It is widely agreed that a society must guarantee a social minimum to all its members. Yet, the organisation of social protection within the European Union (EU) is insufficient to protect all Europeans effectively against the risk of poverty and social exclusion. Against this backdrop, this thesis investigates whether a European universal basic income (EUBI) is, if at all, a worthwhile policy to address the problem of poverty in the EU.The central claim of the study posits that there are strong reasons to consider a partial EUBI as a desirable instrument for EU-wide poverty alleviation. Under this scenario, the EU works as a complementary welfare layer offering systemic support to its Member States’ welfare models whilst respecting the diversity of national social protection arrangements. At the same time, as an instrument of pan-European solidarity, the EUBI provides substance to EU social citizenship.The method used is problem-oriented and interdisciplinary, combining insights from political theory, political economy and EU studies writ large. After having layed out the various dimensions underpinning the problem of poverty in the EU and clarified the contours of the solution under scrutiny, the thesis confronts the EUBI with a series of challenges, ranging from normative issues associated with the unconditionality of the basic income and the pursuit of social justice in the EU, to the institutional hurdles pertaining to the legal feasibility of the proposal, via the macroeconomic difficulties related to the diversity of interdependent economies.Overall, this contribution examines an idea which remains unexplored in EU studies and proposes a new approach to European anti-poverty strategy. It also bridges the gap between EU social policy and basic income literatures, beyond established boundaries of research compartmentalisation. As such, it prepares the ground for further fine-tuned research in the areas covered by this comprehensive multi-dimensional analysis. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Esta tese examina três escritos de Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborados durante a Revolução Francesa, os quais representam as reflexões mais radicais de seu pensamento religioso, político e social. Em primeiro lugar, será analisado o panfleto The Age of Reason, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo religioso, que teve sua primeira parte escrita em 1793 e a segunda em 1794. Contrapondo-se, por um lado, às religiões reveladas e, por outro lado, à descristianização do período jacobino, nesse texto o deísmo é apresentado como a face religiosa da democracia vindoura. Em segundo lugar, será analisado o texto Dissertation on the First Principles of Government, redigido e publicado em 1795, a mais acabada exposição da teoria democrática. A um só tempo contrário ao liberalismo termidoriano e crítico do que fora o jacobinismo, nesse texto Paine opõe-se categoricamente àqueles que pensavam a propriedade privada como um direito natural que poderia ser equivalente ou mesmo superior aos direitos naturais de liberdade e a igualdade. Por fim, será analisado o texto Agrarian Justice, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo social, produzido no inverno de 1795-1796 (publicado em 1797). Em reação tanto ao liberalismo irredutível dos termidorianos, quanto às propostas igualitaristas de Graco Babeuf, o texto apresenta-se como uma proposta de erradicação da pobreza sem romper com os princípios do que seria política liberal. Pretende-se captar o sentido do pensamento de Paine no contexto da Revolução Francesa e discutir a validadade da afirmação de Eric Hobsbawm na Era das Revoluções, segundo a qual Paine, radical nos Estados Unidos, seria um moderado girondino na França. Na contramão da maioria das interpretações correntes, a pesquisa objetiva repensar a figura de Paine, mostrando sua relevância como intérprete da Revolução Francesa e como nome fundamental para a história do pensamento político, religioso e social. / This thesis examines three writings of Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborated during the French Revolution, which represents the most radical reflections of his religious, political and social thought. In the first place, the pamphlet The Age of Reason will be analyzed, that contains the maximum expression of his religious radicalism, which have had its first part written in 1793 and the second in 1794. Contradicting, on the one hand, to the revealed religions, and, on the other hand, to the dechristianization of the Jacobin period, in this text, deism is presented as the religious face of the coming democracy. Secondly, the text Dissertation on the First Principles of Government will be analyzed, the most complete exposition of his democratic theory, drafted and published in 1795. Contrary to Thermidorian and critical of what Jacobinism was, in this text Paine categorically opposes those who thought private property as a natural right that could be equivalent or even superior to the natural rights of freedom and equality. Finally, the text Agrarian Justice will be analyzed, the maximum expression of its social radicalism, produced in the winter of 1795-1796 (published in 1797). In reaction to both the irreducible liberalism of the Thermidorians and the egalitarian proposals of Graco Babeuf, the text presents itself as a proposal to eradicate poverty without breaking with the principles of what would be liberal politics. This analysis seeks to capture the meaning of Paine\'s thinking in the context of the French Revolution and to discuss the validity of Eric Hobsbawm\'s statement in the Age of Revolutions that Paine, radical in the United States, would be a \"moderate Girondist\" in France. Contrary to current interpretations, this research aims to rethink the figure of Paine, showing his relevance as an interpreter of the French Revolution and as a fundamental name for the history of political, religious and social thought.

