Hartz-reformen inleddes 2003 och förändrade mycket i den aktiva arbetsmarknadspolitiken och systemet för den ekonomiska ersättningen vid arbetslöshet stramades till stor del åt. Många regleringar rörande låginkomsttagare skrevs om och hela arbetsmarknaden verkade vändas upp och ner. Innan den ekonomiska krisen slog till i Europa var Tyskland ett land med hög arbetslöshet och statistiken såg inte alls bra ut. Vid 2005 vände detta, och när många EU-länder såg en kraftig ökning av arbetslösheten fortsatte Tyskland att reducera sin arbetslöshet. I Sverige kan vi se många förändringar som liknar reformen eller syftar till att åtgärda samma problemområden. Exempel på detta är subventioner på vissa grupper av arbetstagare, motverkan av svart husarbete och liknande arbetsmarknadspolitiska program genom arbetsförmedlingsstjänster för att hjälpa arbetssökande in på marknaden. De mest betydande faktorerna som spelat in i Tysklands höga sysselsättning bland ungdomar, är till synes en välutvecklad övergång mellan skola och arbetsliv samt en kulturell inställning och sedvänja bland företagarna att stötta ungdomar och leda dem in på arbetsmarknaden. Vidare finns ett samband mellan den generellt höga sysselsättningen i Tyskland och utvecklingen för gruppen låginkomsttagare. Omregleringar och skattesubventioner har möjliggjort låginkomstarbeten i en betydligt högre grad och det nya systemet tenderar att forcera arbetslösa till dessa arbeten. Uppsatsen behandlar en jämförelse av arbetsmarknadspolitiken bakom Tyskland och Sveriges utveckling av sysselsättningsgraden främst under 2000-talet. Syftet är att redogöra vilka likheter och skillnader som kan ha bidragit till ländernas olika utveckling vad gäller sysselsättningsgraden.

Title: [Frontline bureaucrats discretion in the transition to Establishment Reform]This essay aims to study discretion among frontline bureaucrats as an important factor in the integration of immigrants. In contrast to other studies of discretion this essays has its focus on a new establishment reform that has been recently legislated. The theoretical frame is based on the concept of frontline bureaucracy developed by M. Lipsky (2010). In the analysis of the discretion in this specific area I have been inspired by I. Schierenbecks (2003) comparative study based on three different relationships a frontline bureaucrat has to take into account: regulations, the dual role and a relationship to the immigrant client. I have used a qualitative approach where I interviewed workers in two different employment exchange offices in the country. The results show that there is an opportunity to adapt the law to individual needs which meets the criteria for an extensible and flexible framework. All frontline bureaucrats find the dual role as debilitating where they feel torn between the organization's goals and the applicant's needs. When these needs conflict, the majority chooses to follow the employment services directives. Frontline bureaucrats in the study are sharing a disposal, problem- solving approach towards the immigrant clients. There is a perception among frontline bureaucrats on new immigrant clients as carriers of specific cultural characteristics, however, there is nothing saying that these perceptions affect the exercise of authority. This study expands further through the dimension of newcomers' opportunities in achieving active citizenship. In the essay I discuss the usage of discretion among workers at the employment exchange office and the new establishment reform as two factors playing a significant role in the activation of active citizenship for the new immigrants as well as in the integration of the same.

<p>This thesis focuses on youth unemployment in Finspång, often referred as an industrial community. The theoretical framework of the thesis is based on social constructionism and covers theoretical discourse analysis, intersectionality and social capital. The study is based on qualitative interviews with 7 unemployed individuals between the ages of 19-24 and an interview with an employee at the employment office in the community. The main subject in this thesis is the youngsters experience with unemployment, labour, the employment office, the impacts of social capital and the labour market in the community. The analysis focuses in how the respondents discuss their experienced problems with their unemployment. My analysis shows that unemployed youngsters are willing to work but feels that they’re restrained by their age, sex and lack of adequate social network. The analysis also shows that the youngster’s expectations on the employment office possibilities to help them get a job are unfulfilled which creates a general negative view. It seems that the high expectations of help often are based on communication and/or information problems between the youngsters and the employment office.</p>

