Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-03-25T23:59:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 0000142C.pdf: 3493803 bytes, checksum: b888b7b4d1367f34552288f1f116937e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-25T23:59:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 0000142C.pdf: 3493803 bytes, checksum: b888b7b4d1367f34552288f1f116937e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Nenhuma / O presente trabalho visa a estabelecer as bases para a construção, a partir da obra de Ronald Dworkin, das premissas de uma teoria democrática da decisão jurídica que seja adequada para o Brasil. A ideia é identificar e discutir algumas das principais teses e hipóteses do jusfilósofo norte-americano, propondo uma apropriação de seus conceitos interpretativosno contexto da experiência constitucional brasileira. Para tanto, promove-se inicialmente uma discussão sobre o seu conceito de democracia (partnership conception) e sobre a sua concepção de revisão judicial da legislação (judicial review). A decisão jurídica é apresentada como uma questão de democracia, ideia que é defendida por meio de um contraste com o pensamento de Jürgen Habermas e Jeremy Waldron, e de uma aproximação com a perspectiva adotada, no Brasil, por Lenio Streck. Por meio de uma análise teórica e filosófica do debate Hart/Dworkin, são defendidas as seguintes premissas: a) a tarefa central da teoria jurídica contemporânea é normativa, no sentido de que deve fornecer critérios para a decisão; b) a verdade não é estranha ao domínio da Moral, sendo possível fazer juízos morais objetivos (há um debate, neste ponto, com o pensamento de Brian Leiter); e c) o Direito, desde um ponto de vista interpretativo, pode ser concebido como uma subdivisão da moralidade política, sem que isso prejudique a sua autonomia. O Direito é um conceito interpretativo e, no domínio da interpretação, são as ideias de responsabilidade e de valor que aproximam o argumento da verdade. Defende-se, assim, a epistemologia da responsabilidade proposta por Dworkin: quando se adere a uma prática interpretativa (um gênero interpretativo), atribui-se a esta um propósito e assume-se a responsabilidade de promover aquele valor. Este argumento pode ser iluminado pela Hermenêutica Filosófica de Hans-Georg Gadamer, cujos pontos de contato com o interpretativismo dworkiniano são investigados. Transportadas estas ideias para o âmbito do Direito, passa-se a defender a estratégia de leitura moral (moral reading) de dispositivos constitucionais. De acordo com a leitura moral, as decisões jurídicas devem ser geradas por princípios. A interpretação construtiva da Constituição leva à tese de que uma decisão jurídica e democraticamente correta deve ter a sua legitimidade confirmada de dois modos: por um lado, deve ser produto de um procedimento constitucionalmente adequado, por meio do qual se garanta, aos interessados, aquilo que Dworkin chama de participação moral; por outro, a decisão deve estar fundamentada numa interpretação que, dirigida à integridade, honre a responsabilidade enquanto virtude. A isso demos o nome de dupla dimensão da resposta correta. / This research aims to lay the basis for the construction of a democratic theory of legal decision, suitable for Brasil, grounded upon the work of Ronald Dworkin. The idea is to identify and discuss some of the main theses and hypotheses of the American legal philosopher, proposing an appropriation of his interpretive conceptsin the context of the Brazilian constitutional experience. In order to do so, it promotes a discussion of his concept of democracy (partnership conception) and of his conception of judicial review. Legal decision-making is presented as a question of democracy, and this point is argued by means of a contrast with the work of Jürgen Habermas and Jeremy Waldron, and by an approximation to the perspective adopted in Brazil by Lenio Streck. Through a theoretical and philosophical analysis of the Hart/Dworkin debate, the following assumptions are stated: a) the central task of legal theory is normative, meaning that it should provide criteria for decision-making; b) there is truth to be found in the Morality domain; it is therefore possible to make objetive moral judgements (there is a debate, at this point, with the ideas of Brian Leiter); and c) Law, from an interpretive standpoint, can be conceived as a branch of morality, without losing its autonomy. Law is an interpretive concept and, in the interpretation domain, ideas of responsability and valuepoint the argument toward the truth. Integrated epistemology, as proposed by Dworkin, is adopted here: when someone joins an interpretive practice (an interpretive genre), he not only sets a purpose to it, but he also