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Ideologins apparatur : reproduktionsperspektiv på kyrka och skola i 1600- och 1700-talens SverigeWirén, Tobias January 2006 (has links)
<p>The present dissertation examines various aspects of church organization in Sweden during the 17th and 18th centuries. In Sweden, as in many other European countries, the Christian religion and the organization of the Church comprised the dominant ideological power structure. Through the process of state-building and the Protestant Reformation, these structures were charged with new energy. In the present dissertation, the fact that nations were dependent on and exploited ideological power structures in order to control their respective populations and survive the international struggle of the state system has grown to become a central theme.</p><p>The fundamental questions of this dissertation concerning how and why social institutions were reproduced, and the theoretical context of these questions, has been based in the fact that both church and state are social institutions whose construction must include structures for a constant recreation of their forms and functions. The contribution of the present author has been to construct and apply a general model for understanding the organization and reproduction of institutional structures from a materialistic and structural basis. From a discussion of Louis Althusser's theory of the oppressive state apparatus and the ideological state apparatus, I have developed fundamental concepts with the purpose of constructing a theoretical model of the reproduction of an ideological state apparatus. I have dubbed this model the "competitive system", designating a system of material and symbolic structures and processes which, through competition between individuals, produces and maintains the functionaries of said state apparatus.</p><p>In one subsidiary study, the involvement of the repressive state apparatus in the creation of new church dioceses (so-called "superintendant dioceses") in Sweden during the first half of the 17th century is studied. This study showed that the creation of superintendant dioceses was a government-initiated project whose actual motive was the ambition of the repressive state to conquer and secure borders and central regions in the realm.</p><p>In another subsidiary study, some of the structures which reproduced the church and the educational system in Sweden during the 17th and 18th centuries are examined. This study indicated how the system of promotion constructed after the Reformation resulted in an overproduction of clerical labour during the 17th and 18th centuries. At the same time, through the agency of the crown the educational system expanded enormously during the 17th century and, by providing the opportunity for teachers to move into careers in the church, competition in the church apparatus became even keener.</p><p>In a final subsidiary study, the reproduction of diocesans (bishops and superintendents) in Sweden during the period 1580-1800 is analyzed. At the beginning of the period under investigation, careers in the normal competitive system of the church comprised the dominant form of qualification. The court and royal chaplain ministries available there were of great significance for recruitment. By the latter half of the 17th century, the role of the educational system in the reproduction of diocesans increased. In accordance with the Swedish central government´s increasing need to formalize its central competitive system, the educational system was expanded and reinforced, which had reprecussions on the competitive system of the ideological state apparatus of the church and its reproduction of diocesans.</p><p>Keywords: ideological state apparatus, repressive state apparatus, reproduction, church organization, educational system, competitive system, clergy, superintendent, bishop, superintendant dioceses, state building, 17th century, 18th century, Sweden.</p>
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Ideologins apparatur : reproduktionsperspektiv på kyrka och skola i 1600- och 1700-talens SverigeWirén, Tobias January 2006 (has links)
The present dissertation examines various aspects of church organization in Sweden during the 17th and 18th centuries. In Sweden, as in many other European countries, the Christian religion and the organization of the Church comprised the dominant ideological power structure. Through the process of state-building and the Protestant Reformation, these structures were charged with new energy. In the present dissertation, the fact that nations were dependent on and exploited ideological power structures in order to control their respective populations and survive the international struggle of the state system has grown to become a central theme. The fundamental questions of this dissertation concerning how and why social institutions were reproduced, and the theoretical context of these questions, has been based in the fact that both church and state are social institutions whose construction must include structures for a constant recreation of their forms and functions. The contribution of the present author has been to construct and apply a general model for understanding the organization and reproduction of institutional structures from a materialistic and structural basis. From a discussion of Louis Althusser's theory of the oppressive state apparatus and the ideological state apparatus, I have developed fundamental concepts with the purpose of constructing a theoretical model of