La thèse interroge la façon dont les organisations imposent leurs attendus comportementaux et verbaux à leurs membres. Elles utilisent le caractère codique de la langue comme technique d’asservissement. Par la seule parole, elles inscrivent leur pouvoir dans une hiérarchie de places, de statuts et de comportements. Cependant, le maître n’est jamais totalement puissant, ni le serviteur totalement dominé. Nous pensons qu’une négociation des rôles se joue dans le verbe et dans les postures qui sont en partie contestés et recréés par les individus. Dans le cadre du déploiement d’un projet de management de la performance chez Schneider Electric et lors de cours de communication donnés à des élèves ingénieurs au CNAM, nous avons observé comment les individus s’approprient le langage et l’ethos prescrits par l’organisation. Une mimesis par rapport aux modèles prônés est à l’œuvre. Cependant, elle n’est pas une duplication mais une recréation. Le désir de correspondre aux modèles de l’organisation se heurte à l’envie d’être soi, c’est-à-dire unique. Au sein d’une forêt de symboles et de mythes qui engendrent des figures de la domination, les individus dupliquent, résistent et composent. A leur recréation se mêle une quête identitaire. Ils procèdent à une reconstruction de soi permanente car l’identité n’est pas un processus figé. Cependant, la mise en cohérence des parcours passe par une mise en récit de soi. / The thesis queries how organizations impose their behavioral and verbal expectations to their members. They use the coding nature of the language as a technique of enslavement. By the sole language, they settle their authority in a hierarchy of places, statuses, and behaviors. However, the master is never totally powerful, nor is the servant totally dominated. We believe that a negotiation for the roles takes place in the words and the postures that are partly challenged and re-created by individuals. During the deployment of a project of management of the performance at Schneider Electric, as well as during communication courses to engineering students at the CNAM, we observed how people appropriate the language and ethos prescribed by the organization. A mimesis of the prescribed models is at work. However, it is not duplication but re-creation. The desire to match the models of the organization faces the urge to be oneself, that is to be unique. In the midst of a forest of symbols and myths that create figures of domination, individuals duplicate, resist, and make up. Their re-creation mingles with an identity quest. They are a permanent rebuilding self-esteem because identity is not a static process. However, implementing the consistency of the route passes through a story in itself.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Fernando da Silva.pdf: 798892 bytes, checksum: 1b91be42c3332be8c8c7d5f7095368aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This objectives research are to investigate the correlations between attitudes concerning to the sexual liberation, the desexualization and the conformism; and to elucidate some contradictions of the psychosocial structure of the administrated sexual liberty. The general hypothesis supposes that this regressive phenomenon is a contradictory expression of the freedom desire made under the not-free world determinations. The administrated sexual liberty incidence, such as the correlations between the implicated attitudes in her structure, was examined by empirical investigation and theoretical speculation. For to realize this purpose, three scales type Likert was elaborated: conformism scale (C), sexual liberation scale (LS), and desexualization scale (D). These scales were applied in 135 university students from Great São Paulo, and the final sample has 77 individuals. The correspondent dates were submitted to statistical tests, permitting to verify the scales precision and to obtain correlations between the measured attitudes. The instruments precision was verified by Alpha of the Cronbach, who was satisfactory in the three cases, with the following coefficients: 0,89 in the scale C, 0,77 in the scale LS, and 0,76 in the scale D. The found results confirm the hypothesis, and permit to demonstrate that there is a significant correlation between the characterized attitudes to the desexualization and the inclination to the conformism. Although the favorable attitudes to the liberation sexual, as much as the attitudes characterized to the desexualization, were related with contemporary forms and patterns of the sexual behavior, the results do not indicate significant correlation between them. Also there not is significant correlation between the conformist attitudes and the adhesion to the sexual liberation. Among the mediation of the administrated sexual