Esta tese examina três escritos de Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborados durante a Revolução Francesa, os quais representam as reflexões mais radicais de seu pensamento religioso, político e social. Em primeiro lugar, será analisado o panfleto The Age of Reason, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo religioso, que teve sua primeira parte escrita em 1793 e a segunda em 1794. Contrapondo-se, por um lado, às religiões reveladas e, por outro lado, à descristianização do período jacobino, nesse texto o deísmo é apresentado como a face religiosa da democracia vindoura. Em segundo lugar, será analisado o texto Dissertation on the First Principles of Government, redigido e publicado em 1795, a mais acabada exposição da teoria democrática. A um só tempo contrário ao liberalismo termidoriano e crítico do que fora o jacobinismo, nesse texto Paine opõe-se categoricamente àqueles que pensavam a propriedade privada como um direito natural que poderia ser equivalente ou mesmo superior aos direitos naturais de liberdade e a igualdade. Por fim, será analisado o texto Agrarian Justice, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo social, produzido no inverno de 1795-1796 (publicado em 1797). Em reação tanto ao liberalismo irredutível dos termidorianos, quanto às propostas igualitaristas de Graco Babeuf, o texto apresenta-se como uma proposta de erradicação da pobreza sem romper com os princípios do que seria política liberal. Pretende-se captar o sentido do pensamento de Paine no contexto da Revolução Francesa e discutir a validadade da afirmação de Eric Hobsbawm na Era das Revoluções, segundo a qual Paine, radical nos Estados Unidos, seria um moderado girondino na França. Na contramão da maioria das interpretações correntes, a pesquisa objetiva repensar a figura de Paine, mostrando sua relevância como intérprete da Revolução Francesa e como nome fundamental para a história do pensamento político, religioso e social. / This thesis examines three writings of Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborated during the French Revolution, which represents the most radical reflections of his religious, political and social thought. In the first place, the pamphlet The Age of Reason will be analyzed, that contains the maximum expression of his religious radicalism, which have had its first part written in 1793 and the second in 1794. Contradicting, on the one hand, to the revealed religions, and, on the other hand, to the dechristianization of the Jacobin period, in this text, deism is presented as the religious face of the coming democracy. Secondly, the text Dissertation on the First Principles of Government will be analyzed, the most complete exposition of his democratic theory, drafted and published in 1795. Contrary to Thermidorian and critical of what Jacobinism was, in this text Paine categorically opposes those who thought private property as a natural right that could be equivalent or even superior to the natural rights of freedom and equality. Finally, the text Agrarian Justice will be analyzed, the maximum expression of its social radicalism, produced in the winter of 1795-1796 (published in 1797). In reaction to both the irreducible liberalism of the Thermidorians and the egalitarian proposals of Graco Babeuf, the text presents itself as a proposal to eradicate poverty without breaking with the principles of what would be liberal politics. This analysis seeks to capture the meaning of Paine\'s thinking in the context of the French Revolution and to discuss the validity of Eric Hobsbawm\'s statement in the Age of Revolutions that Paine, radical in the United States, would be a \"moderate Girondist\" in France. Contrary to current interpretations, this research aims to rethink the figure of Paine, showing his relevance as an interpreter of the French Revolution and as a fundamental name for the history of political, religious and social thought.

