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Pre-feasibility Study of a Waste to Energy Plant in Chisinau, MoldovaKarlsson, Linus, Linderholm Jönsson, Thomas January 2012 (has links)
The thesis outlined in this report has been done as a sub-project in cooperation between the municipalities Borlänge in Sweden and Chisinau in Moldova. The project aimed to explore the region's economic and environmental opportunities for waste incineration with energy recovery, also known as Waste to Energy. At present, the solution to the waste situation is unmonitored landfills with smaller sorting operations. Environmentally, this is a poor solution and although there are plans for change, no specific strategy has been presented. Another important issue is Moldova's dependence on foreign produced energy. The country's energy system is dependent on imported natural gas, and only a small part of the country's electrical energy is produced domestically. What makes the waste to energy so interesting for this region is that it contributes to an improvement in both of these issues by using the waste as fuel to reduce energy dependency. The study has been done without specific waste composition data for the Chisinau region. With this in mind a dynamic model in several steps has been made, designed to obtain new results depending on what waste composition is specified. The results of this study show that implementation of a waste incineration plant in the Chisinau energy system is economically and environmentally feasible, given the current conditions. The proposed plant is designed to annually handle 400,000 tonnes of waste, and would with the assumed waste composition deliver 560 GWh of district heat and 260 GWh of electric energy. This production provides an annual profit of 31.6 M €, which gives a positive net present value after the project amortization. Compared with the city's current solution with landfills and gas turbines, the project also provides a significant environmental improvement. During the plant's design lifetime, greenhouse gas emissions are 53.9%, and only 6.8% with the assumption that only a portion of the carbon content of the waste is of fossil origin.
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Interkulturelle Kompetenz als integrierter Bestandteil der germanistischen Ausbildung in Moldau / Eine empirische Analyse von Einflussfaktoren / Intercultural competence as an integral part of German Studies in Moldova / An empirical analysis of the influencing factorsPapiniu, Svetlana 25 February 2016 (has links)
No description available.
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Aménagement linguistique du roumain en République de Moldavie / Language planning of the Romanian language in the Republic of MoldovaScurtu, Natalia 03 July 2015 (has links)
En 1989, la proclamation de l'indépendance de la République de Moldavie allait de pair avec les nouvelles lois linguistiques adoptées par le Parlement. L'institualisation de la dénomination de la langue officielle, « langue moldave » (Constitution 1994), rencontra une ferme opposition de la part des intellectuels qui approuvaient la nature linguistique identique du moldave et du roumain. Le glottonyme moldave renvoyait à la période soviétique de la promotion d'une « langue moldave » distincte du roumain, procédé aujourd'hui qualifié d'expérimentation linguistique ayant échouée. À présent, l’aménagement linguistique de la langue d’État exige de la part de la société moldave la recherche des réponses adaptées, en surmontant les contradictions de certaines représentations héritées du passé. La régulation des rapports entre les nouveaux États indépendants issus de l’ex-Union Soviétique connaît, elle aussi, une évolution. Cette évolution conduit à l’installation d’une nouvelle dynamique dans le rapport de différents groupes linguistiques à la langue d’État où ils résident. Nous allons observer comment se produit concrètement la reconnaissance d’une langue en tant que langue d’État (officielle). Quel est le cheminement dans l’aménagement linguistique de la République de Moldavie depuis son indépendance ? Qu’est-ce qui se passe dans l’espace symbolique et imaginaire d’un processus de reconnaissance d’une langue en tant que langue d’État ? Nous observerons la place de la langue d’État de la République de Moldavie dans la société à travers son status et les éléments constitutifs : la règlementation linguistique et les institutions de l’aménagement linguistique, les politiques linguistiques et éducatives, les forces sociolinguistiques en présence (et notamment les représentations qui sont assignées aux langues, etc.). Nous observerons son aménagement normatif, lexical, terminologique, graphique, etc., le rapport au roumain standard. / In 1989 the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Moldova came along new linguistic laws adopted by the Parliament. The institutionalization of the denomination of the official language, Moldavian language (Constitution of 1994), encountered a strong opposition from the intellectuals, who had approved the identical linguistic nature of the Romanian and Moldavian languages. The Moldavian glottonym refers to the Soviet period of the promotion of the Moldavian language distinct from the Romanian language; a conduct today qualified of political manipulation and failed linguistic experiment. From now on the linguistic planning of the State language requires the Moldavian society to look for adapted solutions, by overcoming some contradictions inherited from the past. Regulation of the relationships between the new independent States originated from the ex-Soviet Union is evolving as well. This evolution leads to the installation of a new relationship dynamic between the different ethnic groups and the language of the State they reside in. We will observe how a language is tangibly recognized as a State language (official). Which pathway followed linguistic planning in Republic of Moldova since its independence? What happens in the symbolic and imaginary space of a State language recognition process? We will observe the position of the State language in the Republic of Moldova in the society through its status and constitutive elements: linguistic reglementation and institutions of linguistic planning, linguistic and educational policies, present sociolinguistic forces (and notably the representations that are assigned to languages, etc.). We will observe its normative, lexical, terminological, graphical, etc. relationship to the standard Romanian.