liberty studied in this research, the desexualization is the form of the sexual liberty regression more directly implicated in the adjustment of the individuals to the conditions of the existence imposed to them nowadays / Esta pesquisa teve como objetivos averiguar se havia correlações entre as atitudes concernentes à liberalização sexual, à dessexualização e ao conformismo, e elucidar algumas contradições da estrutura psicossocial da liberdade sexual administrada. Além da hipótese geral, que em síntese supunha ser este fenômeno regressivo uma expressão contraditória do anseio por liberdade produzido sob as determinações do mundo não-livre, formulou-se hipóteses operacionais acerca das correlações entre as atitudes estudadas. A incidência da liberdade sexual administrada, bem como as correlações entre as atitudes implicadas em sua estruturação, foi examinada por meio de técnicas de investigação empírica e da especulação teórica. Para atingir este propósito, foram elaboradas três escalas de atitude tipo Likert escala de conformismo (C), escala de liberalização sexual (LS) e escala de dessexualização (D) , posteriormente aplicadas a 135 estudantes de Universidades da Grande São Paulo, constituindo uma amostra final de 77 sujeitos. Os dados a eles correspondentes foram submetidos a testes estatísticos que permitiram verificar a precisão das escalas e obter as correlações entre as atitudes mensuradas. A precisão dos instrumentos foi constatada por meio do Alpha de Cronbach, que nos três casos mostrou-se satisfatório, com coeficientes de 0,89 para a escala C, 0,77 para a escala LS e 0,76 para a escala D. Os resultados encontrados confirmaram as hipóteses, permitindo demonstrar que há correlação significativa, de 0,75, entre as atitudes caracterizadas pela dessexualização e a inclinação ao conformismo; e que, apesar de as atitudes favoráveis à liberalização sexual, tanto quanto as que são caracterizadas pela dessexualização, referirem-se às formas e aos padrões contemporâneos do comportamento sexual, ainda assim, não há correlação significativa entre elas; assim como também não há correlação significativa entre as atitudes conformistas e a adesão à liberalização sexual. Dentre as mediações da liberdade sexual administrada estudadas nesta pesquisa, a dessexualização revelouse como a forma de regressão da liberdade sexual mais diretamente implicada no ajustamento dos indivíduos às condições de existência atualmente impostas

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-17T15:01:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1714557 bytes, checksum: 57f0d5236c5dca7811b9747d723f906b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The object of this research is the analysis of reports on gender and power in the forms of discrimination against women in the process of formation, and recognition as pastors in the Baptist Church for the year of the pastorate. The significance of this is partly because of making visible the ethical-religious prejudice and discrimination against women pastors, because this church presents itself as the frontrunner because he is one of the few churches that ordain women accept to be pastors, but in practice is not really so. The goal of this research was: To analyze the discursive content expressed by ordained Baptist Church of Paraiba regarding their experiences in the structure of power relations within this established formal institution, whose upper bodies are reluctant to accept the pastorate female. This was a qualitative study guided by data collection and document the life stories of two pastors of this religious institution. Data from the interviews to capture the life stories were analyzed in the light of the phenomenological method, which emphasizes the subjectivity of the collaborators. I found that even though this church is to accept the avant-garde female grazing, which has not occurred in other traditional evangelical churches, there are numerous and subtle discrimination against ordained ministers, especially in regard to its ascent to higher positions in the power structure of higher levels of the Order of the Baptist Pastors at state and national, as well as the Brazilian Baptist Convention. Thus, they have conformed to the assignment of work less important than that of male pastors, for example, accept to be in support of senior pastors or carry positions related to the grazing of women, which does not give them access to decision-making Baptists of the higher commands. I also noted that the pastors themselves discriminate and exclude themselves from participation in meetings of the commands of leaders of this institution. This research This research was inspired by theorists such as Scott (1990), Nolasco (1995), Ranke-Heinemann (1996), Oliveira (RD, 1999), Louro (2001) and analysts Queer theory as Seidman (1995) among others. / O objeto desta pesquisa é a análise dos relatos sobre gênero e poder nas formas de discriminação de mulheres no processo de formação e consagração como pastoras na Igreja Batista, para o exercício do pastorado. A importância deste trabalho se dá pelo fato de tornar visível o dilema ético-religioso do preconceito e discriminação das mulheres pastoras, pois, esta igreja se apresenta como vanguardista pelo fato de ser uma das poucas igrejas que aceitam ordenar mulheres para serem pastoras, mas, na prática não é bem assim que ocorre. