for its exercise in the case of amnesties and other similar measures as statute of limitation, military justice and doble jeopardy (res judicata). The truth that results from truth commissions and tribunais its potentialities and limits are here conceived as knowledge e acknowledgment of what occured. The work also considers aspects as the independence and impartiality of truth commissions, its powers and the reach of its conclusions and recommendations. On the other hand, considering the truth to be obtained by tribunals, the dissertation priviledges the analysis of criminal procedure, in the sense that a criminal veridict implies due process. The imperativity of the right to truth is also demonstrated by the participation of victims in the criminal procedure and the admission of guilty by the accused both celebrated by the Statute of Rome. The dissertation also covers some sceneries of complementarity between truth commissions and tribunals, making use of the case of Chile, Peru, Sierra Leone and Kenya, cases that suffered significant impact by international law, considered the influence of universal jurisdiction or the impact of international jurisdiction. The Brazilian case, at the end, does not fit precisely in any of these sceneries. Its caracterization as an open dialogue assumes that the country has come face to face with the debate of complementarity the recent approval of the National Truth Commission has to live together with the apparent conflict between two decisions held in 2010: the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the 1979 Amnesty Law and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on the Araguaia Case that considered null and void the parts of the law that obstacle the criminal persecution of the ones responsible -, and has opportunity to demonstrate that time has not moderated the obligations to which Brasil has compromised with in the international arena.