assumes the responsability to promote that value. This argument may be illuminated by Hans-Georg Gadamer’sPhilosophical Hermeneutics, and the possible links between Gadamer’s work and dworkinian interpretivismare investigated. Once these ideias are brought into the Law realm, the moral reading of the Constitution strategy emerges. According to the moral readingthesis, legal decisions should be generated by principles. Constructive interpretation of constitutional provisions leads to the thesis that a legal and democratically correct decision should have its legitimacy confirmed in two ways: first, it must be the result of a constitutionally proper procedure, by which isguaranteed, to its participants, what Dworkin calls moral participation; second, the decision should be grounded upon an interpretation that aims to integrity and honors responsability as a virtue. This is what is called the double dimension of the right answer.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-04-18T18:20:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Cacinotti Costa_.pdf: 2247842 bytes, checksum: ad864c82d79f75219c566126c27f6458 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T18:20:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Cacinotti Costa_.pdf: 2247842 bytes, checksum: ad864c82d79f75219c566126c27f6458 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-14 / Nenhuma / A partir de premissas filosóficas de Martin Heidegger (indícios formais), o presente trabalho visa estabelecer as bases para a construção de uma teoria interpretativa adequada para o Direito, principalmente no que se refere ao sentido das coisas (conceitos jurídicos), sem jamais perder de vista a democracia e o respeito à Constituição. A ideia é reconstruir um pouco da trajetória heideggeriana em direção à fenomenologia da faticidade, como instrumento pensado para superação do avanço da metafísica e, consequentemente, do relativismo no Direito. Aborda-se um novo conceito de mundo vivido, caracterizado pela experiência da vida fática. Nesse contexto, a Filosofia recebe importância singular, já que é a partir dela que se torna possível transcender em direção ao novo e ao diferente. Pensar o sentido das coisas significa abandonar a relação sujeito-objeto, valorizar o tempo e deixar que o sentido aconteça na linguagem, a partir da força da tradição histórica (Gadamer). Para tanto, promove-se uma discussão sobre os efeitos do senso comum na comunidade jurídica, cuja superação perpassa necessariamente por uma destruição fenomenológica. A crise no Direito, representada principalmente pelo protagonismo judicial, é apresentada como uma questão de democracia, ideia defendida através de uma aproximação com o pensamento de Ronald Dworkin, assim como pela perspectiva teórica adotada no Brasil por Lenio Streck. A hermenêutica heideggeriana é apresentada pelo método dos indícios formais, pensado no âmbito interpretativo como forma de superação da relativização/entificação dos sentidos. O caráter interpretativo dos indícios formais e a sua função referencial ganha força na medida em que se compreendem os prejuízos da própria cognição, a concepção prévia, o círculo hermenêutico e, como não poderia deixar de ser, da própria noção do Dasein. Embora já em condições de distinguir o comportamento interpretativo típico da tradição metafísica (ôntico) do comportamento interpretativo ontológico, o método das indicações formais anseia por mais. É necessário não desprezar o tempo para todo o intento interpretativo, situação que se intensifica quando é necessário estabelecer conceitos para chegar a resultados, como no Direito. A tese que o Direito e a moral são co-originários ganha força na medida em que se analisam algumas teorias jurídico-filosófica: i) A dimensão moral no Direito em Otfried Höffe (Justiça Política); ii) A dimensão ética do Direito e a autoridade moral da Constituição; iii) A dimensão moral do Direito em Ronald Dworkin. De acordo com a co-originariedade entre Direito e moral, a construção da interpretação jurídica de uma comunidade não se contenta exclusivamente com a forma ou com o procedimento. Isso porque, se faz necessário um compromisso ético-moral de substancialidade democrática, que perpassa a responsabilidade de todos os partícipes. / The present work aims, from philosophical premises of Martin Heidegger (formal evidences), lay the foundation for building a proper interpretive theory for the law, especially in what regards to the meaning of things (legal concepts), without ever losing view of democracy and respect for the Constitution. The idea is to reconstruct some of Heidegger's trajectory towards the phenomenology of facticity as an instrument designed to overcome the metaphysical advancement and hence relativism. It