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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 231 to 236 of 236 (0.115 seconds)| 231 |
La négociation multilatérale de l'aide aux Etats fragiles : constructions d'agendas et stratégies d'influence au Comité d'aide au déveloeppement de l'OCDE / The multilateral negociation of development assistance to fragiles states : agenda building and strategies of influence at the OECD's Development Assistance CommitteeBouchet, Nicolas 02 December 2011 (has links)
Les modes de négociation au CAD de l'OCDE sont organisés autour de la règle du consensus et d'un processus itératif conduit entre pairs. Ces modes de négociation ont produit la notion d'Etat fragile de 2004 à 2010, idée prête à l'usage et prête à être étendue par ses promoteurs initiaux comme par tous les représentants de bailleurs de fonds qui choisissent de s'y investir. La notion et l'agenda concernant les Etats fragiles entrent en 2005 dans la course à la démonstration de la légitimité de l'aide publique au développement comme des compléments nécessaires et comme des concurrents à l'agenda de l'effocacité de l'aide. Cependant les mêmes modes de négociations ainsi que les contraintes organisationnelles et normatives rencontrées dans les bureaucraties de l'aide qui participent à cette construction ont tendu à normaliser le contenu et à limiter la transposition politique et bureaucratique de ce nouvel agenda. Au sein du CAD, ces contraintes diminuent également la portée des tenants de l'agenda Etats fragiles qui doivent faire face à des normes établies. Cet agenda a cependant pu être diffusé rapidement en raison de sa malléabilité, de la nature proinstitutionnelle de son argumentaire et du risque normatif et politique relativement faible qu'il fait prendre aux acteurs qui s'en servent pour promouvoir leurs propres visions stratégiques de l'aide publique au développement. Dans ce contexte, le CAD constitue une arène internationale de négociation où s'analyse l'action organisée des représentants de bureaucraties bilatérales et multilatérales. / LModes of negotiation OECD DAC are organized around the rule of consensus and an iterative process led peer. These modes of negotiation produced the concept of fragile state from 2004 to 2010, an idea ready to use and ready to be extended by its promoters as the original by all representatives of donors who choose to invest. The concept and agenda for fragile states come into the race in 2005 to demonstrate the legitimacy of official development assistance as necessary complements and as competitors on the agenda of the effocacité help. However the same modes of negotiation and organizational constraints and normative encountered in aid bureaucracies involved in this construction have tended to standardize the content and limit the political and bureaucratic implementation of this new agenda. In the DAC, these constraints also reduce the scope of the proponents of the fragile states agenda should deal with established standards. This agenda has yet been released quickly because of its malleability, nature proinstitutionnelle of its arguments and the normative and political risk he is taking relatively small actors who use them to promote their own strategic visions of the official development assistance. In this context, the DAC is an international trading arena where analysis of organized action by representatives of bilateral and multilateral bureaucracies.