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The purpose of this review is to summarize the experiments that have been presented regarding guaranteed Basic Income, performed around the world; to see if a BI might fit into ”the Swedish model”; and what further research would be needed to understand the mechanics of BI. A theory has been used, designed to compare the effects of cash transfer programs irrespective of economic level of the countries. The experiments show many similarities, such as improved school attendance and achievements, improved health, enhanced economic equality, a sense of inclusion and security, and also, where this has been studied, less crime. Where BI has been beneath the level of economic sustenance a growth of working hours including self employment has been noted, whereas in countries with an income high enough to sustain oneself a slight diminished work supply has been reported. The effects shown in the review seem to be well aligned with the visions of the Swedish welfare state, although might not be in alignment with the growing use of “work fare” in Sweden. Further research should focus on more long-lasting experiments and also to find a common ground, on which to perform them to be able to compare results.

Nous proposons une actualisation et un prolongement de l’étude de référence BOURGUIGNON et CHIAPPORI (1998). Ces auteurs ont mis en évidence le fait que le système redistributif français est complexe, peu flexible, inefficace, au total assez faiblement redistributif et fortement biaisé à l’encontre des revenus du travail par rapport à ceux de l’épargne. Nous montrons comment le concept d’allocation universelle, conjugué à une imposition proportionnelle des revenus (flat tax), une taxe uniforme sur les patrimoines et un volet de prestations compassionnelles, permet de définir un ensemble redistributif présentant des caractéristiques opposées.La complexité laisse la place à une allocation universelle versée à tous les résidents en situation régulière, dont le montant varie uniquement selon l’âge, 340 euros mensuels pour les adultes, 192 euros pour les mineurs (montants calculés pour l’année 2010, indexés sur l’évolution du PIB), financée par le prélèvement de 18 % de l’ensemble des revenus. Une taxe sur l’actif net (1 % sur tous les patrimoines nets de dettes) remplace l’ensemble de la fiscalité du patrimoine et de sa transmission. Nous utilisons et adaptons l’outil de microsimulation développé par LANDAIS, PIKETTY, SAEZ (2011) pour comparer les effets redistributifs du système actuel à ceux de notre proposition, avec un niveau de précision inédit pour ce type de proposition. Au total, les caractéristiques redistributives analysées par déciles, centiles et milliles de revenus sont proches, les principales divergences ouvrant à une discussion sur l’équité du système actuel, plus particulièrement relativement à la fiscalité pesant sur le travail et les patrimoines les plus élevés. / We offer an update and extension of the Bourguignon and Chiappori (1998) reference document. These authors have shown that the French redistributive system is complex, inflexible, inefficient, not much redistributive and heavily biased against labor income as compared with savings and heritage.We show how the concept of basic income, combined with a flat tax on all income, a uniform tax on assets and additional compassionate services, defines a redistributive set with opposite characteristics.The complexity gives way to a universal allowance paid to all regular residents, which vary only by age, 340 euro a month for adults, 192 euro for children (amounts calculated for 2010, indexed on the evolution of GDP), financed by the levy of 18% of the total revenues. A tax on net assets (1% on all assets net of debt) replaces all of the taxation of wealth and its transmission.We use and adapt the microsimulation tool developed by Landais, Piketty, Saez (2011) to compare the distributional effects of the current system to those of our proposal, with an unprecedented level of accuracy for this type of proposal.In total, the redistributive features analyzed by deciles, percentiles and thousandth of income are close. The main differences open a discussion on the fairness of the current system, particularly with respect to the tax burden on labor and the highest wealth.