This thesis focuses on youth unemployment in Finspång, often referred as an industrial community. The theoretical framework of the thesis is based on social constructionism and covers theoretical discourse analysis, intersectionality and social capital. The study is based on qualitative interviews with 7 unemployed individuals between the ages of 19-24 and an interview with an employee at the employment office in the community. The main subject in this thesis is the youngsters experience with unemployment, labour, the employment office, the impacts of social capital and the labour market in the community. The analysis focuses in how the respondents discuss their experienced problems with their unemployment. My analysis shows that unemployed youngsters are willing to work but feels that they’re restrained by their age, sex and lack of adequate social network. The analysis also shows that the youngster’s expectations on the employment office possibilities to help them get a job are unfulfilled which creates a general negative view. It seems that the high expectations of help often are based on communication and/or information problems between the youngsters and the employment office.

This study uses employment office-level panel data to investigate the impact of work-related activities on the outflow from unemployment to work and education. The two largest labor market programs in Sweden are studied: Job and Development Guarantee and Job Guarantee for the Youth. To examine how activity participation affects the outflow to employment/education I had to examine differences between offices (office heterogeneity). This heterogeneity could be differences in local labor market conditions, office’s managerial ability, quality of activities and other features that are non-varying for each individual office. The method to answer the research question is fixed effects distributed lag regression analysis with lagged values of the independent variable “activity participation rate”. In addition to the one-way office-specific fixed effects model, a model with time-specific fixed effects was introduced to check for seasonal impacts and fixed macroeconomic conditions that influence all offices. According to the two-way fixed effects regression results, the seasonal variations seem to have a stronger impact on the outflow to work/education than the work-related activities participation rates. Particularly, when time-specific fixed effects were added to the model with office-specific effects, the overall effect of work-related activities on the outflow rate became statistically non-significant and brought inconclusive results. The results have shown that the month of September has the strongest and most positive influence on the outflow rate as more people find work and leave to education during this month. The months that have the lowest impacts on the dependent variable are March and October, which means that fewer individuals left to work/education during these months across offices, in comparison to other months. / Denna studie använder paneldata på kontorsnivå för att undersöka effekterna av arbetsplatsförlagda aktiviteter på utflödet från arbetslöshet till arbete och utbildning. De två största arbetsmarknadspolitiska programmen i Sverige studeras: Jobb-och utvecklingsgarantin (JOB) samt Jobbgarantin för ungdomar (UGA). För att undersöka hur aktivitetens deltagande påverkar utflödet till arbete/utbildning kontrollerade jag för skillnader mellan kontoren (kontors heterogenitet). Denna heterogenitet kan bestå av skillnader i lokala förhållanden på arbetsmarknaden, kontorets förvaltningsförmåga, kvalitet på verksamheten och andra funktioner som är icke - varierande för varje enskilt kontor. Metoden som har använts för att besvara frågeställningen är "fixed-effects distributed lag regressions analysis" med eftersläpande värden för den oberoende variabeln ”aktivitetsgrad”. Förutom kontors - specifika "fixed effects", infördes en modell med tid - specifika effekter för att kontrollera för säsongsmässiga effekter och fasta makroekonomiska förhållanden som påverkar alla kontor. Enligt de två-vägs "fixed effects" regressionsresultaten så verkar säsongsvariationerna ha en större inverkan på utflödet till arbete/utbildning än den arbetsplatsförlagda aktivitetsgraden. Framför allt när tid-specifika fasta effekter inkluderades i modellen med kontors-specifika effekter, blev den totala effekten av arbetsrelaterade aktiviteter på utflödeshastigheten statistiskt icke-signifikant och gav osäkra resultat som utfall. Resultaten har visat att september månad har den starkaste och mest positiva inverkan på utflödet, vilket betyder att fler människor hittar arbete eller återgår till utbildning just under denna månad. De månader som har visat sig ha lägst påverkan på den beroende variabeln är mars och oktober, vilket innebär att färre individer hittar arbete eller påbörjar utbildning under dessa månader i jämförelse med andra månader.

