Denna studie undersöker huruvida studier på fristående gymnasieskola påverkar sannolikheten att påbörja vidareutbildning på högskola eller universitet. Detta studeras genom användande av paneldata över åren 2008-2021 för samtliga 290 kommuner i Sverige. För att analysera datan används metoden multipel regressionsanalys både med och utan fixa effekter för år och kommuner. De prediktorer som hålls konstanta i studien för att mäta effekten av andel elever i friskola på övergång till vidare studier är grundskolebetyg, unga i ekonomiskt utsatta hushåll, utländsk bakgrund och lågutbildade föräldrar. Resultatet visar inledningsvis, vid både enkel linjär regression och vid hänsyn till årsfixa effekter, en statistisk signifikant positiv effekt på övergång till högskola och universitet. Med det sagt försvinner både det positiva sambandet och den statistiska signifikansen när även kommunfixa effekter inkluderas. / This study examines whether the proportion of students in private upper secondary school affects the proportion of students at college or university. This is studied using panel data over the years 2008-2021 regarding all 290 municipalities in Sweden. The data is used for the multiple regression analysis method, both with and without fixed effects regarding years and municipalities. The predictors used in the study to measure the effect of the proportion of students in independent schools are primary school grades, youth in economically disadvantaged households, foreign backgrounds, and low-educated parents. The results show that the proportion of students in private upper secondary schools initially, using simple linear regression and yearly fixed effects, has a statistically significant positive effect on further studies. With that said, the positive effect fades away when the fixed effects for municipalities are added. In addition, the result is no longer statistically significant.

The reforms that were implemented in the early 1990s changed the way the Swedish school system worked and how it was governed. This sparked a debate in whether this was beneficial for the equality of the education. The debate regarding the Swedish school system has been never ending since the start and implementation of New Public management reforms that swept through Swedish politics in the late 1980 and the 1990s. The discourse regarding the issues created by the implementation of these reforms and the impact of NPM in this area will be discussed an analyzed in this essay. The essay aims to explain and analyze the impact New public management, decentralization and its reforms has had on the equality of the Swedish education and the discourse it has created.

In the beginning of the 1990s the responsibility for the compulsory schools shifted from the government to the local authorities, a freedom of choice was introduced, and several municipalities brought in a school voucher system. With these changes, the educational system in Sweden went from being one of the world’s most government dominated and unified, to one with a high level of freedom of choice. The overall aim for this study is to explore the interplay between the school choice policy in the compulsory school and the process of integration and segregation on a school level. The aim is also specifically to study to what degree the pupils’ choice of school reflect the schools’ composition, with regards to ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds between 1992 and 2004.The thesis is based on three different kinds of materials; registry data from SCB (Statistics Sweden), the municipality’s data surrounding the school applications, and interviews with civil servants, politicians, and head teachers. In conclusion, the study shows that a divide has emerged between different schools, the make-up of pupils is becoming more homogenous, and the school as a meeting place between different ethnic groups is affected in a negative way. The study also shows that the school choices have an influence on this segregation between the schools. However, there are a small number of exceptions. In certain schools, the ethnic mix of pupils is relatively fair.

Les débats sur l’éducation qui passionne la sphère publique du dernier tiers du XVIIIe siècle, tout comme les réformes scolaires mises en place à cette même époque en Europe, présentent un intérêt particulier dans l’histoire de l’éducation, mais aussi et plus largement dans l’histoire des idées. Le Berlinois Friedrich Gedike (1754-1803) joue un rôle décisif sur la scène pédagogique et intellectuelle prussienne. L’étude de son œuvre et des deux établissements primaires et secondaires qu’il a dirigés, le Friedrichswerder de 1779 à 1793, puis le Cloître Gris (Berlinisch-Kölnisches Gymnasium zum Grauen Kloster) de 1793 à 1803, met au jour le processus de démarcation entre le lycée et l’université, mais aussi le développement et la transformation de l’enseignement secondaire. Sous son impulsion, un processus de sécularisation et de nationalisation de l’enseignement est également lancé. L’étude des problématiques éducatives est par ailleurs étroitement liée au contexte social et politique de l’époque, ainsi qu’à la philosophie des Lumières. Elles soulèvent des questions sur la conception de l’État, de la société et de l’individu. Friedrich Gedike a œuvré à la diffusion des Lumières en Allemagne, en tant que penseur des Lumières et publiciste, mais aussi concrètement, en tant que directeur, enseignant et membre du conseil national de l’éducation de Prusse. Son projet éducatif se caractérise par sa singularité et une certaine radicalité. À la croisée des chemins entre le philanthropinisme et le néohumanisme, il donne une identité singulière aux Bürgerschulen : d’ « écoles de bourgeois », elles se métamorphosent sous sa direction en « écoles de citoyens ». La formation morale et civique à travers des leçons de culture générale, de lecture de presse, d’histoire, de langues modernes et des pratiques de rédactions et d’expression en public sur des sujets sociaux et politiques, d’actualité parfois brûlante, est au cœur de son projet. Celui d’instaurer un examen validant les acquis du secondaire, l’Abitur, est par ailleurs une tentative de faire du mérite personnel l’unique critère d’accès aux études universitaires. Il croit en une réforme progressive de l’État prussien grâce à une réforme de l’éducation. Il voit en l’éducation (Bildung) un nouveau pouvoir légitime qui permet d’accéder à la haute fonction publique et d’intégrer les sphères du pouvoir. Face à un pouvoir institutionnalisé, les citoyens « cultivés » et « éclairés » détiennent la possibilité d’un pouvoir en train de s’établir. Gedike se situe dans une démarche de rendre ce nouveau pouvoir légitime aux yeux du pouvoir établi en le faisant reposer sur des fondements institutionnels. / Throughout the political upheavals that had an impact on the European continent over the last three decades of the Eighteenth century, the missions, contents, methods and organization of the educational world were profoundly remodeled. Mainly restricted to an elite and focused on the humanities, education diversified and democratized itself and gradually became a public matter and a State concern which reformed its educational system and integrated a larger part of its population into the public and political sphere. On the eve of the Nineteenth century, the secondary education developed and changed under the action of governments, but also and especially thanks to the commitment of schoolmen. A case study devoted to the work of a Berliner pedagogue and man of the Enlightenment, Friedrich Gedike (1754-1803), and to the two secondary establishments he successively directed between 1779 and 1803, allows not only to extend and deepen knowledge of the Prussian educational landscape and the Berliner Enlightenment, but it is also exemplary on more than one account. It illustrates the creative initiative of schoolmen engaged in a profound reform of education and the Prussian society of the last two decades of the century. Moreover, it highlights the metamorphose of secondary-level education which stands out from universities and diversifies itself with inferior classes proposing a more practical teaching (Bürgerschule) and superior classes preparing for university while teaching humanities (gelehrte Schule). Progressively, the curricula of secondary schools began to propose a balance between linguistic and scientific teaching, but also between ancient and modern languages. The student population began to change: diversifying and democratizing itself. Merit imposed itself little by little as a form of selection and access criteria to higher education and power. Finally, this case study shows the politicization of educational debates and reforms. Through a reform of education, schoolmen and men of letters aimed at a deep reform of society: creating the conditions for tolerance, a real “living together” between social orders, confessions, corporations, and to a certain extent genders, replacing privilege of birth and wealth by individual merit. Moreover, secondary schools became places of learning about a vibrant political culture. Humanities training was accompanied by a citizenship training with an opening up to the modern world, to immediate history and to national and foreign policies. Intellectual curiosity, personal thought, critical thinking and a debating culture were encouraged daily among students. Prussian High Schools became a privileged place for the constitution of a public sphere that would dialog with the institutional power or get access to it, allowing the integration of a larger and diversified part of the population to take part in political decisions. This study demonstrates the importance and the singularity of Friedrich Gedike in the history of education in Prussia.