the reproduction of an ideological state apparatus. I have dubbed this model the "competitive system", designating a system of material and symbolic structures and processes which, through competition between individuals, produces and maintains the functionaries of said state apparatus. In one subsidiary study, the involvement of the repressive state apparatus in the creation of new church dioceses (so-called "superintendant dioceses") in Sweden during the first half of the 17th century is studied. This study showed that the creation of superintendant dioceses was a government-initiated project whose actual motive was the ambition of the repressive state to conquer and secure borders and central regions in the realm. In another subsidiary study, some of the structures which reproduced the church and the educational system in Sweden during the 17th and 18th centuries are examined. This study indicated how the system of promotion constructed after the Reformation resulted in an overproduction of clerical labour during the 17th and 18th centuries. At the same time, through the agency of the crown the educational system expanded enormously during the 17th century and, by providing the opportunity for teachers to move into careers in the church, competition in the church apparatus became even keener. In a final subsidiary study, the reproduction of diocesans (bishops and superintendents) in Sweden during the period 1580-1800 is analyzed. At the beginning of the period under investigation, careers in the normal competitive system of the church comprised the dominant form of qualification. The court and royal chaplain ministries available there were of great significance for recruitment. By the latter half of the 17th century, the role of the educational system in the reproduction of diocesans increased. In accordance with the Swedish central government´s increasing need to formalize its central competitive system, the educational system was expanded and reinforced, which had reprecussions on the competitive system of the ideological state apparatus of the church and its reproduction of diocesans. Keywords: ideological state apparatus, repressive state apparatus, reproduction, church organization, educational system, competitive system, clergy, superintendent, bishop, superintendant dioceses, state building, 17th century, 18th century, Sweden.
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Efterkrigsprogrammet, planhushållningen och välfärdsstaten : En studie av efterkrigsprogrammets förankring i arbetarrörelsen på lokal nivå, Skara 1945–1955 / The post-war programme, planed economy and the welfare state : A study of the post-war programme's anchoring in the labour movement at the local level, Skara 1945-1955Lundqvist, Robert January 2022 (has links)
The post-war programme of the labour movement was developed in 1944 and presented at the Congress of the Social Democratic Workers' Party in the same year. The programme had an impact on policy at the central level in the post-war period. Some fundamental reversals from previous Social Democratic Party programs, such as the view of private property rights, made an impact in Swedish welfare building. The economic efficiency and allocation of resources came into focus and socialization was given a subordinate role. At the central and state level, the impact of the post-war programme was relatively clear, but the question then becomes whether the programme made any impact at the local level within the labour movement? That question is the basis for the purpose of my inquiry, how does the post-war programme ground the labour movement at the local level? By examining the protocols and annual reports of Skara's Labour movement 1945-1955, and by coding and categorisation on the basis of the three main areas of the post-war programme, which are divided into 27 points contained in the programme, I have found some overreassuring rhetorical approaches and political expressions of will. In general, the distribution issue can be seen as one of the most important goals for local labour movement. This includes demands for increased wages, discussions about industrial democracy, insurance for loss of income and working conditions in the workplace. Whether the labour movement's post-war programme has affected the local trade union movement in Skara, there may be divided opinions about. However, the empirical material can give indications that there is a rhetoric and a mindset that is consistent in many parts.
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Kanslern och diplomaten : En textanalys av breven från Johan Adler Salvius till Axel Oxenstierna under de fredsförberedande åren 1643-1648.Gustavsson, Jakob January 2013 (has links)
Syftet med studien är att undersöka vilka roller Axel Oxenstierna och Johan Adler Salvius hade i det fredsförberedande arbetet inför och under fredskongressen i Westfalen, men även att utifrån Salvius brev till Oxenstierna undersöka hur deras relation såg ut under den aktuella tidsperioden. De uppgifter som framkommer i Salvius brevväxling till Oxenstierna angående deras relation, samt deras roller och uppgifter under de fredsförberedande åren 1643-1648 kommer därefter att analyseras och jämföras med hur detta har skildrats av historieskrivarna Gunnar Wetterberg och Sune Lundgren. De resultat som studien har frambringat visar på att både Oxenstierna och Salvius var innehavare av mycket centrala roller i det fredsförberedande arbetet, samt att deras tidigare relativt nära relation till varandra försämrades något under åren 1643-1648.