The number of students who finished special upper secondary school for pupils with intellectual disabilities without an employment has drastically decreased over the last decades. The purpose of this paper is to increase the knowledge of how career counselors at special upper secondary schools collaborate with the Employment Service, and how the special upper secondary school prepares their pupils for working life. The collection of data started with a national questionnaire survey which was directed to career counselors at schools. The result shows that the collaboration appears foremost in the pupils last year in special upper secondary school, and that the special upper secondary schools do not use the Employment Service's assistance to any great extent. In addition, the collaborative process consists of both inhibiting and promoting factors. The results also indicates that the collaboration between the special upper secondary schools and the local labor market can be developed more for the pupils to gain experience from working life.

The context surrounding the tasks of and demands on Employment Agencies is a multi faceted one, containing a variety of interested parties. This results in a complex assignment for the Employment officer to manage, especially when it comes to issues of knowing the contextual terrains as well as the needs of the clients. This study aims at reflecting upon the process of knowledge of 5 Em-ployment officers in 3 numbers of Employment Agencies through an anlysis of their experiences of knowledge. In a series of semi structured interviews with experienced Employment officers. The study explores ways of comprehending different kinds of knowledge, and the manner in which knowledge is situated and shaped in a complex interplay between setting, coworkers and ar-tefacts. The study discusses ways in which the knowledge pro-cesses employed by the Employments officers is in fact composed. The result suggest that the knowledge process of the Employment officers is an ongoing interplay between context, implicit, explicit knowledge and mediating resources as artefacts and coworkers. The knowledge of the Employment officers is situated knowledge and is created within the context of the organization and their dis-cursive practice. The result indicate that the knowledge of Em-ployment officers are in first place driven by a practice based knowledge. / Arbetsförmedlingens omvärld är mångfacetterad bestående av en stor mängd intressenter. Detta resulterar i ett komplext uppdrag, både i relation till kontexten och de arbetssökandes behov som ar-betsförmedlarna är satta att hantera. Syftet med denna uppsats är att genom arbetsförmedlares tankar och resonemang kring kunskap öka förståelsen för hur deras kunskapsprocesser samspelar. Genom 5 semistrukturerade intervjuer med arbetsförmedlare med lång er-farenhet från 3 arbetsförmedlingskontor undersöks kunskapens olika delar och på vilket sätt dessa skapas genom medarbetare, kontext och artefakter.   Resultatet beskriver hur arbetsförmedlarnas kunskap bildas i ett ständigt pågående samspel mellan kontext, implicit, explicit kun-skap och medierande resurser i form av artefakter och kollegor. Arbetsförmedlarnas kunskap är situerad och utvecklas i relation till Arbetsförmedlingens kontext och diskursiva praktik.

Previous studies show that different groups of people fall between the cracks and that is a problem in society. One of these groups that tend to fall between the cracks are people with intellectual disabilities, since the transition between school and occupation is especially hard for the targeted group. That’s why we, in this essay, have studied how Social services, The Swedish employment agency and the adapted high school works with young adults aged 18-25 with intellectual disability so that they will get an occupation and not fall between the cracks. We also have studied what consequences not having an occupation can give, according to the professionals working with the group. To study this, we used a qualitative method through semi structured interviews and vignette study. To analyze the empirics we’ve used the theory collaboration and previous studies. We interviewed three professionals from The Swedish employment agency, three professionals from adapted high school and two professionals from Social services. The conclusion was that there were a minimal risk that young adults with intellectual disability will fall between the cracks in the specific municipality because of a strong safety net. However, it appeared that the authorities had flaws in their way of working that could increase the risk of adults with intellectual disability falling between the cracks. We also found that adults with intellectual disability did experience consequences like mental health issues and financial vulnerability by not having an occupation.