approaches a new concept of lived world, characterized by the experience of factual life. In this context, Philosophy receives singular importance, since it is from there that it is possible to transcend towards the new and the different. Think about the meaning of things means abandoning the subject-object relationship, cherish the time and let the sense happens in language, from the force of historical tradition (Gadamer). To this end, it promotes a discussion about the effects of common sense in the legal community, whose overcome permeates, necessarily, by a phenomenological destruction. The crisis in the law, mainly represented by the judicial role, is presented as a question of democracy, idea that is defended through a contrast with the thought of Ronald Dworkin, and an approach to the perspective adopted in Brazil for Lenio Streck. Heidegger's hermeneutics is presented by the method of formal evidences, thought in the interpretive framework as a way of overcoming the relativization/entification of the senses. The interpretative character of formal evidences and its prohibitive-referential function gains strength to the extent that they understand the losses of cognition itself, the previous design, the hermeneutical circle and, as it couldn´t stop being , the own notion of Dasein. Although longer able to distinguish the typical interpretive behavior of the metaphysical tradition (ontic) of the ontological interpretative behavior, the method of formal indications craves more. Hence the interdependent relationship of the method of formal statements with morality. It´s necessary don´t waste the time for any interpretive intent, situation that is intensified when it is necessary to establish concepts for reaching results, as in the Law. The thesis that Law and morality are co-originating gains strength as we analyze some legal and philosophical theories: i) The moral dimension in Law in Otfried Höffe (Justice Policy); ii) The ethical dimension of Law and the moral authority of the Constitution; iii) The moral dimension of Law Ronald Dworkin. According to co-originating between Law and morality, the construction of the legal interpretation of a community is not content only with the form or the procedure, that because it is necessary an ethical and moral commitment to democratic substantiality that permeates the responsibility of all participants.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudomiroBOJ.pdf: 1129988 bytes, checksum: 8f385c74c4cf27fb8609416e9bdcb6e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-20 / This dissertation focus, as main objective, to address the issue of fundamental rights and political freedoms of the individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution of 1988, with emphasis of study in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, as well as in national related constitutional law institutions and its derivatives, and the connection with the historical and political affirmation of fundamental human rights and its importance for the construction, maintenance and consolidation of constitutional democracy in the Federative Republic of Brazil. This paper mainly deals with aspects of juspostive nature, focused mainly within its doctrinal aspect, making, for such, references both to the patrian doctrine and the foreign one, without forgetting the necessary jurisprudencial focus and analysis of the positive patrian planning with references to comparative law, in order to describe and analyze the emergence, evolution and dissemination of the institute, both in the major countries of the Western World and along the Brazilian constitutional history. / A presente disserta??o tem como objetivo principal, abordar a tem?tica dos direitos fundamentais e das liberdades pol?ticas da pessoa humana garantidos pela Constitui??o Federal de 1988, com ?nfase do estudo na garantia constitucional da liberdade de express?o, bem como nos institutos de direito constitucional correlatos e derivados do mesmo e a liga??o destes com a afirma??o hist?rica e pol?tica dos direitos humanos fundamentais e da sua import?ncia para a constru??o, manuten??o e consolida??o da democracia constitucional dentro da Rep?blica Federativa do Brasil. Este trabalho aborda principalmente os aspectos de natureza juspositiva, com foco principalmente no seu ?mbito doutrin?rio, fazendo para tanto remiss?es tanto ? doutrina p?tria quanto a estrangeira, sem deixar de lado o necess?rio enfoque jurisprudencial e a an?lise do ordenamento positivo p?trio com refer?ncias ao direito comparado, com o objetivo de descrever e analisar o surgimento, a evolu??o e a difus?o do instituto, tanto nos principais pa?ses do Mundo Ocidental, como ao longo da hist?ria constitucional brasileira.

