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Polarisering och effekterna av blocköverskridande samarbete : En studie om hur ideologisk och affektiv polarisering påverkas av blocköverskridande samarbete inom kommunpolitikenPherson, Wilma January 2023 (has links)
This thesis aims to examine the relationship between ideological and affective polarisation and how it is affected by block-crossing cooperation at the local political level. Ideological and affective polarisation is measured in municipalities where block-crossing cooperation prevails, as well as municipalities where traditional block cooperation rules. The method that is used to measure the polarization is a mixed method with a questionnaire survey, directed to politicians in municipalities with different cooperation patterns. Further on, the answers have been qualitatively interpreted and the levels of polarization were converted into a number that represented the mean value of polarization in each municipality. The results indicate that block-crossing cooperation leads to lower levels of polarization, both ideological and affective, with an emphasis on the latter. On the contrary, traditional block political cooperations receive a significantly higher level of affective polarisation. The results can be supported by previous research as well as the theoretical framework. For instance, theories and research fields about social identity, group polarization and political psychology can explain the phenomenon of in-groups and out-groups that can reinforce affective polarization.This research has provided deeper knowledge and understanding of polarization and incentives for cooperation in Swedish politics with a focus on the local level. The thesis contributes to the existing research field of polarization. Hence, it opens for further research about polarization and deliberation, both at the municipality level as this thesis emphasizes, but also in the broader political realm.
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Politisk kommunikation i en föränderlig demokrati. En studie av kommunikationsvägar mellan medborgare och politiker i fem skånska kommunerBorggren, Pia January 2004 (has links)
Allt fler kommuner väljer att arbeta med deltagardemokratiska forum. Medborgarförslag, en ny kommunikationsväg mellan medborgare och politiker, är ett sådant Gestaltande del:Planerad kommunikation. Informationskampanjen "Vi vill veta vad du tycker!" för en fiktiv kommun (Vår kommun) som bestämt sig för att införa medborgarförslag. Kampanjen innehåller förutom en tidsplan: annons
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Principer i praktiken : Svenska kommunstyrens partisammansättning och justeringar i den primärkommunala skattesatsen 1994-2018 / Principles in Practice : Party Affiliation of the Local Political Leadership and Changes in the Municipal Tax Rate in Sweden, 1994-2018Johansson, Simon January 2021 (has links)
In this thesis I examine the relationship between party affiliation of the local political leadership and the municipal tax rate in Sweden’s 290 municipalities between 1994 and 2018. The mean tax rate of Swedish municipalities has increased by 1.3 percentage points in that time, while the prevalence of right-wing coalitions – consisting of parties that claim to want a lower tax rate – in leadership also has increased. I therefore examine to what degree right-wing coalitions have contributed to the increase in the mean tax rate compared to left-wing and mixed coalitions. I find that while right-wing coalitions have contributed to the increase in the mean tax rate to a lower degree than other coalitions, the difference is small, and the difference between the contributions of right-wing and left-wing coalitions is not statistically significant. I also examine how right-wing coalitions containing the Green Party and local parties have affected the municipal tax rate compared to coalitions consisting only of traditional right-wing parties. When the Green Party or local parties are part of a right-wing coalition, the mean increase in the municipal tax rate is much lower than that of coalitions consisting only of right-wing parties. Lastly I examine how the amount of parties that are part of a local right-wing coalition affect the municipal tax rate and find that the fewer parties, the larger the mean tax increase.
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Feministiskt initiativ som kommunpolitik : En studie om kommunpolitikens möjlighetsvillkorBergquist, Fanny January 2016 (has links)
Based upon feminist organized women's experiences of resistance and political acting space, this study investigates what is possible to say and do (and not do), as well as which issues can be politicized (and which cannot) in the Swedish municipal policy. More specifically it analyzes in which spaces women face resistance, who are expressing it, and how it is manifested. Moreover, it discusses which political content that can be formulated, politicized, and implemented in the local political area. It is based on interviews with representatives from the political party Feminist initiative, and builds on previous research on resistance against women's extra-parliamentary political organizing. Previous research has suggested that the organization in itself evokes resistance. Nevertheless, this study shows that it is the political content, rather than the organizing, that arouses resistance. The combination of women who organize themselves as women and runs an anti-racist policy seems to be the most provocative. This thesis also shows that it is possible to politicize gender issues – unless they are not labeled as feminist issues. The concept of “gender equality” can be used, but not “feminism”. There are opportunities to talk about equality if it is formulated in terms of gender neutrality and equal treatment. It is possible to talk about gender when it comes to gender equality, but it is not allowed to permeate other policy areas. And concrete policy proposals can be formulated, unless the political discussion is not conducted at a more visionary and ideological level. While there are policies which can be implemented on condition that they are not formulated in feminist terms, there are also policies which could be expressed, but subsequently will not be implemented due to opposition from the administration.