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi: Analisar o conteúdo discursivo expresso por pastoras ordenadas na Igreja Batista da Paraíba referente às suas vivências na estrutura das relações de poder formal estabelecido dentro desta instituição, cujas instâncias superiores relutam em aceitar o pastorado feminino. Esta foi uma pesquisa qualitativa pautada pela coleta de dados documentais e histórias de vida de duas pastoras desta instituição religiosa. Os dados das entrevistas feitas para captar as histórias de vida foram analisados à luz do método fenomenológico, que privilegia a subjetividade das colaboradoras. Descobri que mesmo que esta igreja seja vanguardista em aceitar o pastoreio feminino, o que ainda não ocorreu em outras igrejas evangélicas tradicionais, há inúmeras e sutis discriminações contra as ministras ordenadas, especialmente no tocante às suas ascensões aos cargos mais altos na estrutura de poder das instâncias superiores da Ordem dos Pastores Batistas em nível estadual e nacional, bem como da Convenção Batista Brasileira. Assim, elas têm se conformado a designações de trabalhos menos importantes do que o dos pastores do gênero masculino, como por exemplo, aceitarem ser auxiliares dos pastores titulares ou desempenharem cargos relacionados ao pastoreio de mulheres, o que não lhes dá acesso às tomadas de decisão dos comandos superiores Batistas. Constatei também que as pastoras se auto-discriminam e se auto-excluem da participação nas reuniões dos comandos de líderes desta instituição. Esta pesquisa foi inspirada em teóricos como Scott (1990), Nolasco (1995), Ranke-Heinemann (1996), Oliveira (R.D.) (1999), Louro (2001) e os analistas da teoria Queer como Seidman (1995) entre outros.

This study critiques the extravagant behaviour associated with burial practises of modern Xhosa people, with special focus on the Eastern Cape of South Africa. It uses human altruism, cultural conformism, and cooperative behaviour as the theories to explain why people do things they consider to be the norm or do things in a prescribed way, in order to be accepted by a cultural group or class. The artworks which form part of this study are informed through interviews with key informants who are members of the community, as well as the writer’s observations during modern burial events. These artworks portray the obsessive behaviour associated with extravagant funerals, illustrated through repetition, layering, and the multiplicity of cultural objects, such as coffins, candles, pots and other items. / Art History, Visual Arts and Musicology / M. A. (Visual Arts)

Wie nutzen junge Menschen Musik, um ihre persönliche gesellschaftliche Position zwischen Individualität und Konformität sowohl zu definieren als auch auszudrücken? Die vorliegende Studie nähert sich der Komplexität dieser Fragestellung in einem empirischen, musiksoziologisch motivierten Forschungsansatz und will zu ihrer Ausdifferenzierung anhand der Analyse von quantitativem und qualitativem Datenmaterial beitragen. Aufbauend auf dem sozialpsychologischen Konzept der Einstellung geht die Arbeit dabei über die in der musiksoziologischen Forschung übliche Erkundung von Zusammenhängen zwischen unabhängigen Faktoren und abhängigen Variablen hinaus und befasst sich auch mit der Frage nach statistischen Abhängigkeiten und Zusammenhängen zwischen einzelnen latenten Variablen. Es zeigt sich, dass Jugendliche und junge Erwachsene in ihrem Umgang mit Musik insgesamt zu eher individuellen Einstellungen tendieren, die einzelnen Gewichtungen und Zusammenhänge dieser Tendenzen erweisen sich jedoch als sehr vielschichtig. Hierbei entstehen Erkenntnisse, die nicht nur für die musiksoziologisch interessierte akademische Forschung sondern auch für die musikpädagogische und kulturelle Praxis relevant sind. Neben diesen inhaltlichen Aspekten ist es ein Anliegen der Studie, methodisch-strukturelle Anknüpfungspunkte für ähnlich gelagerte empirische Vorhaben aufzuzeigen. Die Arbeit plädiert dabei für die Anwendung und Weiterentwicklung sequentieller Forschungsdesigns, die eine gewinnbringende Integration der Methoden quantitativer und qualitativer Sozialforschung anstreben.