L’histoire a toujours occupé une place singulière au sein des sciences sociales mais qu’en est il de sa place dans le contentieux constitutionnel comparé des démocraties occidentales ? Le présent travail de recherche tendra ainsi à démontrer que la référence à l’histoire est bel et bien présente et qu’elle revêt un impact décisif sur les solutions constitutionnelles effectivement retenues pas le juge comme sur la substance même des droits et libertés fondamentaux. Il apparaîtra, en effet, que l’histoire, jaillissant dans le contentieux constitutionnel sous la forme d’un référent juridique type pouvant faire l’objet d’une systématisation au sein du droit comparé, contribue, par le truchement du juge constitutionnel à l’établissement comme au fonctionnement de l’État de droit contemporain. De la même manière, la symbolique particulière des évènements historiques qui seront mobilisés, c’est à dire leur charge positive ou négative pour l’État de droit, va nourrir la volonté juridictionnelle du juge d’assurer la rupture avec un fait historique tragique ou à l’inverse de conforter un héritage historique glorieux. Juge qui, en dernier analyse, pourra être conduit, conformément au rôle social nouveau que lui confère les démocraties constitutionnelles contemporaines, selon une utilisation soutenue du référent historique, à réparer directement ou plus indirectement les préjudices nés de l’histoire comme à renforcer ou à limiter le sens des droits et libertés fondamentaux devenus historiquement circonstanciés / History has always occupied a singular place within the realm of Social Sciences and the question of its functions in comparative judicial review deserves to be raised. This research intends to demonstrate that the historical argument has a decisive impact on constitutional decisions as well as on the substance of fundamental rights and freedoms. History, being systematized in comparative law, through the form of a standard legal argument, contributes, via constitutional review, to the establishment as well to the operation of the rule oflaw, today. The immediate legal logic of such historical impregnation will be analysed through the work of the judge in the motivation of its decisions. In the same perspective, the singular meaning of historical events and their positive or negative impact, feeds judicial interpretation, either breaking away from a tragic historical event or consolidating a glorious historicalheritage. The judge, in accordance with his new social function recognized in western democracies, is lead to repare directly or indirectly, the damages resulting from historical events as well as to strenghten or limitate the scope of fundamental rights, which appear today, historically situated

撫卹的本意不在於造就一個創造更多財富的家庭，當然也不僅在於用來濟助貧困遺族的生活所需；其真實用意係期藉諸合理的撫卹給與及相關配套措施，俾一則讓在職死亡公務人員的遺族得以感受政府對於死亡公務人員的仰慰之意；二則用以協助當事公務人員的遺族能渡過一段艱困的時期；至其最終目的則希望能建構出自由安全的社會；而這種本於自由安全社會理念所建構的撫卹措施亦才是一個有正義的社會所應秉持的建設理念。因此，撫卹制度之是否能審慎地規劃出適當的法制，自來就是倡議具有正義理念的社會安全理論者所重視的最主要課題之一。 然而，隨著社會安全理論的典範移轉，本於「正義」的普世價值來建構出「人人各得其所，各遂其生」的理想生活型態，已然是秉持憲政民主理念以治事的民主法治國家所堅持的基本目標之一。準此而言，當我們本於正義概念所強調的意涵從新來檢視我國現行公務人員撫卹法制所規範的種種機制的時候，我們乃不得不對於「我國現行公務人員撫卹法制之是否能發展成符合正義價值的良善制度」，投注更多的關心與努力。因此本項研究乃以「我國公務人員撫卹法制的綜合意涵為「經」，並以「實質公平正義的概念為「緯」作為研究的架構，進行交互論證，並期超越單向度的線性思考選輯，本諸「守」與「變」的互動模式，來論究「我國公務人員撫卹制度的重建」方案，俾能對我國公務人員撫卹法制的發展有所助益。 因此，本項研究文乃先就「公務人員撫卹措施」與「社會安全」的相容性，導論出「撫卹必須要能融入社會安全之思維，進而本諸正義概念所期於體現的實質意涵。以建構出「均無貧、和無寡、安無傾」的自由安全社會」的論結（第貳章第一節）；而後再就倫理及行政法理的層面，導出「正義概念」在學理上所應重視的「正當程序」、「公平原則」、「秉道執中」及「公益維護」等四大意涵（第貳章第二節）；其後則以「我國公務人員撫卹法制的綜合意涵為「經」，並以「實質公平正義的概念為「緯」作為研究的架構（第貳章第三節），再檢閱世界先進國家（美、英、日等國）及我國現行公務人員撫卹法制的內涵）第參、肆章），並依據上開所導出的正義意涵，深入檢討分析我國現行公務人員撫卹法制之是否吻合於「正義的意涵」（第伍章）；最後再循「典範移轉」的啟示，跳脫傳統線性思考的選輯，提出本頊研究的發現，進而本於上揭「正義的四大意涵」，研提出若干重新建構我國公務人員撫卹制度的具體建言（第陸章）。 重要名詞：1.「正當程序」、2.「公平原則」、3.「秉道執中」4.「公益維護」5.「憲政民主」、6.「公民社會」、7.