I centrum för avhandlingen står den konflikt om skolagan som aktualiserades när det svenska skolväsendet skulle stöpas om till en enhetsskola. Undersökningsperioden är 1946-1962. Det övergripande syftet har varit att analysera denna konflikts upprinnelse, utveckling och följder i relation till skolans fostransuppdrag och barndomens innebörder. Med utgångspunkt i detta syfte har dels har det formella skolpolitiska spelet kring enhetsskolan och skolans fostransuppdrag beskrivits, dels har ett antal centrala texter som producerades i denna process analyserats. Teoretiskt och metodiskt har undersökningen knutit an till ett diskursanalytiskt förhållningssätt där frågor om makt och styrning är centrala. I diskussionen om skolans fostransuppdrag framträdde olika diskurser som på vissa punkter stod i skarp opposition mot varandra. Vid en närmare granskning av denna konflikt har diskursernas olika möjlighetsvillkor undersökts, i betydelsen deras historiska och samhälleliga förutsättningar och deras inre logiker; och de centrala ord, begrepp och metaforer som har utgjort diskursernas centrala element har kunnat ringas in. De två maktteoretiska begreppen styrningsrationalitet och hegemoni har utgjort de primära analytiska redskapen. Med hjälp av styrningsrationalitetsbegreppet har de målsättningar, inställningar och problem som har varit knutna till hanteringen av barnen under perioden åskådliggjorts. De olika antaganden om barnet som den fostrande verksamheten har vilat på, kunskaperna och vetenskaperna som har legat till grund för den, teknikerna som har ansetts nödvändiga samt det subjekt som utgjort målet för olika fostrande åtgärder har analyserats och diskuterats. Med hjälp av hegemonibegreppet har kampen om skolbarnets fostran under perioden kunnat förstås och fostransdiskussionens konsekvenser för hur den nya skolans fostrande målsättningar formulerades och kom till uttryck i grundskolans formativa dokument. / This dissertation analyses the controversy on corporal punishment that arose in conjunction with the Swedish comprehensive school reform. The time period covered is 1946-1962. The overarching aim has been to explore and analyse the origins, development and consequences of this debate in relation to the school’s task of character formation and changed notions of childhood. The school politics in which the comprehensive school reform took shape has been examined and a number of central documents that were produced in this process have been analysed. Theoretically and methodologically a discourse-analytical approach has been used where issues of power and governance have been central. In the discussion on character formation in school different discourses were operating, which at certain points stood in sharp disagreement with each other. This became especially clear in the debate on corporal punishment. A closer analysis of these discourses has revealed their different conditions of possibilities, in the sense of their historical and societal circumstances and their internal logics, and the keywords, concepts and metaphors that constituted the central elements of these discourses have been highlighted and described. The two theoretical concepts governmentality and hegemony have been used as the primary analytical tools for the study. With the concept of governmentality the goals, attitudes and problems that have been tied to the training of the schoolchild during the period have been made visible. The different presuppositions about the child’s being and development on which the character-forming practices have been built, the knowledge and science that have been referred to, the techniques that have been viewed as necessary and the subject that has been the goal for various character-forming actions have been analysed and discussed. With the concept of hegemony the power struggle connected to the discussion of character formation during the period has been examined and the various guidelines for the school’s task of character formation that were formulated and expressed in the formative documents of the comprehensive school have been made visible.