The master's thesis Universal basic income as a political concept and unfulfilled social reality puts focus on the concept of universalism in social policy and the possibilities of introducing its elements in the Czech Republic. The global discussion of the philosophy of social support and the popularised idea of unconditional financial transfers from the state to all citizens are thus translated into the Czech environment. The goal is to evaluate the instances hitherto applied at home and abroad, consider the perks and shortcomings of universal income, set the discussion within the contemporary Czech social framework, and assess whether it is realistic to implement reforms of this kind. The first chapter describes universal income as a concept, the second evaluates the history of universalism in the Czech Republic, the third provides an overview of the current Czech social system, and the fourth ponders possible avenues of implementing universalist reforms. The thesis aims to verify two hypotheses: the first one is to determine to which extent previous forms of universalism in the Czech environment proved to be successful; the second deals with the possibility and merits of introducing further blanket instruments in 2020. In both cases, the research puts emphasis on cash transfers to the...

Syftet med denna uppsats var att sammanställa forskning om vilken påverkan basinkomst har på mottagarnas psykiska hälsa. Vi ville även undersöka hur införandet av basinkomst påverkat sambandet mellan ekonomiska problem och psykisk hälsa samt diskutera resultaten utifrån kopplingen mellan basinkomst, psykisk hälsa och den teoretiska referensramen. Uppsatsens forskningsfråga löd: Hur har genomförda prövningar av basinkomst påverkat deltagarnas psykiska hälsa? Forskningsfrågan besvarades genom en litteraturöversikt där i nio artiklar (varav en monografi) ingick, vilka rapporterade resultat från prövningar av införande av basinkomst där både kvantitativa och kvalitativa studier inkluderades. Artiklarna och monografin samlades in genom sökningar i databaserna Scopus, Onesearch och Social Services Abstracts samt sekundärsökningar. En kvalitativ innehållsanalys tillämpades där tre huvudteman: Delaktighet och gemenskap, Autonomi samt Hälsoeffekter med underteman identifierades. Empirin analyserades med hjälp av teorierna empowerment samt stigma och skam. Slutsatsen utifrån uppsatsens syfte visade att experiment med basinkomst, villkorad eller ovillkorad, ökade mottagarnas psykiska hälsa. Känslan av empowerment ökade hos mottagarna och resultatet visar att mottagarna upplevde mer livstillfredsställelse, ökad delaktighet, minskad stigmatisering, skam och ökat självbestämmande. Detta gemensamt bidrog till känslan av makt över det egna livet och förmåga att hantera motgångar. / The purpose of this essay was to compile research on the impact basic income has on the recipients' mental health. We also wanted to examine how the introduction of basic income affected the connection between financial problems and mental health and discuss the results based on the connection between basic income, mental health and the theoretical frame of reference. The essay's research question was: How have completed trials of basic income affected the mental health of the participants? The research question was answered by a literature review in which nine articles (of which one monograph) were included, which reported results from trials of the introduction of basic income where both quantitative and qualitative studies were included. The articles and monograph were collected through searches of the Scopus, Onesearch and Social Services Abstracts databases as well as secondary searches. A qualitative content analysis was applied where three main themes: Participation and community, Autonomy and Health effects with sub-themes were identified. The experience was analyzed using the theories of empowerment and stigma and shame. The conclusion based on the purpose of the essay showed that experiments with basic income, conditional or unconditional, increased the mental health of the recipients. The sense of empowerment increased in the recipients and the results show that the recipients experienced more life satisfaction, increased participation, reduced stigma, shame and increased self-determination. This jointly contributed to the feeling of power over one's life and ability to deal with adversity.