「自由安全社會」 / Pension is not meant to create more wealth for a family, nor remedies to the survivals in poverty for an affordable life. The genuine intent of pension serves two purposes. One is for the government to express to the survivals its appreciation and condolences of a civil service died in the course of performing duties and the other is to help the survival to pull through a certain period of hardship. The ultimate objective of pension is to seek building up a free and secure society. Pension measures based on the idea of establishing a free and secure society shall be the ideas for the efforts of reconstruction of a society of justice to stick to. Therefore, whether an appropriate legal framework can be carefully mapped out for a pension system has been one of the key topics highly regarded by those fundamentals who promote a social security with justice. However, to cope with the "Paradigm Shift" of social security theories, justice-based popular value to realize an idealistic living style wherein every one enjoys justified living means and social status has become one of the basic objectives held fast in any democratic nation practicing constitutionalism. Accordingly, we have to invest more concerns and efforts to focus on the issue that "if the existing pension system of civil service of our country is sufficient to be developed into a system of good faith that meets the value of justice" while we are refreshing out review of various mechanisms set forth in the existing pension system of civil service in the point of justice. This paper, with the attempt to help in the development of the pension system of civil service, is constructed by having "the general context of the pension system of civil service of the Republic of China" as a weft, and by having the "the concept of substantial fair and justice" as the waft as the framework to proceed cross arguents in the hope of going beyond the one dimension of linear logic of thinking to challenge the option of "Reconstruction of Pension System of Civil Service of the Republic of China" according to the interaction modes between being conservative and revolutionary. In this paper, the compatibility between "pension measures" and "social security" is first touched for the inference of the conclusion that "the pension must be incorporated with the thoughts of social security for the construction of a free and secure society that "shares common wealth without poverty, common peace without misfortune and common security without instability" by following the substantial context realized from the point of justice (Sec.1,Chap.Ⅱ); followed by angling at the aspects of ethics and administration legal principles, four major areas of context, respectively, "justice procedure", "fair principle", "impartial practice" and "maintenance of public interest" that should be taken serious in the scientific theory of "the concept of justice" are inferred (Sec.2,Chap.Ⅱ); then intervened with "the general context of the pension system of the Republic of China" as the weft and "the concept of substantial justice and fair" as the waft for the framework of the research (Sec.3,Chap.Ⅲ), those pension systems currently and respectively adopted in advanced nations (UK, USA and Japan) and in our country are examined (Chap.Ⅲ and Chap.Ⅳ); later based on the "context of justice" as inferred, an in-depth review is made to analyze the compliance of the existing pension system of our country with such context of justice (Chapter V); and finally, by following the teachings revealed in the "Paradigm Shift" to take a leap from the conventional logic of linear thinking for presenting the findings of the research, and further to make feasible proposals for the reconstruction of the pension system of civil service based on those four major contexts of justice as disclosed above (Chap.Ⅳ). Keyword: 1.justice procedure 2 .fair principal 3. impartial practice 4. maintenance of public interes 5. constitutional democracy 5. civil society 6. free and secure society

本文以戰後中國憲政的發展為題，探討1946－1948年間，國民黨、民社黨、青年黨三黨合作對制憲國大的召開、政府改組、國代選舉、立委選舉等重要政治事件的影響，本文側重探究三黨合作行憲的運作實態，探討國家利益的「前台表演」與黨派利益的「後台運作」之間的複雜關係。首先，本文扼要回顧抗戰期間到戰後初期的中國政局，探討朝野黨派關係如何影響憲政運動的推動，瞭解其對戰後中國政治的影響。抗戰勝利後，國、共衝突再起，美國、「第三方面」人士相繼居中斡旋，未能促使國共合作，最後國民黨單方面宣布召開國大制憲，中共和民盟抵制之，而國民黨則成功拉攏民、青兩黨合作。此後，國民黨拋出政府改組的議題，繼續與民、青兩黨談判，本文將分析三黨對行憲的不同想像，此間，國民黨三中全會為何對政府改組有反彈聲浪。在政府改組完成後，民、青兩黨的內部糾紛為何再起，社會輿論的普遍觀感為何，國府在此時宣布「動員戡亂」，又為日後行憲帶來什麼影響。 政府完成改組後，緊接著便是國代和立委選舉，本文將探討政府籌備選舉經過，國民黨如何建立其內部提名機制，剖析其中派系鬥爭、黨團競逐的內情。除此之外，三黨中央亦就選舉名額、地域分配作協商，以達到聯合提名，同額當選的結果，以維持三黨合作的政治格局，並略述在地方上的選舉經過。選舉結果出爐後，不符三黨協議，民、青兩黨以退出政府要挾，迫使國民黨設法遵守三黨協議，國民黨為避免造成一黨行憲的局面，運用黨紀強令當選黨員退讓，引發「黨紀」與「國法」之爭，最後國民黨中央幾經討論，由蔣中正祭出「以黨讓黨」的解決辦法，彌平選舉糾紛。為此，三黨又如何達成協議，繼續合作實施憲政。透過上述研究，本文將從五個角度分析：一、國際因素對中國政治的影響；二、「行憲」與「戡亂」的關係；三、「黨紀」與「國法」之爭的象徵意義 ；四、三黨合作的政治得失；五、戰後中國實施憲政的歷史意義。