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Les effets du débat public dans la nouvelle ville de Montréal : regard sur le plan d'urbanisme et sa mise en oeuvreVan Neste, Sophie L. 02 1900 (has links)
Débat public, participation, délibération, autant de termes utilisés pour parler de normes et de dispositifs qui participeraient au nouvel « impératif délibératif » (Blondiaux et Sintomer 2002). Ce mémoire présente une analyse du débat public sur le plan d'urbanisme de Montréal avec un schéma d'analyse inspiré de celui de Simard et Fourniau (2007). Notre discussion du processus de débat porte non seulement sur la phase formelle des audiences publiques, mais aussi sur les étapes de concertation en amont et sur divers processus plus ou moins publicisés en aval. Ceci permet une réflexion d'ordre procédural plus riche qui considère la diversité des dispositifs dans une perspective de complémentarité. Pour chercher des effets du débat public sur le plan d'urbanisme, nous adoptons le parti de la congruence (Offner 1993), ce qui nous amène à une analyse de l'interaction entre des dynamiques contextuelles et des mobilisations des participants au débat. Certaines de ces congruences concordent avec des modifications au plan d'urbanisme. Notre étude propose aussi des implications du contexte particulier de la nouvelle ville de Montréal (avec la création des arrondissements) sur le contenu du débat public, sur certaines de ses manifestations procédurales ainsi que sur sa portée. Notre dernier chapitre montre que la dynamique du débat public en aval, dans la phase de mise en oeuvre du plan d'urbanisme, se déploie beaucoup plus dans les débats sur les grands projets que sur les mécanismes prévus à cette fin, qui comportent des embûches de par leur faible publicité et le caractère technique du processus réglementaire. Dans l'ensemble, notre étude met en lumière l'importance du contexte : autant le processus de débat que ses effets s'inscrivent dans des dynamiques contextuelles. / In this master thesis, the mechanisms of public debate used to discuss the urban master plan of Montreal are analysed with a framework inspired by Simard and Fourniau (2007), which contains a serie of deliberative criterion. Public debate is used as a terminology to include diverse possible mechanisms and norms of debate and of public participation. Our discussion covers not only the formal phase of the debate (in the public hearings) but also the informal forums. We conclude that this allows for a richer procedural analysis based on a perspective of complementarity between diverse mechanisms of public debate. In the search for effects of the public debate on the urban master plan, we found a number of cases where contextual dynamics interacted with the demands of participants. These « congruences » (Offner 1993) concurred with the evolution of the planning document. This master thesis also presents interesting findings related to constraints on public debate brought about by the particular political and institutional context of Montreal. The coordination between the scale of the central city and the newly constituted boroughs had implications on the content of the debate, on procedural components as well as on its impact in the plan and the implementation phase. This suggests that studies of public debate and of public participation events should consider as an important dimension the contextual dynamics.
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Utmaningen från andra berättelser : En studie om moraliskt omdöme, utvidgat tänkande och kritiskt reflekterande berättelser i dialogbaserad feministisk etik / The Challenge from Other Stories : A Study on Moral Judgment, Enlarged Thought and Critically Refölecting Stories in Dialogue Based Feminist EthicsTörnegren, Gull January 2013 (has links)
The present study has a threefold aim: First, the theoretical aim is to give a contribution to refinement of the theory of dialogue based feminist ethics, concerning the understanding of judgment and narration within such an ethics. The study also has an empirical aim, defined as to clarify what kind of knowledge, relevant to the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor, can be received from dialogical interpretation and analysis of a limited selection of critically reflecting life stories. Third, a methodological aim is defined as to develop an approach to interpretation and analysis of reflecting life stories, which renders the storyteller visible as a reflecting moral subject, and makes the story accessible as a source of knowledge for the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor. The thesis combines philosophical reflection and argumentation, with a narrative-hermeneutic method for interpretation of life stories, relating the two to each other in a hermeneutic process. The theoretical reflection draws on Seyla Benhabibs theory of communicative ethics. A dialogue based model for moral justification and a likewise dialogue based model for political legitimacy are at the heart of this universalistic theory, although in combination with a conception of a narratively and hermeneutically constituted context sensitive moral judgment, based on Hannah Arendt’s concept “enlarged thought”. In the reflection, this model is related to other feminist theorizing within the tradition of dialogue based feminist ethics, as found in the works of Iris M. Young, Georgia Warnke and Shari Stone-Mediatore. The empirical study draws on three critically reflecting life stories from Israeli-Palestinian women activists for a just peace. The methodology for interpretation and analysis that is worked out combines dialogical interpretation as presented in Arthur W. Frank’s socio-narratology with a method for structural analysis derived from Shari Stone-Mediatores theory of storytelling as an expression of political resistance struggle. The results show that some stories drawing on marginalized experiences have a potential to stimulate further public debate through their capacity to enable a stereoscopic seeing, elucidating a tension between ideologically structured discourse and non-linguistic experience; implying that narrative-hermeneutic competence should be considered crucial for public debate.
