Discourse has the power to organize thought—and therefore, to limit imagination. The purpose of this project is to trace the contours of climate change discourse constructed by transnational fossil fuel corporations, to make visible the ideological barriers it creates to imagining post-capitalist alternatives. It is undertaken in the context of a well-established urgency for global collaboration to halt, mitigate, and adapt to the social, economic, and ecological impacts of climate change, and takes as its point of departure the fundamental link between ecological degradation and the capitalist mode of production (with its accompanying imperatives of accumulation and profit), as well as the necessity of counter-hegemonic praxis to pursuing system-transformative change on the scale required for humanity to negotiate the looming crisis in a just and ecologically viable way. Conceptualizing popular media as a discursive battleground in which the voices of corporations (through the evolving mediums of advertisement) are privileged, I employ critical discourse analysis to explore the framing of climate change messages by five major transnational oil and gas corporations, toward developing an analytical framework for the burgeoning climate change movement grounded at the intersection of global corporate capitalism and ecological degradation. Climate change messages included images, videos, and narratives intended for public consumption which spoke to the source, resolution, and/or future of human-induced and climate-related ecological problems. These were drawn from corporate websites, blogs, Facebook and Twitter feeds, and YouTube channels over the course of 2016. As action research, I have undertaken this project with the explicit aim of empowering climate movements – of which I count myself a part – to imagine alternative futures. To contribute to this aim, I have created a media literacy toolkit that links corporate climate change messages with the interests they represent to make visible the dynamics of power that mobilize those interests. / Graduate

Changements climatiques, « trou » dans la couche d’ozone, dérèglement du cycle du carbone, érosion de la biodiversité ; l’ensemble de ces éléments atteste d’une amplification et d’une accélération contemporaine des perturbations dans les processus de structuration du système planétaire (Ecosphère) faisant écho à la progression de violences conjoncturelles et structurelles mettant en péril le « bien vivre » des sociétés et des individus les composant (Anthroposphère). Plus que sa dimension financière, à laquelle elle ne peut être réduite, la crise actuelle possède un aspect multiple et global qui met en lumière les caractères « insoutenable » (écologiquement) et « insupportable » (socialement) du modèle de développement contemporain. Dans ce cadre, ces éléments seront appréhendés à partir de la notion d’ordre et plus spécifiquement de la relation Ordre du Monde (OdM) Ordre Mondial (OM), afin de déterminer les conditions de leur compatibilité. Si l’Ordre du Monde renvoie à l’ensemble des lois naturelles du Cosmos, l’Ordre Mondial reste, malgré son utilisation récurrente, une notion à (re)construire. L’origine de notre réflexion se situe en ce sens dans la confusion récurrente qui existe entre deux réalités différentes, le Système Mondial Capitaliste (SMC) et l’Ordre Mondial. Cet amalgame résulte d’un double mouvement : la « naturalisation » du Système Mondial Capitaliste d’un côté et la « mystification » de l’Ordre Mondial de l’autre, qui tendent tous deux, conjointement, à réduire le second (Ordre Mondial) au premier (Système Mondial Capitaliste). Afin de dépasser ces contradictions apparentes, il conviendra de s’interroger sur les modalités de la transition vers un Ordre Mondial post-capitaliste, fondé sur l’en-commun ; dans cette optique, on s’interrogera plus particulièrement sur les voies de l’émancipation pensées à partir de l’Amérique latine. / Climate change, “hole” in the ozone layer, disorders of the carbon cycle, erosion of the biodiversity; all these elements gives evidence of an increase and a contemporary acceleration of the disturbances in the processes of structuring of the planetary system (Ecosphere) echoing the progress of cyclical and structural violence putting in danger the “good life” of societies and individuals composing them (Anthroposphere). More than her financial dimension, to which she cannot be reduced, the current crisis possesses a multiple and global aspect which brings to light the characters “unsustainable” (ecologically) and “unbearable” (socially) of the model of contemporary development. In this frame, these elements will be viewed from the notion of order and more specifically the relation Earth Order - World Order, to determine the conditions of their compatibility. If Earth Order refers to all the natural laws of the Cosmos, the World Order remains, in spite of its recurring use, a notion to build. The origin of our reflection is this way situated in the recurring confusion that exists between two different realities, the Capitalist World System and the World Order. This mixture results from a double movement: the “naturalization” of the Capitalist World System on one side and the “mystification” of the World Order of the other one, which aim both, jointly, to reduce the second (World Order) to the first one (Capitalist World System). To go beyond these seeming contradictions, it will be advisable to wonder about the modalities of the transition towards a World Order post-capitalist, based on the “shared-common”; in this optics, we shall wonder more particularly about the ways of the emancipation from the Latin America.