Cette thèse met en lumière l’apport considérable du juge constitutionnel de la 5ème République nigérienne, dans l’œuvre de la protection audacieuse du principe de la suprématie de la Constitution (du 09 août 1999). L’exposition du schéma organisationnel de la justice constitutionnelle s’opère sans préjudice du nécessaire rappel de l’histoire socio-politique mouvementée du Niger, qui n’est pas étrangère dans l’originalité qui fonde le modèle nigérien. L’évocation de l’activité constitutionnelle va s’atteler à la mise en évidence des grandes décisions de la Cour, aussi bien dans le cadre de la défense des droits fondamentaux garantis, que celui de la régulation constitutionnelle du fonctionnement des institutions de la République. La jurisprudence relative au Président de la République, qui bénéficie d’un chapitre entier est au cœur de la problématique de la consolidation de la démocratisation du Niger post-Conférence nationale de 1991. L’étude fait ressortir une trajectoire d’analyse ambivalente. D’une part, la ré-fondation de la justice constitutionnelle par la consécration d’une juridiction spécialisée et indépendante, a eu pour effet de plonger le Niger dans l’ère de la démocratie constitutionnelle. D’autre part, l’audace du juge constitutionnel s’est avérée insuffisante, face à la dérive autoritaire du Président de la République de l’été 2009 (dissolution de la Cour). Il n’en demeure pas moins que, le constitutionnalisme démocratique ébauché sous la 5ème République semble bien demeurer la révolution appropriée de lutte contre toute résurgence autoritaire. / This dissertation highlights the considerable contribution of the constitutional judge of the 5th Republic of Niger, in the audacious protection work of the supremacy of the Constitution principle (the 9th of August, 1999). The presentation of the organizational structure of constitutional law requires taking into account Niger’s sociopolitical history, which has contributed to the model of constitutional justice of Niger. The evocation of constitutional activity underlines the major decisions of the Court, regarding the defense of the guaranteed basic rights as well as the constitutional regulation of the functioning of the Republic's institutions. An entire chapter is dedicated to the case law regarding the President of the Republic, which has been in the center of the issue of strengthening the democratization of Niger since the National Conference of 1991. The research results in the ambivalent analysis. On the one hand, the re-foundation of the constitutional justice through the institution of a specialized and independent jurisdiction marked Niger's entry into an era of constitutional democracy. On the other hand, the constitutional judge audacity has proved deficient facing the authoritarian trend of the President of the Republic in 2009 (dissolution of the Court). Nonetheless, the democratic constitutionalism designed under the 5th Republic of Niger seems to remain an appropriate revolution to fight against any authoritarian resurgence.

Reformed Christians utilise article 36 of the Belgic Confession (BC) to state the Godly calling of civil authorities. This confession may however be in conflict with the South African constitution. According to article 36 authorities have, in accordance with the keeping of order, a duty concerning the removal of false religion. The constitution guarantees everyone in South Africa freedom of religion. This study thus investigates the following stated problem: To what does God call South-African authorities within the constitutional democracy in the light of art. 36 and how can they fulfil this calling? The investigation has been undertaken in line with the argument that the principals of art. 36 are not only Biblical but should also still be used as a starting point to identify the calling of South African authorities concerning the keeping of