La thèse porte sur les effets de l’Internet sur la démocratie et la pratique de la citoyenneté, dans le contexte d’une civilisation marquée par une certaine apathie, où la télévision occupe une place centrale. Il s’agit d’interroger la pertinence des théories déterministes qui accordent aux nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication un pouvoir important de transformation de l’humain, soit dans le sens de son émancipation, soit dans celui de son aliénation. L’objectif de la recherche est de produire l’évaluation la plus réaliste possible de l’impact de l’Internet sur notre autonomie individuelle et collective. La thèse présente trois grands moments : dans le premier, les notions d’opinion publique, de démocratie et le rôle des médias traditionnels sont examinés à travers leurs fonctions latentes et manifestes, et révèlent une tension constante de l’humain entre son aspiration à la liberté et la nécessité du conformisme. Dans le deuxième moment, sont mis en évidence les différents effets possibles du web sur les citoyens, selon leurs pratiques ; nous voyons clairement se dessiner une coupure entre une minorité active, sur laquelle le web a des effets majeurs dans son rapport à l’information et à sa citoyenneté, et une majorité plus passive. Dans le troisième moment, nous décrivons l’activité d’un média citoyen, sorte d’utopie numérique pour les citoyens actifs. Cette thèse de philosophie emprunte aussi à d’autres disciplines comme l’histoire et la sociologie, et analyse précisément et concrètement certains phénomènes observés en ligne. / The thesis focuses on the effects of the Internet on democracy and the practice of citizenship in the context of a civilization marked by apathy, where television plays a central role. It is to question the relevance of deterministic theories that accord to new technologies of information and communication a significant power to transform the human is in the direction of emancipation, or in that of his alienation. The objective of the research is to produce the most realistic assessment of the impact of the Internet on our individual and collective autonomy.The thesis has three main stages: in the first, the concepts of public opinion, democracy and the role of traditional media are examined through their overt and latent functions, and reveal a constant tension between the human aspiration to the freedom and the need to conform. In the second time, are highlighted various possible effects of the web on citizens. According to their practices, we can clearly see emerge a partition between an active minority, on which the web has a major impact in his relation to the information and citizenship, and a more passive majority. In the third stage, we describe the activity of a citizen media, digital kind of utopia for active citizens.This thesis of philosophy also borrows from other disciplines such as history and sociology, and analyzes some specific and concrete phenomena online.

Cette thèse analyse la position problématique et paradoxale du groupe Forces Nouvelles dans le large mouvement du retour à la figuration réaliste qui s’opère dans l’esthétique de l’entre-deux-guerres. Lancé en 1935 comme un groupe à la fois antimoderne et anticonformiste, Forces Nouvelles avance un nouveau langage pictural, un réalisme plus sensible investi dans l’expression de l’intériorité de l’être et éloigné de toute connotation sociale et idéologique, au-delà de toute trivialité ou de classicisme éteint. Pour beaucoup, ce réalisme d’esprit humaniste donnait au groupe un profil esthète et noble. Cette ambivalence entre réalisme et classicisme, entre activisme et esthétisme, est perpétuée dans la critique d’art même après la dissolution de l’ensemble en 1942. Cette identité ambiguë et obscure de Forces Nouvelles prend son sens une fois mise en relation avec les quêtes spirituelles et idéologiques de l’intelligentsia des années 1930. Révoltée contre l’idéologie matérialiste - dans sa forme libérale ou marxiste -, cette intelligentsia non-conformiste aspire à une nouvelle modernité plus spirituelle et morale ; explorant une voie alternative, ni à droite ni à gauche, elle vire souvent au conservatisme le plus anachronique et frôle la dérive fasciste. Forces Nouvelles, partageant