Thesis(LLM.) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / Ravaged by the socio-economic ills of poverty, income inequality and unemployment, South Africa entrenched the constitutional right to access social assistance for everyone unable to support themselves and their dependents under section 27(1)(c). The state is obliged to create a comprehensive social security system, to ensure that all who need social assistance access it. But not all poor and deserving people access social assistance. The study found that underlying the obligation to improve the quality of life for all is the fundamental normative commitment to access social assistance. In 2002, the Taylor Committee recommended, inter alia, that the state implements a Basic Income Grant (hereafter the ‘BIG’) as part of its comprehensive social security project. The study thus examines the legal feasibility of the BIG to provide social income support to eliminate widespread socio-economic ills, for all in South Africa. The study makes use of a desktop qualitative methodology garnered four-folded objectives. The relevant revelations were as follows: First, the study found that international and regional frameworks do not directly guarantee poor able-bodied working-age adults any social income support. Second, the study found that little jurisprudence interprets the right to social assistance, let alone a BIG. But a general body of socio-economic judgments developed over the years can aid in developing the right. Third, the study found that Covid-19 resurrected the over two-decade laments for a BIG, given the R350 Covid-19 SRD grants that were since provided. It was further found that there is reasonably sufficient capacity to roll out the BIG. Finally, the study included a comparative perspective and identified the Republic of Namibia, as the right comparator. The study found that South Africa can learn from the tremendous improvements in the quality of the lives of the people of Otjievero since the Namibian BIG Pilot Project. Also, the study found that there are numerous financing avenues for the BIG. Ultimately, the study recommended the gradual implementation of a BIG, starting with those aged 18 to 59 years.

近年來，先近諸國無不提出各自版本的「4.0高科技發展策略」，在此先進科技架構下，過去不斷討論的「機器取代人力」的爭論再次浮現。本研究將探討的是：在不久後的將來，4.0高科技發展策略的科技發展是否會威脅人們的工作？又，哪些工作可能被取代？以及工作模式會產生哪些改變？另外，在前述工作的轉變下，企業及社會制度（法政策）應做好怎樣的準備？ 　　本研究由先進諸國對此議題的探討以及政策目標著手，統整包括各國以4.0高科技發展策略的四大核心科技所訂下的策略，以及各領域專家對科技造成工作種類（哪些工作會消失或改變）及型態（勞動彈性化、遠距工作、獨立的知識工作者）轉變的看法、對法政策層次造成的衝擊，接著由前述文獻探討的結果，自行統整出的框架，以套用在台灣現況。 　　前述分析完成後，則聚焦台灣，從產業、社會狀況及政策等層次分析台灣是否已經準備好迎接這波浪潮，以及台灣有何優勢劣勢等。最後，訪談企業個案，並了解以下議題：企業使用4.0高科技發展策略的科技狀況、企業個案對未來的規劃與預測以及個案認為台灣社會應做的準備，並套用上述的各國及台灣文獻分析結果，提出針對企業個案的建議：包括判斷企業內的哪些工作能在新科技介入後更有效率，具體判斷程序為何？以及對個案形塑未來科技化職場的短程及長程建議等。根據上述企業所做的調整建議，亦可提供台灣社會反思的機會，並在研究的最後提出對這波自動化浪潮台灣所應做的準備，在法政策面向上尚有哪些不足。 　　本研究分析由各學者提出的理論，統合意見後認為:企業層次方面，在資源有限的狀況下，面臨4.0高科技發展策略科技導入議題的取捨時，應描繪出未來的企業的圖像，方能明確目標，以量販流通業個案為例：應思索要側重電商自動化或是實體賣場無人化，方有助於排定先後順序，以集中資源提升企業競爭力，行有餘力，則可兩者兼顧；為協助前項建議，本研究提出3W分析法，建議企業就工作說明書進行分析，統整出哪些工作較具有被取代的潛力、時程如何，套用3W分析法的優點在於，企業可思索那些工作可由科技優化，讓企業更能綜觀企業內勞動力狀況，明確策略目標的同時，以漸進式的手法導入科技，改變工作種類及型態，並且，亦可做為提供員工訓練設計的重要依據；至於在台灣社會方面，根據分析，在未來不同時程下，例行性、可預測性的工作將大受威脅，另外，勞動市場將可能變得懸殊化，在勞動法制的領域上應加強彈性安全的勞動市場模式，可參考先進國家的做法，並進一步思索未來無條件基本收入制的可行性。