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Norm implementation in the enlarged European neighbourhood : justice and home affairs in Moldova and UkrainePeich, Xavier 06 1900 (has links)
L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère. / The European Union (EU) relies heavily on normative tools to exert power in world politics, such as the promotion of its own laws and standards. The most successful case is the EU enlargement process, which has contributed to stabilize the vicinity and transform candidates into market-based democracies by promoting alignment with European legislation and offering the prospect of EU accession. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) uses the same mechanisms that have made enlargement a successful policy, notably incentives-fueled reform. It does not however offer participating states a membership perspective and therefore most scholarly studies have drawn bleak prospects on its ability to promote reform. While cooperation in the ENP framework is not as intense as during the enlargement rounds, we find that some countries have indeed been making changes to their legislation and aligning themselves with the acquis communautaire, while other countries have not been so successful. By comparing norm implementation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs in the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, we show that differences are explained by the significant impact of domestic factors, such as contested state identities and domestic political battles over foreign policy.
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Norm implementation in the enlarged European neighbourhood : justice and home affairs in Moldova and UkrainePeich, Xavier 06 1900 (has links)
L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère. / The European Union (EU) relies heavily on normative tools to exert power in world politics, such as the promotion of its own laws and standards. The most successful case is the EU enlargement process, which has contributed to stabilize the vicinity and transform candidates into market-based democracies by promoting alignment with European legislation and offering the prospect of EU accession. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) uses the same mechanisms that have made enlargement a successful policy, notably incentives-fueled reform. It does not however offer participating states a membership perspective and therefore most scholarly studies have drawn bleak prospects on its ability to promote reform. While cooperation in the ENP framework is not as intense as during the enlargement rounds, we find that some countries have indeed been making changes to their legislation and aligning themselves with the acquis communautaire, while other countries have not been so successful. By comparing norm implementation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs in the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, we show that differences are explained by the significant impact of domestic factors, such as contested state identities and domestic political battles over foreign policy.
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On Othering Migrants and Queers : Political Communication Strategies of Othering in Romania and the Republic of MoldovaDima, Ramona January 2021 (has links)
Research on migration often focuses on non-citizens such as migrants being excluded from the framework of citizenship. This study suggests a novel approach by focusing on non-citizens and citizens alike, while exploring the strategies of othering in relation to how citizenship is constructed. It discusses and comparatively analyses the ways in which migrants, as non-citizens, and LGBT+ individuals, as a particular category of citizens, are framed as not conforming to the norms proposed by nationalist and populist ideologies in SouthEastern European (SEE) countries. Even if they are citizens, they are excluded from “national belonging” by populist political leaders in their communications. The study compares the category of LGBT+ persons to that of migrants and explores how both are framed in political communications using populist strategies of othering. It also shows that these two categories are placed at the outside of the nation state and of the notion of citizenship. Moreover, it highlights the multiple tropes that are employed in the process of othering and that refer to how nations are defined through their “traditional values”, “morality”, “religious views” and a strong opposition to what is considered to belong to the Western progressive values. The body of material comprises statements mostly made by highly positioned politicians such as Presidents, Ministers, Prime Ministers, etc. from Romania and the Republic of Moldova.These politicians shape the internal and foreign policies of the two countries and their communications have a great impact in different areas of the society. The analysis shows that the social dimension of citizenship is important in how a certain category of citizens is framed as not belonging to the nation state. The results based on the analysis of this less researched material are consistent with the trend of anti-gender movements and the increasing anti immigration stances in other Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia.
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République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement / Republic of Moldova : What territory for what population ? : Origin, toponyms, borders, populationMusat, Jana 04 January 2012 (has links)
Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave. / On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population.
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The Russian Playbook : Using History & Path Dependence to Analyse How Russia Operationalises Grand Strategy in Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova.Westbrook, Justine January 2023 (has links)
To predict and prevent future armed conflicts like Russia’s war against Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2022, there is more value in knowing how these wars occurred rather than why they occurred. The Russian Playbook is built from three distinct “plays” employed by Moscow and organised in the theoretical framework of Historical Institutionalism through Path Dependence modelling. This research focuses on Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova as cases for comparison by building on the Soviet legacy in each state which forms the antecedent historical conditions of the Playbook’s Path Dependence. Where Play 1 focuses on offensive and defensive influence seeking as a form of structural persistence, Play 2’s shaping and weaponisation acts to counter reactive sequences. Both Plays function within path dependency’s punctuated equilibrium and appear consistently throughout Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova following the collapse of the Soviet Union. When Play 1 and Play 2 are overpowered by reactive sequences that cannot be countered, Moscow deems the disequilibrium as irremediable and the path towards conflict begins. Play 3 refers to the start of lock-in effects towards conflict, beginning with “pre-crisis” conditions. Play 3’s Lock-in Effectsserve as the period in which a predictable conflict outcome is likely to occur, though lock-in refers to the path adherence in preparation for future conflict. This Play occurs in both Georgia and Ukraine at the time of this research, though its future employment within Moldova should not be excluded. These actions, in the form of the Russian Playbook and its Plays act as a guide for operationalising and implementing Russia’s grand strategy. This research goes beyond individual figureheads of Russia or specific institutions and instead focuses on patterns that exist throughout historical cases. These patterns show there is nothing particularly “new” in how Russia operates despite the vast number of newly coined phrases including “hybrid” leading people to believe otherwise. As such, Putin did not create the Russian Playbook, he inherited it. / <p>Master's of Political Science with a Specialisation in International and European Relations.</p>
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