Este estudo busca propor uma análise do fenômeno de desmatamento ilegal da Reserva Legal, objetivando compreender os fatores que condicionaram o baixo enforcement exercido pelo Estado acerca do cumprimento das regras de conservação da Reserva Legal instituídas pela Lei nº 4.771 de 15 de setembro de 1965 e suas alterações (Código Florestal). Para tanto, foi necessário conhecer o estado da arte dos trabalhos científicos que abordam assuntos relacionados ao desmatamento ilegal da Reserva Legal, enfatizando pesquisas realizadas na Amazônia Legal, em particular no Estado de Mato Grosso, e ao mesmo tempo entender o ambiente institucional de criação e construção das regras de conservação da vegetação nativa dentro da propriedade rural, sobretudo a Lei 4.771 de 15 de setembro de 1965 (Código Florestal). Sendo assim, assumindo a análise da relação do Estado com a sociedade como um fator crucial ao entendimento da pergunta central do trabalho, apropriou-se de alguns conceitos da Teoria do Estado capitalista de Nicos Poulantzas, como modo de produção, classe social e poder, sob a ótica que o Estado não é sujeito tão pouco coisa ou objeto de uma determinada classe ou frações de classe, mas sim a condensação das contradições existentes entre as diversas práticas de classe numa formação social, permitindo a manutenção ou subversão da unidade desta formação. Neste sentido, optou-se por uma primeira aproximação acerca da formação econômico-social do Estado de Mato Grosso, pois diversas propriedades rurais localizadas nesta porção do território brasileiro ainda apresentam o mesmo proprietário que realizara a retirada da vegetação nativa para o estabelecimento do monocultivo. Com efeito, buscando uma contextualização do estudo em questão em virtude de evidências empíricas de áreas de Reserva Legal inferiores ao limite mínimo exigido em lei, optou-se pela análise de propriedades rurais localizadas no município de Sorriso, Mato Grosso. Todas as propriedades rurais dos sojicutores entrevistados que realizaram o desmatamento até 1995 apresentaram passivo ambiental em relação à Reserva Legal. Assim, justifica-se o reduzido enforcement do Estado em relação ao cumprimento da regra acerca da Reserva Legal no município de Sorriso, ao período do início da colonização privada da década de 1970 até a primeira metade da década de 1990, pela permanência dos interesses da classe latifundiária e dos grandes produtores no poder do Estado. Desta maneira, não fazia parte no horizonte dos seus interesses dentro de sua prática de classe, permitir que sua principal atividade fosse obliterada pelas regras de conservação da Reserva Legal. Importante lembrar que no Estado de Mato Grosso, os interesses ambientalistas passaram a ter força social e ser representados como classe lutando pelos seus interesses no seio do poder do Estado, a partir da década de 1990. / This study expects to set an analysis about the illegal deforestation phenomenum of the Legal Reserve in many brazilian rural properties in order to clarify the driven factors of the lack State enforcement related to formal rules conservation of natural cover vegetation inside rural propertires instituted by the federal law 4.771, September 15, 1965 (Brazilian Forest Code). Thus it was necessary to access the actual state of the art in scientific research related to the illegal deforestation of Legal Reserve, aiming scientific studies developed in the Legal Amazon, in particular in the State of Mato Grosso. At the same time, it was needed to understand the institutional environment related to the creation of natural vegetation conservation rules for rural properties, in particular the institution of the Brazilian Forest Code. Assuming the analysis of the State and society relation as a key factor to solve the main question of this dissertation, a theoretical framework proposed by Nicos Poulantzas to explain the Capitalist State was chosen. In fact some key concepts based on his theory, such as social class, power and means of production were aplied in a case study (rural properties from Sorriso, State of Mato Grosso) structured on his proposal that the State does not mean the subject or the object of some specific class, but the contradictions consolidation from the class conflicts in a social formation. The State of Mato Grosso was chosen as a result of many rural properties there still have the same owner which provided the deforestation of natural cover vegetation. This fact was empirically observed in some rural properties of Sorriso, where levels of Legal Reserve conservation were below than permitted by the Brazilian Forest Code. Nevertheless, in order to give a scientific basis to the case study, an analysis of the economic and social formation of the State of Mato Grosso was constructed. The levels of Legal Reserve in all rural properties analised were bellow than the legal limities related to the Forest Code. Then, the lack State enforcement of formal rules related to conservation of natural cover vegetation inside rural propertires for the analised period can be explained by the continue presence in the State power of the landlord class and big farm producers interests. Based on the last observation, the class strugle in the State power would not aloud to have it´s mains activity constrained by the conservation rules of the Forest Code. It´s important to remember that environmental interests became to have a class representation in the State of Mato Grosso in the early nineties decade.