order as well as the protection of the ministry of the Holy Word and the Christian life according to this Word. The following three investigations were then launched: * A dogmahistorical and theological-ethical investigation Chapter 2 focuses on the context in which the BC originated. It was drafted to convince Roman Catholic minded authorities to stop persecuting Reformed Christians as they - in contrast with some revolutionary Anabaptists - wanted to obey the government. Reformed Christians wanted to live according to the Word (which requires obedience to the authorities). If the authorities protected the ministry of the Word, peace and order would be promoted. Chapter 3 explains art. 36. This explanation is complicated by the fact that the article has been changed over time. In certain instances it has been interpreted to mean that God, in light of the close bond between church and state at that time, calls civil authorities to persecute heretics even with force. The article however actually calls authorities to protect the ministry of the Word and so doing support the removal of heresy. The article takes a narrow view of the true form of the true religion. * A constitutional investigation Chapter 4 describes the South African constitutional democracy as well as its origin and indicates what (sometimes unrecognised) role the Reformed tradition played in forging constitutional democracy. Subsequently the fundamental values and forthcoming stipulations concerning the freedom of conscience and religion are highlighted. Although authorities do not - in a juridical sense - contend with what would be the true form of the true religion, this study has found the constitutional values and forthcoming stipulations broadly agree with Biblical principles. Yet South African authorities interpret these values and stipulations in accordance with secularist / humanistic beliefs. * A contextual investigation This final chapter investigates how well the current constitutional framework enables (chapter 4) South African authorities to fulfil the calling (chapter 2 and 3).The final conclusion is that this framework does indeed enable these authorities to fulfil the calling by recognising, protecting and expanding the fundamental values, freedoms and rights which have been constitutionally entrenched in order that every one has the space and opportunity to utilise these rights and freedoms to live according to the gospel of Jesus Christ in all spheres of life This task undoubtedly includes that the authorities should protect the ministry of the Word by pertinently ensuring that churches have the opportunity to minister the Word to everyone. It has been found that authorities should preferably take up the attitude of the active plural option towards religion as this option is most suitable for fulfilling their calling. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Church and Dogma History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

Reformed Christians utilise article 36 of the Belgic Confession (BC) to state the Godly calling of civil authorities. This confession may however be in conflict with the South African constitution. According to article 36 authorities have, in accordance with the keeping of order, a duty concerning the removal of false religion. The constitution guarantees everyone in South Africa freedom of religion. This study thus investigates the following stated problem: To what does God call South-African authorities within the constitutional democracy in the light of art. 36 and how can they fulfil this calling? The investigation has been undertaken in line with the argument that the principals of art. 36 are not only Biblical but should also still be used as a starting point to identify the calling of South African authorities concerning the keeping of order as well as the protection of the ministry of the Holy Word and the Christian life according to this Word. The following three investigations were then launched: * A dogmahistorical and theological-ethical investigation Chapter 2 focuses on the context in which the BC originated. It was drafted to convince Roman Catholic minded