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Frälsesamhället : En studie av det svenska 1300-talsfrälsets ideologi såsom framställd i Erikskrönikan / Society of the privileged : A study of the ideology of the Swedish 14th century aristocracy as depicted in ErikskrönikanStåhlberg, Andreas January 2012 (has links)
In the wake of a heightened interest in the Swedish Middle Ages, the need for knowledge has increased as well. The Swedish Middle Ages was an era when the country truly began to grow closer to the European sphere of culture. The forces behind this transformation are largely to be sought among the social elite, the budding aristocracy of Sweden. The process of becoming “Europeans” brought with it great changes to Sweden, not the least in terms of the political arena. What was it that was so sought after by the Swedish aristocracy? What ideals and values lay behind the feudally inspired system of government and the chivalric code of conduct among the elite? In a general sense, the object of this investigation has been to try to understand and explore the ideological underpinnings of the new system of government and the new social order. In order to achieve this, I have used the Swedish chivalric chronicle known as Erikskrönikan as the source material for the investigation. It is believed to have been a propaganda piece for the Swedish aristocracy of the early 1300 hundreds and is, as such, a phenomenal source for researching the ideals and values of the Swedish aristocracy of that time. Thus, the purpose of this essay has been to investigate ideological underpinnings of the Swedish power elite of the first half of the 14th century by analysing their idealized self image and conception of society, as they appear in Erikskrönikan’s depiction of duke Erik and a few other key characters. Included in this is also an ambition to contextualize the results of the investigation by attempting to reconstruct the ideology for which Erikskrönikan is an expression. The intention has been to contribute a new perspective to the already extant research concerning the understanding of the new type of society brought forth in medieval Sweden. The theoretical premise of this investigation has been a functional understanding of the concept of ideology. In this essay ideology is regarded as a system of ideas which expresses a given groups world views and norms, which reflects the social conditions of the group, and which is a declaration of that group’s interests and aspirations. The methodological basis has been a qualitative analysis of the text, where the depiction of selected characters from the text has been the main object of investigation. The focus has been on identifying which characteristics are portrayed as ideal and which are portrayed as are anti ideal within the text. On an analytical level this investigation has included the use of the concepts “manifest ideology” and “latent ideology” as tools of analysis. In this way it has been possible to uncover the ideals and values of the aristocracy, as expressed in Erikskrönikan, both in terms of what is articulated explicitly and what is implied. In terms of results this investigation has rendered them in abundance. Among the most revealing and relevant findings are: the emphasis put on the vassal system, the chivalrous virtues and the staunch declaration about the superiority of elective kingship. These are all examples of recurring themes which are communicated with a clear didactic intent. Furthermore, I have also been able to show that the code of chivalry was not considered a varnish to cover the blemishes of an imperfect society, but a way of relating to reality and to the surrounding world. The tangible functions of the code of chivalry in society can be understood as having been of two kinds: on the one hand, the code of chivalry was a way of reigning in and channelling the destructive potential of the use of violence; and on the other hand, the code of chivalry was a way for the aristocracy, indeed the Swedish chivalry, to communicate and reaffirm their social standing, both internally and externally.