The arrest of Meng Wanzhou and the Huawei prosecution have revealed a mounting battle for high-tech supremacy between the United States and China. The ongoing technology war and the trade war are merely one dimension of a far-reaching and accelerating imperialist rivalry. The changing reality on the world stage has urged a reconsideration of the thesis of transnational capitalist class (TCC) and theory of globalization in general. By reviewing the historical debate between the globalist and critical realist schools, I argue that William Carroll’s theoretical frame of global capitalism grounded in corporate network research through emphasizing a dialectical process of the ‘making’ of the TCC is better equipped to explain the unfolding Sino-U.S. conflict. Following Carroll’s multilayered approach to corporate network research, I conduct a corporate network analysis to examine the directorate interlocks of 40 Chinese transnational corporations (TNCs) selected from the Fortune Global 500 list. My study has found that the transnational networks of Chinese TNCs have remained considerably sparse, contained within condensed national networks. The globalization of Chinese TNCs and Chinese corporate elite has been modest and has not undermined or replaced the national base. This is due to two crucial reasons: the statist character of Chinese capitalist class and the regionalized development of global capitalism and class formation. In concordance with Carroll’s network research of Western companies, my study of corporate China reaffirms the fragility of the TCC, its internal friction, and potential decomposition. It also provides a material ground for analyzing the Sino-U.S. inter-imperialist rivalry as a structural development out of global capitalism and its class relations. My thesis study, therefore, offers the first attempt to draw a direct linkage between corporate network formation and geopolitical conflict. / Graduate

[pt] Este trabalho propõe uma interpretação alternativa da eleição de Donald Trump à presidência dos Estados Unidos, a partir de uma releitura do conceito de ultraimperialismo, de Karl Kautsky. Para esta releitura, o trabalho se apoia na literatura marxista sobre o imperialismo, nas contribuições teóricas de Antonio Gramsci e Robert Cox, e no conceito de Classe Capitalista Transnacional. É empreendia uma análise histórica do desenvolvimento do império estadunidense em sua dimensão doméstica – a emergência do bloco hegemônico em torno do New Deal – e externa, a expansão do modelo hegemônico à ordem mundial. A partir de uma análise histórica e ideacional, é observado o papel do conservadorismo e do neoliberalismo, dentro dos EUA, na formação do novo bloco que alcança supremacia mundial a partir dos anos 1980. Este bloco tem orientação globalista, ou seja, tem por objetivo a integração de todas as economias nacionais ao capitalismo global. Argumenta-se que o bloco é liderado por classes capitalistas transnacionais que empregam o poder estatal para avançar essa integração, enquanto a articulação entre conservadorismo e neoliberalismo legitima o processo. Neste contexto, o império estadunidense assume o papel de Estado líder em um cartel de países capitalistas avançados – o ultraimpério – promovendo integração desigual e mantendo relações de dependência. As contradições deste arranjo, somadas às contradições do bloco globalista, contribuíram para a ascensão de Donald Trump, que foi capaz de articular, eleitoralmente, um desafio à agenda globalista. Conclui-se argumentando que a permanência dessas contradições resultará em novos fenômenos como Trump, no futuro. / [en] This work proposes an alternative interpretation of Donald Trump’s election to the presidency of the United States, through a rereading of Karl Kautsky’s concept of ultra-imperialism. For this, the work is supported by the Marxist literature on imperialism, on Antonio Gramsci’s and Robert Cox s theoretical contributions, and on the concept of Transnational Capitalist Class. It undertakes a historical analysis of the development of the US empire in its domestic dimension – the emergence of a hegemonic bloc around the New Deal – and external, the expansion of the hegemonic model to the world order. It is observed, through a historical and ideational analysis, the role of conservatism and neoliberalism, inside the US, in the formation of the new bloc that achieves world supremacy from the 1980s onwards. This bloc has a globalist orientation, that is, its objective is to integrate all national economies to global capitalism. It is argued that the bloc is led by transnational capitalist classes that employ state power to advance this integration, while the articulation between conservatism and neoliberalism legitimates the process. In this context, the US empire assumes the role of leading state in a cartel of advanced capitalist countries – the ultra-empire – promoting uneven integration and the persistence of relations of dependency. The contradictions of this arrangement, added to the contradictions of the globalist bloc, contributed to the rise of Donald Trump, who was able to articulate, in the elections, a challenge to the globalist agenda. In the conclusion, it is argued that the permanence of these contradictions will result in new phenomena like Trump, in the future.