une forme de pensée analogue à celle de l’élite contestataire – à la fois nihiliste et synthétique –, s’investit dans la recherche d’une esthétique originale, moderne et spirituelle, dans la recherche d’une nouvelle Renaissance ; s’inspirant d’une tradition picturale supposée authentique, le groupe élabore jusqu’au bout un style réaliste, grave et austère, effleurant l’archaïsme. En résonance avec la vision de cette génération non-conformiste, avec l’avènement d’un nouvel ordre moral, Forces Nouvelles propose un style réaliste au fondement existentiel comme horizon d’une nouvelle esthétique ultramoderne. / This dissertation analyses the problematic, paradoxical position of the group known as Forces Nouvelles within the large movement of a return to realistic figuration, which takes place in the context of interwar aesthetics. Forces Nouvelles, launched in 1935 as an anti-modern, anti-conformist group, proposes a new pictorial language, a more sensitive realism at the service of the expression of the interiority of human beings and remote from social and ideological associations, beyond trivial realism and jaded classicism. This humanistic realism would confer a noble aesthete's profile to the group. Such ambivalence between realism and classicism, between activism and aestheticism is carried over in art criticism even after the dissolution of the group in 1942. This ambiguous, obscure identity of Forces Nouvelles becomes meaningful in the light of the spiritual and ideological quest of the 1930s intelligentsia, which revolted against materialist ideology, whether liberal or Marxist, aspiring to a new, more spiritual and moral, modernity. In its exploration of a new alternative, which is neither right nor left-oriented, it veers towards the most anachronistic conservatism verging on fascism. Having intellectual affinities with the radical elite, this both nihilistic and eclectic group, strives to achieve original aesthetics - modern and spiritual - and a new Renaissance. Based on a supposed authentic pictorial tradition Forces Nouvelles adopts a realistic style, grave and sober, verging on archaism. Resonating with the vision of this non-conformist generation and the advent of a new moral order Forces Nouvelles puts forward a realistic style with an existential basis as the aesthetics of ultra-modernity.

Au sortir de la Grande Guerre, de jeunes hommes d’une génération promise au combat mais privée de la mission eschatologique qui lui était dévolue, donnent un sens à leur vie en s’investissant dans la lutte pour la Bretagne. Hantés par l’expérience perdue de la guerre, ils conçoivent l’idée que la Bretagne elle-même a perdu la guerre. A leurs yeux, cette défaite justifie leur combat : le nationalisme breton de l’entre-deux-guerres est une guerre continuée, que les biographies croisées de quatre de ces jeunes hommes permettent de suivre, pas à pas.Dans leur lutte, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé et Fouéré cherchent des alliés, choisis en fonction d’une parenté de sort supposée. Ce sont d’abord les Irlandais, les Gallois, les Écossais. Mais l’interceltisme est un échec et les nationalistes bretons se tournent vers la Flandre, la Corse et l’Alsace, ainsi que vers l’Allemagne, pays vaincu qui anime clandestinement la contestation des nationalités européennes afin de remettre en cause les traités de 1919.Par ces échanges, les jeunes Bretons inscrivent leur action dans les divers courants de réflexion qui traversent l’Europe de la fin des années 1920 et du début des années 1930. Ainsi, l’expérience de la création d’une littérature bretonnante que l’on espère novatrice est une déclinaison locale de la Révolution conservatrice pensée en Allemagne ; le Parti Autonomiste Breton est fédéraliste et européiste, à l’instar des groupes « réalistes » qui s’expriment à Paris ; les cadres du Parti National Breton font l’expérience du « spiritualisme » et du « personnalisme » que théorisent les « relèves »parisiennes et européennes, certains adhèrent également au nordisme que leur inspirent des intellectuels proches de la SS.Dans cette optique, il apparaît clairement que le combat breton tel qu’il fut mené dans l’entre-deux-guerres n’a rien de spécifiquement breton : il est