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Tortyr och pinligt förhör - våld och tvång i äldre svensk rättÅstrand, Björn January 2000 (has links)
Torture in the past is the subject of this dissertation. The aim of the study is to discuss one of the grand narratives of Swedish history. In an evolutionary frame Sweden has been put forward as a country which early developed judicial security for citizens. This dissertation contains a critique against an objectivistic view of the concept of knowledge. It proposes instead an evolutionary concept. In the discussion of sources I argue that although historians have been skilful in their evaluation of sources important problems still remains. The phenomenon of torture is here investigated at three different levels, as discourse, as norm and as practice. A point of departure is an overview of the discourse of torture and the use of torture in the past, from ancient times to the beginning of the early modern period in Europe. The purpose of that study is to gain some general insight concerning torture to which the main study, with focus on the phenomenon of torture in Sweden, could be related. The presentation of the history of torture starts in ancient Greece. The ability to use torture was regulated in Greek society. An important element in the discourse concerns a social regulation of torture; another is the connection with different concepts of truth. The conditions for the use of torture have changed over time. In early Middle Ages the practice of ordeals was common in Europe. In difficult cases tribes decided guilt with help from God. When the Christian church during the High Middle Ages rose to power it prohibited the use of ordeals. The obvious consequence of this act was that people had to make decisions by themselves, when they no longer could turn to God’s will when making decisions in severe judicial cases. In this context torture became important and was put into use. The existence of ordeals has been an obstacle to the use of torture. Torture had a strong position at the end of the medieval era, and this dissertation discusses whether the legislation is to be understood as implementation of torture or as regulation of an already existing practice. The first study of torture in a Swedish context deals with the discourse concerning the concept of torture. It is found that accusations of use of torture were used in propaganda and that torture in this context was understood as something unswedish and shameful. Next part focuses on the Old Swedish legislation prior to 1614. It is found that there is a prohibition against torture in the legislation from the fourteenth century, which must be regarded as a first attempt in Swedish law to regulate the use of torture. The study also focuses on the fact that the plaintiff had such extensive rights, that these could enable use of torture. The last part of the dissertation deals with the legal practice in Stockholm between 1474 and 1614. It identifies places for torture, actors and the judicial context in which the use of torture was practised.
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Läromedelsanalys - Sveriges nationella minoriteterna i ett urval läromedel i historiaBayzada, Stéfanie January 2018 (has links)
Detta arbete är en läromedelsstudie med inriktning mot gymnasiet och syftar till att undersöka hur Sveriges nationella minoriteter framställs i läromedel i historia. De läromedel som undersökts är utgivna under både Lpf94 och GY11 och har analyserats utifrån dikotomiska par och semiotisk bildanalys. De delar av läromedlen som har analyserats är de som behandlar Sveriges historia eftersom målet är att se hur de nationella minoriteterna framställs i förhållande till Sverige. Resultatet visar att de nationella minoriteterna sällan eller aldrig lyfts i de läromedel som undersökts och att hur mycket som står om dem skiftar beroende på vilken minoritet vi talar om. Slutsatsen är att minoriteterna i stor utsträckning osynliggörs eller på andra sätt utelämnas ur historien. En orsak till detta kan vara att läroplanen inte lyfter de nationella minoriteterna i ämnesplanen för historia, detta kan då påverka urvalet av historia som läromedelsförfattare gör när de skriver läromedel. De gånger minoriteterna nämns i läromedlen är det i förhållande till majoritetssamhällets historia och inte i egenskap av en egen historia.
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Drömmar om makt och ekologi : Miljöpolitiska debattböcker och konkurrerande sociotekniska föreställningsvärldar under det svenska ekologiska genombrottet 1967–1972 / Dreams of Power and Ecology : Environmental Political Literature and Competing Sociotechnical Imaginaries During the Swedish Ecological Breakthrough 1967–1972Thiberg, Andreas January 2021 (has links)
The Swedish ecological breakthrough of the late 1960’s and the early 1970’s entailed a rapid proliferation of competing perspectives on the environment, on man’s relation to it, and on the possible – dystopian or utopian – futures that lay ahead. By drawing on the theoretical concept of sociotechnical imaginaries as defined by Sheila Jasanoff and Sang-Hyun Kim, this thesis aims to explore the critical role played by these perspectives, and by these visions of the future, during this formative period of the emerging environmental consciousness and of early Swedish environmental politics. With this purpose in mind, the thesis examines the sociotechnical imaginaries mobilized in three Swedish books on environmental politics written by politically concerned scientists, as well as the two first environmental manifests published by the ruling Social Democratic Party in 1968 and 1972. By comparing the imaginaries mobilized in each text, the thesis then argues that the party incorporated certain elements of the critical perspectives into the dominant paradigm, but that they never wavered in their commitment to industrial development. The thesis also shows how these environmental imaginaries were used to legitimize political power, as well as the social democratic hegemony.