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[pt] RACIOCINANDO PELO DIÁLOGO: UMA ANÁLISE DO CONTRADITÓRIO JUDICIAL CONTEMPORÂNEO A PARTIR DAS CONTRIBUIÇÕES DA PSICOLOGIA E DAS CIÊNCIAS COGNITIVAS / [en] REASONING THROUGH DIALOGUE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTEMPORARY JUDICIAL ADVERSARIAL MECHANISM FROM THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE PSYCHOLOGY AND COGNITIVE SCIENCESLIANA DE SOUZA LYRIO RAMSCHEID 17 January 2022 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo geral do presente estudo é sustentar que a consideração da literatura existente sobre julgamento e tomada de decisão (JTD), oriunda da psicologia e das ciências cognitivas, (i) não apenas confirma a direção acertada de nosso modelo constitucional de processo democrático pautado em um
contraditório substancial, como também (ii) demonstra-se imprescindível ao seu aprimoramento. De início, apresentam-se os contornos teóricos daquilo que se entende por processo judicial democrático, focando-se no desenvolvimento dos principais (e novos) aspectos relacionados ao princípio do contraditório - garantidor do fluxo discursivo que permite a construção conjunta (comparticipada e policêntrica) da decisão. Passado o referido ponto, o estudo converge para o terreno da psicologia e das ciências cognitivas. Parte-se das mais conhecidas pesquisas sobre as limitações do raciocínio humano. Posteriormente, introduz-se a provocativa (e recente) teoria sobre o entendimento humano, formulada por Dan
Sperber e Hugo Mercier (teoria interacionista do raciocínio). Ao final, concluise que tais estudos e experimentos - intimamente ligados à cognição individual e aos aspectos da deliberação coletiva – nos permitem lançar um novo olhar sobre diversas questões atinentes à (efetiva) adoção de um modelo de processual democrático. / [en] The general purpose of this study is to sustein that the consideration of the existing literature on judgment and decision making, from psychology and cognitive sciences, (i) not only endorses our constitutional model of democratic process, based on a substantial adversarial mechanism, while also (ii) proves to be
essential to its improvement. At first, the theoretical contours of what should be understood by a democratic judicial process are presented, focusing on the development of the main (and new) aspects related to the adversarial principle - guarantor of the discursive flow that allows the joint construction (co-participated and polycentric) of the decision. Thereafter, the study steps into psychology and
cognitive sciences domain. It is starts with the most acknowledged researches in about the limitations of the human reasoning. Later on, Dan Sperber and Hugo Mercier s recent provocative theory of human understanding is introduced (the interactionist theory of reasoning). Finally, it is concluded that such studies and experiments - intimately connected to individual cognition and the aspects of
collective deliberation - allow us to acquire a new perspective over several of pertaining topics related to the (effective) adoption of a democratic procedural model.