l’expression locale de mouvements de pensée européens, autant que la projection d’angoisses et de préoccupations personnelles de quelques meneurs plus ou moins charismatiques. Il en résulte une multiplication des revues ou actions aussi complémentaires que concurrentes, ainsi qu’une grande variation de la qualité des relations interpersonnelles, notamment au sujet de questions aussi cruciales en Bretagne que la religion.En 1939, les connivences avec les milieux de la Révolution Conservatrice allemande, les diverses expérimentations idéologiques, les choix personnels et diverses opportunités conduisent les meneurs nationalistes bretons à entretenir une alliance avec l’occupant dont ils obtiennent bien moins que ce qu’ils espèrent, sans toutefois que cela ne remette en cause les gages que nombre de militants bretons ne cessent d’offrir aux Allemands, à divers degrés. Mais si de l’histoire du mouvement breton, on ne retient volontiers que quelques épisodes spectaculaires et dramatiques de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, force est de constater que cette dernière ne fut pour lui qu’une mise en application d’idées énoncées bien avant partout en Europe, et adaptées à la Bretagne par quelques personnalités hors norme. / In the aftermath of the First World War, a generation of young men sworn to combat - yet restricted from the eschatological mission destined to them - resolve to find meaning in their lives by fully devoting themselves to fight for Brittany. Somewhat haunted by the wasteful experience of war, they consider Brittany itself as having failed. In their opinion, this defeat justifies their fight : the Breton nationalism of the inter-war period is a continued war, and can be traced through the biographies of four young men.In their struggle, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé and Fouéré seek for allies from supposed similar backgrounds, looking first to Ireland, Wales, and Scotland. Nevertheless, this kind of pan-Celticism fails, so the Breton nationalists direct their energies towards Flanders, Corsica and Alsace - as well as Germany, a defeated country which clandestinely challenges European nationalities, in order to dispute the various 1919 Treaties.As a result of these foreign exchanges, the young Bretons invest themselves into various schools of thought which spread across Europe in the late 1920s and the early 1930s. Thus the creation of a Breton Literature believed to be innovative can indeed be considered as a local variation of German conservative revolutionary thinking. The Breton Autonomist Party is federalist and pro-Europe, such as other 'realist' groups which are forming in Paris. The directors of the Breton National party experiment in « spiritualism » and « personalism » as theorised by Parisian and European « relèves » (relief teams), and some of these directors are also inspired to adhere to Nordism by intellectuals inclose contact with the SS.With all this in mind, it appears that the activities carried out in the name of the « Breton struggle » during the inter-war period are in no way unique to Brittany. Rather, they are the local expression of movements of European thinking, as well as the projection of anxiety and personal issues of some considerably charismatic leaders. This results in an increase in the publication of reviews and actions - both complementary and opposing to the cause - as well big differences in the quality of interpersonal relationships, in particular about issues as crucial to Brittany as religion.In 1939, collusion with the German Conservative Revolution, various ideological experiments, personal decisions, and other diverse factors conduce the nationalist Breton leaders to engage in an alliance with the occupier. This alliance offers them signifìcantly fewer benefits than were hoped for, yet at the same time many Breton militants do not question their involvement and pledges made with the Germans, to varying degrees.If we only remember a few dramatic and sensational episodes of the Breton movement during the Second World War, it must be noted that these episodes are largely the execution of theories circulating long before, all over Europe, and adapted to the Breton cause by a small number of atypical people.