<p>Summary</p><p>At the start of my employment at the Swedish National social insurance office I was a bit confused because there were two categories which I defined as belonging to the same category (working handicapped) but it wasn’t so. The persons I where going to meet was defined as having incapacity to work and therefore, they were defined as not standing to the labour markets conversion. They were defined as being to sick for being at the labour market. </p><p>The aim of this work is to shed light on what grounds a decision concerning a person which will be categorized as incapable of working and looking at the categorized person’s status. At the same time look if the statuses are marred to similarities or differences with the group of persons which are categorized as working handicapped defined through the definition according to enactment 2000:630 which is on of the Swedish Labour Market Board’s (AMS) laws for the Swedish labour market politic. </p><p>The way the author Mikael Holmqvist describes parts of his empiric in his book (2005): “Samhall, att bli normal i en onormal organisation” found an astonishing resemblance with my own experiences. I decided that Holmqvists book could fill a very important role in my work. To shedding more light over my question I looked very briefly on statistics concerning people with different impaired bodily functions from Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB), statistics from the National social insurance office (Försäkringskassan), and statistics from the project I was working in - FUNAKTIVA.</p><p>My theoretical perspective is in the intersection between human’s possibility to decide or not decide his/her own shape. Therefore I have chosen a role theoretical perspective. Talcott Parsons classical theory of the sick role is widely used, therefore I also used it. I also use Deborah Stones theory of explaining politics of disablement from the development of the western industrialism. </p><p>To reach some answers for my aim of the subject I have used a case method. I have analyzed five cases. I have found that my procedure for collecting data is most likely to conform to an ethnographic perspective. Conceptions for the analytical work are mostly done with the help of Pierre Bourdieu and parts of his conceptions. My empiric for this work are from journals from my work, different kind of conversations with persons in my daily work, different organizations, there are also three interviews which I had done with part of my empirics. My intention to compare the group which was defined as working handicapped with the group that I met which was defined as retarded/pensioned or incapable of working take place with Mikael Holmqvist study and my own practical experience. </p><p>The statement in the summary of the analysis is that I found an obvious perspective of conflict between the status of the persons´ when they where administrated within the Social insurance office and the local employment office as sick and the opinion that the persons in the empiric had of themselves. I also found out that there is an obvious perspective of conflict between the persons will to study and/or work and what the systems says that they are capable of doing.</p><p>The empiric shows that none of the persons were given topical interest to any of the roles in the system of work (working-handicapped and the different ways of employee one can be with the help of the code working-handicapped).</p>

Summary At the start of my employment at the Swedish National social insurance office I was a bit confused because there were two categories which I defined as belonging to the same category (working handicapped) but it wasn’t so. The persons I where going to meet was defined as having incapacity to work and therefore, they were defined as not standing to the labour markets conversion. They were defined as being to sick for being at the labour market. The aim of this work is to shed light on what grounds a decision concerning a person which will be categorized as incapable of working and looking at the categorized person’s status. At the same time look if the statuses are marred to similarities or differences with the group of persons which are categorized as working handicapped defined through the definition according to enactment 2000:630 which is on of the Swedish Labour Market Board’s (AMS) laws for the Swedish labour market politic. The way the author Mikael Holmqvist describes parts of his empiric in his book (2005): “Samhall, att bli normal i en onormal organisation” found an astonishing resemblance with my own experiences. I decided that Holmqvists book could fill a very important role in my work. To shedding more light over my question I looked very briefly on statistics concerning people with different impaired bodily functions from Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB), statistics from the National social insurance office (Försäkringskassan), and statistics from the project I was working in - FUNAKTIVA. My theoretical perspective is in the intersection between human’s possibility to decide or not decide his/her own shape. Therefore I have chosen a role theoretical perspective. Talcott Parsons classical theory of the sick role is widely used, therefore I also used it. I also use Deborah Stones theory of explaining politics of disablement from the development of the western industrialism. To reach some answers for my aim of the subject I have used a case method. I have analyzed five cases. I have found that my procedure for collecting data is most likely to conform to an ethnographic perspective. Conceptions for the analytical work are mostly done with the help of Pierre Bourdieu and parts of his conceptions. My empiric for this work are from journals from my work, different kind of conversations with persons in my daily work, different organizations, there are also three interviews which I had done with part of my empirics. My intention to compare the group which was defined as working handicapped with the group that I met which was defined as retarded/pensioned or incapable of working take place with Mikael Holmqvist study and my own practical experience. The statement in the summary of the analysis is that I found an obvious perspective of conflict between the status of the persons´ when they where administrated within the Social insurance office and the local employment office as sick and the opinion that the persons in the empiric had of themselves. I also found out that there is an obvious perspective of conflict between the persons will to study and/or work and what the systems says that they are capable of doing. The empiric shows that none of the persons were given topical interest to any of the roles in the system of work (working-handicapped and the different ways of employee one can be with the help of the code working-handicapped).