This dissertation investigates the brand identities of the South African Broadcasting Corporation television channels SABC1, SABC2 and SABC3 during the first decade of the 2000s (from 2000 to 2009). The study explores the manifestation and dissemination of dominant political ideologies and myths by the SABC television channels and their respective brand identities. It is argued that SABC television channels are structured and organised according to specific brand ideologies that match dominant political ideologies prevalent in South Africa. This is evident from the manner in which these channels have been organised, defined and redefined over the past years, and also from the self-promotional visual imagery shown by the television channels. The visual brand identities of each channel create the elements that make up each channel’s visual vocabulary, and each visual vocabulary in turn contributes to notions of “South Africanness” and definitions of South African identity. The study also explores the main concepts of ideology theory as a critical discursive practice to assist in a better understanding of the power relations in the SABC and its channel brands in particular. Some developments and changes in the SABC brand identities and the organisation of its television channels are studied from a historical perspective and correlated with ideology theory. In order to do this, the study also draws from semiotic theory. The author notes the semiotic quality of a brand and argues that the process of branding, the process of semiosis and the process of the dissemination of political ideologies bear structural resemblance. Basic definitions and key concepts of branding and corporate identity contribute to an enhanced understanding of the visual brand identities of the SABC television channels. An exploration of the elements specific to television channel branding helps to determine the signs, codes and meanings in SABC television channel branding. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

No description available.

This paper analyses the environmental policy documents of Vänsterpartiet (Left Party) and Socialdemokraterna (Social Democratic Party) based on the theories of ecological modernization (EMT) and critical environmental sociology (CES), constructed as ideal types. The aim is to explain ideational differences and similarities based on the ideal types of each theory and how well the parties can be linked to the ideal types of EMT and CES, their similarities and differences. The results show that there is a clear ideational distinction between the Left Party and the Social Democratic Party and that their views on solutions to climate change and subsequent environmental issues, based on ecological modernization theory and critical environmental sociology, differ despite other ideational similarities. The Left Party adheres more to the ideal type of CES and the Social Democratic Party adheres more to the ideal type of EMT.

[pt] A desigualdade, em suas diversas manifestações, está no centro do debate da economia política há algumas décadas. Dentre dos principais fatores que influenciam as vertentes interessadas nesse debate, há as orientações políticas e a visão de como o Estado se relaciona com o mercado e com a sociedade. Na Europa, em contraste com a ideia segundo a qual os Estados mais desenvolvidos deveriam ter condições de vida melhores, observou-se, nos últimos cinquenta anos, uma queda (média) dos índices de bem estar socioeconômicos. Isto, embora esteja de acordo com a maioria dos estudos desenvolvidos, não é um ponto de partida suficiente para uma análise mais aprofundada sobre a realidade dos países europeus nos dias de hoje. Ao se pesquisar os indicadores de desigualdade dos países dessa área, percebeu-se uma tendência às mudanças de caráter regional que levariam a algumas hipóteses de que determinados países, com economia e história parecida, teriam seguido o mesmo caminho de aumento/diminuição do nível de desigualdade. O que foi apontado, apesar de já ser muito interessante, foi tomando uma forma ainda mais relevante quando se viu que os agrupamentos por regiões respeitavam, também, essas tendências sob uma chave de leitura de concentração de renda e de estrutura e mobilidade social. Se o índice de Gini (principal índice utilizado para a definição do nível de desigualdade) já pode ser visto como um fator relevante para se estudar a evolução socioeconômica desses países, resulta ainda mais profícuo associar a esse estudo uma análise sobre a polarização das rendas para se ter uma maior clareza sobre o que aconteceu de fato, e de forma mais dinâmica, nos diversos países ao longo do período considerado. As tendências encontradas com esta última análise não só revelam fatores muito peculiares em relação às diversas políticas adotadas pelos respectivos Estados, quanto constituem uma sequência de todos os momentos em que houve mudanças tanto no mercado internacional quanto no interno (como sua consequência). Com o objetivo de entender que tipo de mudanças se manifestaram nos países da região europeia, quais foram as mais significativas e como podem ser explicadas de forma inicial para futuros estudos, essa pesquisa procura se colocar como uma análise multidimensional sobre os fenômenos mais abrangentes que o mercado e o Capital internacional geraram nas dimensões estatais. Seguindo uma vertente crítica que ponha essas problemáticas em um plano aberto de análises dinâmicas, contínuas e sem um ponto final às múltiplas respostas a serem encontradas, uma indagação na chave do materialismo histórico marxiano e marxista constituirá a metodologia, as fontes e as escolhas analíticas que serão utilizadas. / [en] Inequality, in its different forms, was putted in the middle of the political economy debate for decades. One of the main factors that influenced both sides involved in this debate, besides political orientations, stands the view of how the State interacts with the market e with the society. In Europe, on the opposite side of thinking about the more developed is a State the more its society is living in better conditions, in the last fifty years a decrease of all the socioeconomic indices was observed. That, although it is a very significant point in common among all the academic works, it is not satisfying for a deeper analysis on the nowadays European countries reality. Searching for the area s countries inequality factors, a tendency to change was observed regionally. That could suggests a common path for the countries of the same area, that has had leaded to same inequality indices. What was pointed out, although is yet a very prominent subject to be studied, it was just the beginning of a more relevant observation when common points suggesting closer clustering of income concentration and social mobility structure was found out. If Gini Index (the main index used to measure inequality) could be seen yet as a relevant factor to study socioeconomic evolution of those countries, it is even more profitable to link an analysis leaded by income polarization indices to this research, in order to see clearer what happened to the European countries, socially and economically speaking, during the chosen period. Founded trends thanks to this kind of analysis not just show us some peculiarities about the diverse politics used by different States, but also sets a time-laps of every single event in which, both on the international and national market, significant changes has happened as its consequence. With the goal of catching these king of changes of the European area, which ones were more relevant and how they can be explained for future understandings, this dissertation try to work as a multidimensional analysis about wider phenomena caused by international market and capital on the national plane. Following a critical theory that puts all that issues on a wider plane of investigation, a Marxian historical materialism analysis leads the main methodology of the research, as well as the analytical choices and sources to be used.

