Syftet med uppsatsen har varit, att undersöka urvalsförfarandet vid tvångssteriliseringar i Sverige i mitten av 1900-talet (kapitel 3) och dagens selektiva mekanismer för särskilt stöd i skolan (kapitel 4) som historiskt jämförbara fall. Perspektivet är människorättsligt utifrån frågan, om individuella fri- och rättigheter kan skyddas mot nationell praxis och politiska intentioner. Den metodologiska utgångspunkten tas i en variant av diskursanalys, där begreppet vanmakt, i form av nationens kollektiva vanmakt som reaktion på bieffekten av goda intentioner, ersätter det i sammanhanget mer vanliga begreppet makt i form av dolda maktfaktorer som förklaring (kapitel 2). Fördelen med detta synsätt är, att den kollektiva vanmakten, i motsats till den dolda makten, har ett ansikte. Ansiktet är välviljan som, i mer eller mindre uttalad desperation, tar sig kollektivt uttryck i det som blir nationens sammanhållande politiska sfär och nationella identitet. På så sätt tydliggörs, eller närmast avtäcks, också de olika aktörernas roller. Uppsatsen utmynnar i slutsatsen, att urvalsprocesserna i samband med tvångssteriliseringar i Sverige mellan åren 1935-1975 på en konceptuell nivå, betraktade utifrån idén med kollektiv vanmakt, är analoga med de urvalsprocesser som idag används vad gäller särskilt stöd i skolan på så sätt, att urvalsprocesserna identifierar och definierar barnens stödbehov baserat på målstyrda betygskrav som, i stil med New Public Management, enbart avspeglar en simulerad konkurrenssituation ämnad att utgöra ett mått på arbetsförmåga (kapitel 5).

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the argumentation for the freedom of speech versus the right to safety was presented when these rights came in conflict with each other when a neo-Nazi organization was allowed to co-arrange Almedalen 2017. The material consists of press statements, debate articles and news articles where the arguments of four key agents connected to Almedalsveckan 2017 were collected. In order to fulfill the purpose of the study, the argumentation is analyzed by answering three research questions: How did each agent present their argument? How did the argumentation rely on current law? How did the agents rely on the others’ rights claim? The argumentation is analyzed qualitatively through a normative theory in order to investigate how the claims were made for each right. The agents that claim freedom of speech are Region Gotland and the police. The agents that claim the right to safety are RFSL and Funktionsrätt Sverige together with the JAG Association. The argumentation is categorized thematically for each agent and every category is analyzed separately. The results show that both sides used emotionally charged arguments or affective language and both sides may be considered as lacking in concretization regarding the meaning of their main arguments. Both sides clearly relied on current law by either mentioning laws explicitly or implicitly. All of the agents made some statement about the other key agent’s position or responsibility. Both sides can be considered as having valid right claims by referring to intrinsic values and current law. In the end, Region Gotland and the police have the right to determine who is allowed to co-arrange Almedalen and can therefor decide which claimed rights that is prioritized in the value hierarchy. Furthermore, the study shows that each conflict of rights needs to be valued individually as the circumstances, consequences and claims are crucial for the determination of the hierarchy. For future research, I recommend investigating how the public opinion considers allowing or limiting neo-Nazi’s freedom of opinions, as well as investigating how the Swedish praxis regarding the application and restriction of freedom of opinions for neo-Nazi organizations and parties is carried.

Men’s violence against women in intimate partner relationships is a comprehensive problem in society both in Sweden and in the world. Most of the violence occurs at home which makes it a well-hidden problem and the lack of knowledge about men´s violence against women in intimate partner relationships makes it difficult to tackle. The purpose of this essay was to study the character of the violence, how comprehensive the violence is and the actions that Sweden has taken to end men´s violence against women in intimate partner relationships. The result shows that violence in intimate partner relationships occurs in all ages, ethnicities and social classes. The violence can be psychological, physical, sexual, material or economic and the abuser successively takes control over the women and her life. Prejudice about who the abuser is are common and if the abuser doesn’t fit in to the stereotype we seem to look for explanations in the implication of alcohol, anger issues or cultural background. We also seem to mistrust the women and rather than focusing on the crime that has been committed against her we focus on questions such as; why didn’t she leave sooner? To fight this social problem the government has developed a national strategy. This strategy points out that the inequality between women and men is the biggest reason that the violence occurs. According to the strategy education within all levels of society is the key to change the image of femininity and masculinity that feeds inequality between women and men.