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Kommunfullmäktigeledamöters sociala representation -en fallstudie i tre svenska kommuner av kön, ålder och etnicitetHåkansson, Matilda January 2005 (has links)
The purpose of the thesis has been to explore the use of hedge fund styles when constructing portfolios of hedge funds (i.e. funds of hedge funds). The central question is if the use of hedge fund styles can significantly explain and improve risk adjusted returns (characterized by Sharpe ratios). The study has been done in collaboration with Optimized Portfolio Management AB who desire further knowledge and evaluation of hedge fund styles for their fund of hedge funds.To be able to create successful ex ante portfolios we have explored various prediction models for both risk and return. Our findings indicate that return prediction is problematic using simple models such as regression since the risk exposure of the indices appear to change significantly over time. One can however using exponentially weighted moving averages (EWMA) achieve relatively promising estimations of future returns. Covariance matrix estimation seems to be more straightforward. We have achieved promising results using both traditional EWMA models as well as improved estimators using principal component analysis.Covariance prediction models were evaluated separately using a minimum-variance portfolio optimization technique and provided a significant risk reduction compared to the aggregated hedge fund universe (represented by a naively diversified portfolio). Combinations of risk and return prediction models were evaluated using traditional mean-variance portfolio construction methods, which were optimized for Sharpe ratios. These provided a significant increase in risk adjusted returns relative to the aggregated hedge fund universe. The allocation is however discouraging due to serious instability over time.Our findings indicate that there indeed is an advantage of taking hedge fund styles into consideration when constructing funds of hedge funds in a risk adjusted perspective. However, further research into return prediction needs to be done in order to stabilize portfolio allocation. An alternative seems to be tactical style allocation on a more fundamental analysis basis.
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Konsten att kommunicera med medborgarna genom media. En studie om kommunpolitikers uppfattning om förhållandet till lokaltidningen i Linköping och Motala / The Art of Political Communication: Politicians, the Media, and the Public. A study of local politicians'relationships with local newspaper in Linköping and MotalaBure, Margareta January 2001 (has links)
Media har en central maktposition i dagens samhälleliga kommunikationsprocess, vilket har fått allt större betydelse i takt med att medborgarnas intresse för partipolitik har minskat. Allt färre medborgare ansluter sig till ett politiskt parti och flertalet medborgare får sin huvudsakliga information genom media. Under de senaste decennierna har kommunerna laborerat med olika lösningar och organisationsmodeller för att effektivisera verksamheten, spara pengar och öka medborgarnas inflytande. Denna utveckling har resulterat i ett ökat behov för politikerna att föra en dialog med medborgarna och få stöd för beslut och prioriteringar. Studien behandlar hur kommunpolitiker hanterar situationen med ett dominerande media, d.v.s. lokaltidningen, som utgör den viktigaste kanalen för att nå ut med information till medborgarna. Studien utgår från nätverksteori, politisk kommunikationsteori och maktteori och visar hur politiker och journalister är strukturerade i ett nätverk och hur nätverket har betydelse för tidningens kommunpolitiska spegling. Studien visar att lokaltidningen sätter villkoren för relationerna mellan politiker och journalister, men också på hur politiker genom mediastrategier kan påverka tidningens maktposition.
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Ett demokratiskt problem? : Politiska tjänstemän inom den kommunala politikenSondell, Malin January 2016 (has links)
Möjligheten till politiskt ansvarsutkrävande är något som är centralt för legitimiteten för den representativa demokratin. Inom den svenska statsvetenskapliga forskningen har på senare tid allt mer uppmärksamhet riktats mot en grupp aktörer med politisk makt som är anställda snarare än valda för att bedriva politik, de politiska tjänstemännen. Väljares bristande möjligheter till ansvarsutkrävande mot dessa har i tidigare forskning ansetts utgöra ett hot mot legitimiteten för den representativa demokratin. Genom att undersöka politiska tjänstemäns inflytande inom politiken i Sveriges kommuner, samt hur ansvarsutkrävandet mot dessa förhåller sig till ansvarsutkrävandet mot politiker strävar denna uppsats efter att besvara frågan om huruvida politiska tjänstemäns politiska inflytande på kommunal nivå verkligen utgör ett demokratiskt problem. Detta har undersökts genom en kvantitativ analys av Kommun- och landstingsfullmäktigeundersökningen 2012. Studien visar att politiska tjänstemän i relation till politiker har litet inflytande inom den kommunala politiken. Vidare visar studien att den enda faktor som är unik för ansvarsutkrävandet mot politiker i förhållande till politiska tjänstemän, direkt ansvarsutkrävande genom personröster, även är en av de faktorer som är av minst avgörande för vilken politiker som blir vald. Ansvarsutkrävandet sker därmed i realiteten indirekt genom partiet för både politiker och politiska tjänstemän. Då problemet snarare ligger i bristande möjligheter till direkt ansvarsutkrävande mot politiker anses politiska tjänstemäns inflytande i den kommunala politiken i sig inte utgöra något demokratiskt problem.