authorities to stop persecuting Reformed Christians as they - in contrast with some revolutionary Anabaptists - wanted to obey the government. Reformed Christians wanted to live according to the Word (which requires obedience to the authorities). If the authorities protected the ministry of the Word, peace and order would be promoted. Chapter 3 explains art. 36. This explanation is complicated by the fact that the article has been changed over time. In certain instances it has been interpreted to mean that God, in light of the close bond between church and state at that time, calls civil authorities to persecute heretics even with force. The article however actually calls authorities to protect the ministry of the Word and so doing support the removal of heresy. The article takes a narrow view of the true form of the true religion. * A constitutional investigation Chapter 4 describes the South African constitutional democracy as well as its origin and indicates what (sometimes unrecognised) role the Reformed tradition played in forging constitutional democracy. Subsequently the fundamental values and forthcoming stipulations concerning the freedom of conscience and religion are highlighted. Although authorities do not - in a juridical sense - contend with what would be the true form of the true religion, this study has found the constitutional values and forthcoming stipulations broadly agree with Biblical principles. Yet South African authorities interpret these values and stipulations in accordance with secularist / humanistic beliefs. * A contextual investigation This final chapter investigates how well the current constitutional framework enables (chapter 4) South African authorities to fulfil the calling (chapter 2 and 3).The final conclusion is that this framework does indeed enable these authorities to fulfil the calling by recognising, protecting and expanding the fundamental values, freedoms and rights which have been constitutionally entrenched in order that every one has the space and opportunity to utilise these rights and freedoms to live according to the gospel of Jesus Christ in all spheres of life This task undoubtedly includes that the authorities should protect the ministry of the Word by pertinently ensuring that churches have the opportunity to minister the Word to everyone. It has been found that authorities should preferably take up the attitude of the active plural option towards religion as this option is most suitable for fulfilling their calling. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Church and Dogma History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

From  the  process  of  globalization  of  law,  the  comparative constitutional law has gained a leading role for a better understanding and solving old and new constitutional national and international challenges. Therefore, some assumptions and considerations to take into account are presented for the development of the national constitutional order within the framework of the comparative constitutional law, such as universality and relativism of human rights; the concept of power and constitutional democracy; standards of free elections and judicial independence; freedom of expression, media pluralism and access to public information; the economic,social and cultural rights; the new fundamental rights. / A partir del proceso de globalización del derecho, el derecho constitucional comparado ha ido adquiriendo un rol protagónico para una mejor comprensión y solución de los viejos y nuevos desafíos constitucionales, tanto nacionales como internacionales. Por ello, se presentan algunos presupuestos y consideraciones temáticas a tomar en cuenta para el desarrollo del ordenamiento constitucional nacional en el marco del derecho constitucional comparado, tales como la universalidad y el relativismo de los derechos humanos; el concepto de poder y democracia constitucional; los estándares de elecciones libres e independencia judicial; la libertad de expresión, la pluralidad informativa y el acceso a la información pública; los  derechos  económicos,  sociales  y  culturales,  y;  los nuevos derechos fundamentales.