The purpose of this thesis is to do a qualitative content analysis, with queer theory as a starting point, of the Swedish Migration Agency’s judicial stance regarding the procedure of assessing reliability and credibility as well as judicial stance regarding the investigation and examination of the forthcoming risk of persons claiming protection due to sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expressions. To conduct this analysis one research question were formulated: How can one from a theoretical perspective analyze the Swedish Migration Agency's method of assessing whether a person is likely to belong to the LGBTQI group? The study’s theoretical theorems are cumulated from Fanny Ambjörnsson’s book ”What is queer?” and six categories and themes were chosen to use as tools during the content analysis of the selected judicial stances. These six categories and themes are; the value of the language, the desire or the habit of classifying people, normalization, heteronormativity, silence and visibility as well as stereotyping. The study showed that comprise criticism can be directed towards the Swedish Migration Agency's method of assessing whether a person is likely to belong to the LGBTQI group and towards the procedure of assessing a asylum seekers reliability and credibility.

The study aims to analyze claimants encounter with Swedish Social Insurance Agency (Försäkringskassan) drawing on theories of power. It investigates how this contact has affected the claimants’ view of themselves as contributing citizens. The study has mainly focused on the experiences of assessments for sickness benefit claims as well as the interaction with case officers during the proceedings. The study found that the institutionalized power relations between the citizen and the agency were internalized by the informants. Specifically, it resulted in an altered sense of human worth and societal contribution. Informants described being distanced with regards to agency and society, and internalizing the perception of being a second class citizen. The study showed that the claimants’ experiences of the assessment proceedings led to feeling systematically marginalized by the state. The power influence the informants were subjected to by the agency, resulted in introverted as well as extroverted resistance and ultimately power reclaim. It is in part demonstrated through their participation in the study and their wish to bring the question to light.

What are borders? Walls, fences, barbed wires, sovereignty markers, nationalities, symbols, cultures, religions, skin colours, prejudices… Where are borders? In reality, in jurisdiction, in our minds, on maps, in citizenship, inside our bodies, in our gaze… What do borders do? Define, separate, exclude, include, discriminate, hurt, rape, reduce… The concept of borders is complex and it represents paradoxes such as visible - invisible, reinforcing - weakening, inclusion - exclusion and legal - illegal. In this essay borders are treated from a political philosophical perspective with arguments drawn mainly from the theorists Étienne Balibar, Wendy Brown and Shahram Khosravi. The case is analysed and illustrated by empirical data from mass media reporting. Borders, both visible and invisible, contain a powerful symbolism and affect us as individuals, groups and society. Discussing borders makes weaknesses of the human rights system visible. Borders might affect people's ability to gain access to universal human rights. Where and why do we mark borders and who gets be in or out?

Swedens exports arms to Pakistan despite the existence of laws and conventions on what specific countries must achieve in order to meet the criteria for being exported to. In a realpolitik perspective, this study will deepen and investigate how the Swdish government can approve an arms export to Pakistan and how human rights are violated in Pakistan. In 2018, a munitions law was added and come into force. The law would include an impediment to exports to countries with a dubious democratic status or where human rights are violated. A determination has made that i conditions are given for the Swedish state to grant a permit for arms to exports to Pakistan that seriously violates human rights, a complete assessment has made and decisions made with meaning that the political interests priorities are valued higher than the interests of human rights.