Denna studie undersöker entreprenöriella egenskaper och deras roll i investeringsbeslut. Processen från idé till förverkligande är utmanande och kräver tid, kompetens och framför allt kapital. Studien syftar till att identifiera och formulera vilka egenskaper som är mest betydelsefulla för riskkapitalister och vad som bedöms när en entreprenör söker investering. På så vis belyses hur entreprenörer agerar vid investeringstillfällen och deras syn på vad riskkapitalister värderar. Syftet med studien är att skapa en övergripande förståelse för de egenskaper hos entreprenörer, särskilt inom svenska startups, som påverkar riskkapitalisters investeringsbeslut. För att uppnå detta syfte inkluderar studien även att identifiera relevanta verktyg och ramverk som kan underlätta förståelsen och identifieringen av dessa egenskaper hos entreprenörer. Detta genomförs med hjälp av en kvalitativ studie baserat på intervjuer från riskkapitalister och entreprenörer. Genom att formulera en kravlista med de mest relevanta egenskaperna och deras betydelse ämnar studien att bidra till en ökad förståelse av detta dynamiska samspel. En viktig insikt från studien är att trots att det finns flera kriterier att beakta vid investeringstillfällen, är entreprenören den avgörande faktorn. Därför är egenskaper såsom förmågan att sälja, självförtroende och uthållighet, bland andra, avgörande för att säkra finansiering och lyckas med företaget. En ytterligare insikt från denna studie är att verktyg såsom due diligence och ramverk som The Big Five kan underlätta för både riskkapitalister och entreprenörer att bedöma vilka egenskaper som är mest avgörande beroende på omständigheterna. / This study investigates entrepreneurial traits and their role in investment decisions. The process from idea to realization is challenging and requires time, competence, and, above all, capital. The study aims to identify and formulate the traits that are most significant for venture capitalists and what is assessed when an entrepreneur seeks investment. In this way, the study highlights how entrepreneurs act during investment opportunities and their perspective on what venture capitalists value. The purpose of the study is to create a comprehensive understanding of the traits in entrepreneurs, particularly within Swedish startups, that influence venture capitalists' investment decisions. To achieve this purpose, the study also includes identifying relevant tools and frameworks that can facilitate the understanding and identification of these traits in entrepreneurs. This is accomplished through a qualitative study based on interviews with venture capitalists and entrepreneurs. By formulating a checklist of the most relevant traits and their significance, the study aims to contribute to a greater understanding of this dynamic interaction. An important insight from the study is that despite the numerous criteria to consider during investment opportunities, the entrepreneur is the decisive factor. Therefore, traits such as the ability to sell, self-confidence, and perseverance, among others, are crucial for securing financing and succeeding with the business. An additional insight from this study is that tools such as due diligence and frameworks like The Big Five can facilitate both venture capitalists and entrepreneurs in assessing which traits are most crucial depending on the circumstances.