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Demokratisk innovation eller ett spel för gallerierna? : En demokratiteoretisk utvärdering av Participatory Budgeting i en svensk kommunCarlsson, Fredrik January 2014 (has links)
The aim of this thesis is to explore the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting (PB) in Sweden and how the design may contribute to realize central democratic goods. The study records the different PB experiences in Sweden and focuses on one particular case, which is the only case that successfully qualifies as a genuine PB-process according to international standards and definitions. To examine this, the following questions are asked: which municipalities in Sweden have implemented Participatory Budgeting? How can the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting be described and to what extent does it enable the realization of central democratic goods? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the democratic goods inclusion, popular control, considered judgment and transparency? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the institutional goods of efficiency and transferability? The study is based on an institutional theory of democracy. The method used is a mixed method ideal type analysis that combines document analysis, surveys and interviews. The results of the study indicates that the PB-institutions has multiple flaws regarding the way it enables the realization of numerous of the democratic goods analyzed. The institutional design does not pay enough attention to inclusion of different social groups including marginalized groups, popular control is restricted to issues of low political salience and the PB process does not live up to the transparency level expected from a democratic institution. On the other hand, the institutional design of the PB process does take into account some aspects of inclusion among the youth inhabitants and the process has been effective in the sense that it has delivered physical results quickly.
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Vägen till heltid : Om institutionell förändring i kommunal jämställdhetspolitik / The Road to Fulltime : Institutional Change in Local Gender Equality PoliticsJohansson, Emil January 2013 (has links)
The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze why or why not Swedish municipalities implement the gender equality policy – ”right to work fulltime”. In order to understand this institutional change, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework consisting of two fields: political representation and feminist institutionalism. The study is divided into two empirical inquiries. The first part is based on a quantitative survey that describes the casual relationship between two independent variables; women´s political representation and party ideology, and the dependent variable; political decision about “right to work fulltime”. The findings are that women´s representation does not explain the existence of political decision. Rather, political ideology has a higher explanatory factor. The second inquiry is divided into two single-case studies; Nynäshamn, a municipality that has implemented the policy, and Eskilstuna, that failed the implementation process. Four theoretical concepts are developed and one analytical model is used to understand institutional change in these cases. The study concludes that in order to understand the implementation process in these municipalities, local and contextual institutions must be emphasized; both formal and informal institutions need to be in favor for the agents promoting change. However, to fully understand these processes, focus should be directed towards the ways in which gendered power relations shape the construction of new institutions.
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FÖRESTÄLLNINGAR OCH INTRESSEN : En fallstudie utifrån Advocacy Coalition Framework av en lokal policyprocess om expropriationBlomqvist, Fredrik January 2016 (has links)
This paper examines the viability of the Advocacy Coalition Framework(ACF) by applying it in a single case study. The aim is to advance the framework’s theoretical understanding of the policy process and its usefulness for analyzing local policy contexts. The case addressed is a long-spun policy conflict regarding the use of compulsory acquisition of real estate by a Swedish municipality for the sake of local business development. Analyzed data consisted of the municipality diary on the issue, correspondence between actors, public statements, official and internal documents and interviews with actors and non-actors. The ACF is a good starting point for understanding this local policy process, largely because of the great flexibility of its concepts. However, its basic assumptions on beliefs cannot fully explain observed events. Relating to this, the paper has five main findings. First, although beliefs play an important role in forming policy action, so does interests. Second, a conjunction of beliefs and self-interest is an important condition for some actors’ actions. Third, coalition formation is not dependent on similarity of beliefs but on similarity of policy objectives. Fourth, policy objectives are resultant of beliefs for some actors, of self-interest for others and for yet others the result of both. Therefore, actors in coalition act to achieve the same policy objectives but not necessarily for the same reasons. Fifth, one non-actor refrained from policy action in spite of strong policy core beliefs due to the policy process not being a zero sum game for this non-actor. This paper supports recent studies proposing the incorporation of interests into the ACF. For further development of the ACF the paper suggests further research to answer two generic questions: What is the relationship betweeninterests and beliefs? Are potential actors more likely to take policy action inzero sum game policy processes? For the ACF to cope with certain conditionsin local contexts the paper suggest further research into the question: Is the level of abstraction of policy issues key in understanding the involvement of legal and natural persons and their basis for policy action?
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