The thesis of this essay explores if there is a causation in youth (15-25 years) partnerrelationships between pornography consumption and sexual violence. The analysis includedperspectives of human rights, gender and consent. It has also been examined how to counteractthese issues and who’s responsibility it is to do so. These questions have been asked to sevenprofessionals in non-profit organizations through an interview study. A survey with 19-yearolds in high school about their experiences with pornography and sexual violence was alsomade. Because of low participation in the survey only part of it will be shown in the analysis.To process all the data of the studies, theories of gender and consent have been used. The resultsshowed that youths that contacts the non-profit organisations feel that they need to do whateversexual act that their partner wants them to. They could not always see themselves thatpornography was affecting their relationships and that the acts they were forced to do wasinspired from pornography. The questions asked to the youths played a role in how much of acausation the organisations could see. Pornography is not the only reason that sexual violencehas increased among youths, there are other things contributing, like how the whole society isvery sexualized and is very tolerant to violence in general. The youths had a hard timedetermining what sexual violence is and how complex consent is. Gender norms put pressureon them to act a certain way in their partner relationships and talk a special way about violence,sex and pornography. To see the causation, you need to have the knowledge about violence,gender and how to talk to youths. We cannot stop the use of pornography, but we can learn howto talk to young people about it and work pre-emptive to prevent more issues to evolve. Sexualviolence is a rights issue, but those rights that protect you from violence is not helpful inrestricting pornography. Conventions can be used to put more pressure on the state of Swedento act against these issues. Harmful standards must be prevented and there needs to be supportand openness to talk to youths about these issues.

This study presents the problems in society regarding norms, stigmatization, different kinds ofcitizenship, and polarization in relation to politics and democracy. By analyzing these phenomenain regards to young people and their views on contemporary society, there are problems that areprevalent. However, these phenomena are related to each other, and for example, some norms couldlead to stigmatization and vice versa, which is discussed in this study. The study is set to interviewmultiple young adults, spanning from 18-22 years old, in order to analyze their views on thesetopics. In order to conclude whether or not young adults are really prepared to be a democraticcitizen? Are they able to tackle these problems that arise whenever one has to decide on theirfuture? Or are they influenced by their background and family, making them choose something thatthey feel comfortable with rather than something they want? The Swedish ‘Jantelagen’ or The lawof Jante is also prevalent throughout multiple interviews, which is seen as a solid example of alimiting social norm, which does create a more, maybe too, solid structure in our society and affectsthe people regarding their politics, their democratic engagement, and their life choices. The studyalso wants to examine how the education regarding these subjects are handled, and how it could beimproved to lessen the problems that follow.

Sportswashing is a process of trying to improve a state’s reputation via sport. A state which systematically infringe on its citizens human rights has, more than likely, a bad reputation internationally, something that it tries to alter by drawing attention to sports related events.The desirable result which sportswashing is meant to accomplish is the minimisation of, or the distraction away from the human rights violation. Ultimately, the responsibility is on the sportswashing state, but according to earlier research sportswashing has two unintended consequences, namely 1) it corrupts sport and its innate values, 2) it makes people involved in sports in different ways complicit in human rights violations. Therefore, everyone has a moral responsibility to counteract sportswashing. The purpose of this master thesis is to establish how the responsibility for sportswashing should be distributed. The media and earlier research claims that athletes have a responsibility to counteract sportswashing. This paper formulates two questions regarding moral responsibility and sportswashing: 1) To what extent do athletes have a moral responsibility to counteract sportswashing? 2) to what extent do sports organizations have a moral responsibility to counteract sportswashing? To answer these questions 27 media articles were analysed by an analysis of argumentation, this to establish claims to why or why not athletes or sports organizations have a moral responsibility to counteract sportswashing. The following step of the analysis was the critical analysis of the claim’s logic plausibility, its tenability, and lastly its normative plausibility. The results indicate that sports organizations have the moral responsibility, although the athletes are not morally responsible for sportswashing, they are responsible for their participation in moral wrong that sportswashing produces. Therefore, if or when, sports organizations are unwilling to or unable to counteract sportswashing, athletes have a moral responsibility to put pressure on these organizations and oppose the social norms and values that condone sportswashing. The amount of responsibility that an athlete will receive will be based on the power to act, which is established by analysing an athlete’s power capital, i.e. economic power, cultural standing, political power, and lastly, discursive influence.