En regard de la convention d’originalité propre à l’art contemporain, l’extraordinaire imprécision des critères visant à déterminer la qualité et la légitimité des œuvres d’art et du statut de l’artiste qui les crée nécessite l’intervention d’intermédiaires dont le mandat est de découvrir et de promouvoir de nouveaux talents. Dans ce contexte, les artistes en quête de reconnaissance doivent se plier aux règles et aux conventions établies au préalable par ces intermédiaires puisque leur légitimité dépend de leur validation commune. Cependant, avec l’arrivée d’Instagram et l’investissement massif des artistes visuels qui utilisent la plateforme pour promouvoir leurs œuvres et leurs expositions, un certain discours émerge des mondes de l’art et prétend que, de plus en plus, les artistes s’autonomisent des déterminants de la légitimité et parviennent à contourner les réseaux traditionnels de légitimation des œuvres d’art, et ce, en vendant directement aux publics. La présente recherche a toutefois montré que la réalité est en fait beaucoup plus complexe que cela. L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste donc à mettre à l’épreuve cette hypothèse largement promue dans les mondes de l’art et de mesurer l’impact réel de l’utilisation d’Instagram sur les dynamiques de pouvoir et les rapports à la légitimité. Pour ce faire, 12 artistes visuels qui utilisent Instagram régulièrement dans le cadre de leur pratique artistique ont été interrogés. Dans un premier temps, l’utilisation de l’application par les artistes visuels a été décrite et documentée dans le but d’offrir un premier aperçu de cette nouvelle pratique. Ensuite, l’analyse et la mise en tension de certains processus a permis de dévoiler la complexité des dynamiques qui y sont véritablement à l’œuvre. Les résultats de la recherche montrent que l’utilisation d’Instagram contribue à inscrire les artistes dans des logiques capitalistes néolibérales et dans un esprit de marchandisation du soi du fait d’une nouvelle injonction à la vente de soi et de l’accentuation des concurrences interindividuelles. Cependant, les résultats attestent aussi d’un fort attachement envers des idéaux anticonformistes et anticapitalistes qui restreignent en retour l’investissement des artistes sur la plateforme. La recherche permet donc de documenter et d’analyser les nuances qu’entraînent la rencontre de ces idéologies opposées sur la plateforme. Ce mémoire constitue une première analyse critique de l’utilisation d’Instagram par les artistes visuels contemporains. / Within the convention of originality specific to contemporary art, the criteria used to determine the quality and legitimacy of works of art and the status of the artist are extremely vague. This is why it requires the intervention of intermediaries whose purpose is to discover and promote new talents. In this context, artists who seek recognition must comply with the rules and conventions established beforehand by these intermediaries as their legitimacy depends on their common validation. However, with the arrival of Instagram and the massive increase of visual artists using the platform to promote their works and exhibitions, a discourse is emerging from the art worlds which claims that, more and more, artists are becoming less dependant on the determinants of legitimacy as they are able to bypass the traditional networks of art intermediaries. However, this research has rather shown that the reality is much more complex. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to challenge this hypothesis largely circulating in the art worlds and to observe whether the dynamics of power and legitimacy are actually changing. To do so, 12 visual artists who frequently use Instagram as part of their artistic practice were interviewed. First, the thesis describes the use of the application by visual artists in order to offer a first glimpse at this new practice. Then, the analysis and questioning of some processes reveal the complexity of the dynamics that are really at work. The results of this research show that the use of Instagram constraint artists to deal with neoliberal capitalist ideologies. It also contributes to subscribe them into a state of commodification of the self due to the new injunction of self promotion and increased competition between visual artists on the platform. However, the results also attest of a strong attachment to anti-conformist and anti-capitalist ideals which curbs the way artists use the platform. Therefore, the thesis paints a more nuanced portrait resulting from the meeting of the two opposite ideologies on the platform. This thesis constitutes a first critical analysis of the use of Instagram by contemporary visual artists.

[pt] O objetivo central desta tese é demonstrar que o modernismo defendido e professado por Mário de Andrade foi conservador, conformista, e que como conseqüência de sua liderança e atuação como defensor da arte nacionalista, o ímpeto vanguardista que impulsionou o movimento nos seus primórdios arrefece e se conforma, com novas roupagens, aos padrões estéticos conservadores de então. Ao mesmo tempo, se propõe a mostrar como, através de uma historiografia em grande parte comprometida com o movimento, se constituiu a imagem de que o modernismo brasileiro foi uma movimento de vanguarda e o criador da verdadeira cultura brasileira. / [en] The main objective of this thesis is to show that the modernism which was defended and professed by Mário de Andrade was conservative, conformist. As a consequence of his leadership as a defender of nationalist art, the avangardism impetus that boosted the modernist movement in its beginning became weaker and later puts it up, in new clothig, with the conservative standards of the time. Meanwhile, the thesis try to show how trough a historiography which is mostly compromised to the modernist movement, a image was built trying to make a construct showing the Brazilian modernism as both an avant-garde movement and creator of the real brazilian art.