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För Fädernesland, eller för Konung? En undersökning av motiven hos adliga officerare som anslöt sig till 1772-års RevolutionLasén, Sebastian January 2024 (has links)
Syftet med denna studie är att fastställa vad som motiverade de adliga officerarna i den svenska militären att delta i Gustav III:s revolution 1772. Denna undersökning kommer att använda material skrivet av deltagande adliga officerare mellan 1771 - 1773, med ursprung från Gustavianska eller Sprengtportenska samlingen, samt från biografierna av Johan Christopher Toll och Jakob Magnus Sprengtporten. För att uppfylla det etablerade syftet formuleras tre forskningsfrågor, en primär och två sekundära, som besvaras i separata kapitel. Dessutom kommer undersökningen att tillämpa en kvalitativ textanalytisk metod tillsammans med en deduktiv teoretisk ansats. Denna metod, tack vare dess hermeneutiska användbarhet, möjliggör en omfattande analys av de motiv som anges i materialet, och hur resultaten återspeglar militärens sociala och politiska kultur. Det valda teoretiska ramverket, som tillämpas deduktivt i analysen, är Samuel Finers teori om militär intervention. Mer specifikt används koncept från avsnitt i boken som täcker militära officerares motiv för att ingripa i politik. De slutliga slutsatserna i denna undersökning är att officerarna främst motiverades att gå med i kuppen för att driva det "nationella intresset". De adliga officerarna hade ett långvarigt hat mot landets politiska system, baserat på uppfattningen att det var oförmöget att på ett adekvat sätt skydda vad de såg som nationens intressen. Officerarna, som såg sig själva som fosterlandets beskyddare, anslöt sig till revolten för att installera ett politiskt system som de ansåg kunde skydda nationens fortsatta existens. Officerarna motiverades också på grundval av "ideologi", eftersom konspirationen gav en möjlighet att implementera rojalistiska dygder. Slutligen var ytterligare ett motiv strävan efter "sektionsintressen". Beskyddandet av "gruppintressen", i form av att skydda adelns politiska och ekonomiska privilegier, samt "individuella intressen", där ekonomiska belöningar och befordringar begärdes i utbyte mot lojalitet, fanns också med i bilden. / The purpose of this study is to determine what motivated the noble officers of the Swedish military to participate in Gustav III:s 1772 Revolution. This investigation will be utilizing material written by participating noble officers between 1771 - 1773, originating from Gustavianska or Sprengtportenska samlingen, or from the biographies of Johan Christopher Toll and Jakob Magnus Sprengtporten. In order to fulfill the stated purpose of this investigation, three questions, one primary and two secondary, are formulated and answered in separate chapters. In addition, the investigation will be applying a qualitative text analytical method along with an deductive theoretical approach. This method, thanks to its hermeneutic utility, allows a comprehensive analysis of the motives stated in the material, and how the findings reflect on the military’s societal and political culture. The chosen theoretical framework which is applied deductively in the analysis, is Samuel Finers ‘military intervention’ theory. More specifically concepts from the section that covers military officers' motivations for intervening in politics. The final conclusions made in this investigation is that the officers were primarily motivated to join the coup to pursue the ‘national interest’. The noble officers had a longstanding hatred for the country’s political system, based on the conception that it was unable to adequately protect what they viewed as the nation's interests. The officers, who viewed themselves as the fatherlands protectors, joined the revolt in order to install a political system that they felt could protect the nation's continued existence. The officers were also motivated on the basis of ‘ideology’, as the conspiracy provided a opportunity to enforce Royalist political doctrine. Lastly, a further motive was the pursuit of ‘sectional interests’. The protection of ‘group interests’, in the form of protecting the nobility's political and financial privileges, as well as ‘individual interests’, where financial rewards and promotions were requested in exchange for allegiance, were also present.
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Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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