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La coexistence des conceptions étatiques et coutumières de la représentation politique en droit constitutionnel canadien et françaisDuverger, Fannie 06 1900 (has links)
Thèse réalisée en cotutelle entre l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne et l'Université de Montréal. / Au-delà des conceptions étatiques de la représentation politique, liées à l’expression parlementaire de la volonté générale ou à l’élection, la présente étude envisage d’autres mécanismes de représentation, à travers l’analyse du statut coutumier particulier des populations autochtones. La conception coutumière de la représentation peut se traduire par la désignation non électorale des représentants et par une délibération consensuelle dont les décisions sont imputables à la communauté qui y prend part. Dès lors, comment la représentation coutumière peut-elle coexister avec les conceptions étatiques de la représentation politique, telles qu’elles sont définies en droit, avec une certaine ambivalence, par l’expression de la volonté générale ou par l’expression des urnes ? L’analyse historique et comparative permet d’apporter une réponse éclairée par les expériences juridiques canadiennes et françaises. L’étude porte d’abord sur les tensions persistantes au sein des systèmes de représentation, oscillant entre l’uniformisation des conceptions et la survivance des coutumes. Elle s’intéresse, ensuite, aux récentes solutions d’harmonisation, permises par l’adaptation des droits positifs canadien et français : les éléments communs de la représentation tendent à s’organiser au sein d’institutions partagées et les dissemblances, par des institutions représentatives autonomes. Il en ressort que, loin d’être toujours conflictuelle, la coexistence des systèmes de représentation et des conceptions qui en résultent pourrait être vectrice d’un équilibre et d’un enrichissement certain pour la représentation politique dans son ensemble. / Beyond state conceptions of political representation related to the parliamentary expression of the general will or to elections, the present study considers other mechanisms of representation, through the analysis of the particular customary status of indigenous communities. The customary conception of representation can take the form of the non-electoral designation of representatives and consensual deliberation whose decisions are accountable to the community that takes part in it. Hence, how can customary representation coexist with state conceptions of political representation, as defined in law, with some ambivalence, as the expression of the general will or the expression of the ballot ? A historical and comparative analysis of the Canadian and French legal provide insights pertinent to that question. The study begins with the persistent tensions within the systems of representation, oscillating between the unification of concepts and the survival of customs. Then, the study highlights recent harmonization efforts, made possible by the adaptation of Canadian and French positive law : the common elements of representation tend to be organized within shared institutions and the dissimilarities, by autonomous representative institutions. It concludes that, far from being always conflicting, the coexistence of representation systems and the resulting conceptions could be a carrier of balance and enrichment for political representation as a whole.
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F. A. Hayek's Critique of LegislationHolm, Cyril January 2014 (has links)
The dissertation concerns F. A. Hayek’s (1899–1992) critique of legislation. The purpose of the investigation is to clarify and assess that critique. I argue that there is in Hayek’s work a critique of legislation that is distinct from his well-known critique of social planning. Further that the main claim of this critique is what I refer to as Hayek’s legislation tenet, namely that legislation that aims to achieve specific aggregate results in complex orders of society will decrease the welfare level. The legislation tenet gains support; (i) from the welfare claim – according to which there is a positive correlation between the utilization of knowledge and the welfare level in society; (ii) from the dispersal of knowledge thesis – according to which the total knowledge of society is dispersed and not available to any one agency; and (iii) from the cultural evolution thesis – according to which evolutionary rules are more favorable to the utilization of knowledge in social cooperation than are legislative rules. More specifically, I argue that these form two lines of argument in support of the legislation tenet. One line of argument is based on the conjunction of the welfare claim and the dispersal of knowledge thesis. I argue that this line of argument is true. The other line of argument is based on the conjunction of the welfare claim and the cultural evolution thesis. I argue that this line of argument is false, mainly because the empirical work of political scientist Elinor Ostrom refutes it. Because the two lines of argument support the legislation tenet independently of each other, I argue that Hayek’s critique of legislation is true. In this dissertation, I further develop a legislative policy tool as based on the welfare claim and Hayek’s conception of coercion. I also consider Hayek’s idea that rules and law are instrumental in forging rational individual action and rational social orders, and turn to review this idea in light of the work of experimental economist Vernon Smith and economic historian Avner Greif. I find that Smith and Greif support this idea of Hayek’s, and I conjecture that it contributes to our understanding of Adam Smith’s notion of the invisible hand: It is rules – not an invisible hand – that prompt subjects to align individual and aggregate rationality in social interaction. Finally, I argue that Hayek’s critique is essentially utilitarian, as it is concerned with the negative welfare consequences of certain forms of legislation. And although it may appear that the dispersal of knowledge thesis will undermine the possibility of carrying out the utilitarian calculus, due to the lack of knowledge of the consequences of one’s actions – and therefore undermine the legislation tenet itself – I argue that the distinction between utilitarianism conceived as a method of deliberation and utilitarianism conceived as a criterion of correctness may be used to save Hayek’s critique from this objection.
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