En vue de saisir la pensée kantienne dans toute sa virulence, on ne peut jamais faire abstraction de la place éminente de Jean-Jacques Rousseau dans cette philosophie qui ne cesse pas à marquer, à définir et à poser des jalons de la pensée moderne. À cet égard, si le Genevois communique les grandes leçons de sa théorie de l’homme sous la guise d’une éducation, il s’agit ici non pas d’une philosophie de l’éducation mais bien plus d’une philosophie comme éducation. C’est effectivement cette thèse que Kant reprend, suit et enrichie d’une manière sui generis pour renverser l’ordre théorique mais surtout pratique de religion-moralité-devoir et libérer une fois pour toutes la morale des dogmes théologiques et finalement pour édifier une philosophie pratique comme l’éducation de l’espèce humaine. Le but de cette étude est de jeter quelques lumières sur la place sans pareille de Jean-Jacques Rousseau dans la philosophie kantienne de l’éducation. / The decisive influence of Immanuel Kant in the course of modern philosophy is incontrovertible. In a sense, had it not been for this monumental figure of the 18th century, philosophy would have never reached the flair to convey the existential, analytical and phenomenological questions of modernity. However, if Kant set the agenda for any posterior thought, he was not himself Kantian until Jean-Jacques Rousseau disenchanted him. In this regard, if the Genevois philosopher communicated his philosophy in the guise of an education, philosophy in itself is defined by the education of humanity. It is indeed this perspective of Rousseau that put the German philosopher on the right track to find the ultimate goal of philosophy in the moral education as the sum and substance of the practical philosophy. The objective of this study is to shed some lights on the unparalleled role of Jean-Jacques Rousseau in Kant’s philosophy of education as the harbinger of the universal ethics beyond the dogmas of a blind theology: the question which still remains crucial today.

Ce mémoire vise à élargir, à l'aune d'une approche herméneutique jaussienne, l’interprétation de deux tableaux de Goya portant des titres qui leur ont été donnés a posteriori : "Cannibales montrant des restes humains" (1800-1808?) et "Cannibales préparant leurs victimes" (1800-1808?). Notre analyse se fonde en premier lieu sur une description de la matérialité des œuvres ; nous fournissons la première lecture de la relation entre ces tableaux et en défendons par ailleurs le statut de diptyque. Nous proposons ensuite une analyse critique de la réception des deux tableaux. Puis, dans la mesure où ces œuvres sont les premiers exemples où apparaissent en peinture des « sauvages » cannibales, nous explorons l'horizon iconographique du cannibalisme afin d'y chercher des images comparables. Cette tradition figurative paraît se réduire à trois catégories, à savoir: l’image coloniale, la caricature et la peinture mythologique. Ensuite, en partant de l'hypothèse répandue et héritée du romantisme que ces œuvres constituent des représentations de la nature humaine, nous tentons de les réinscrire dans l'horizon historique et philosophique dont est issue cette notion. Nous nous penchons tout spécifiquement sur les pensées philosophiques de Thomas Hobbes et de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, qui articulent des conceptions contraires de la nature humaine : si pour l’un, celle-ci est cruelle, pour l’autre elle est fondamentalement bonne. Ainsi, pourrons-nous mieux situer ces deux tableaux par rapport à cette notion à l’aune de son contexte d’émergence spécifique, notion que Goya a certainement découvert à travers les Ilustrados qui incarnent la philosophie des Lumières en Espagne. Nous désirons démontrer de quelle manière ces œuvres pensent et comment, par l'entremise de leurs propres moyens, elles en viennent à se distancier, en les dépassant, les horizons iconographique et philosophique dont elles participent. / The present research project aims to broaden the interpretations of two paintings of Francisco de Goya, whose titles were attributed to them a posteriori: "Cannibals Gazing at their Victims" (1800-1008?) and "Cannibals Preparing their Victims" (1800-1008?). The analysis begins with a description of the materiality of the paintings. This section represents the first reading of the works’ structural connections, and suggests that the two images are in fact two parts of a diptych. We will then delve into a critical exploration of their reception. Since these images are the two first examples of cannibal figures inspired by colonial imagery to appear in the Western art historical tradition of painting, we explore the iconographical horizon of cannibalism in order to find comparable images, the likes of which are divided into three categories: colonial images, caricature, and mythological paintings. Afterwards, considering the widespread and romantic interpretation of these paintings as representations of human nature, we will attempt to reinscribe them within the historical and philosophical spheres from which this notion derives. We focus on the ideas of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose conceptions of human nature are contradictory towards each other. While Hobbes suggests that the nature of humanity is cruel, Rousseau deems it fundamentally good. This notion is one that Goya probably encountered himself while frequenting the Ilustrados – or, the more prominent figures of the Spanish Enlightenment. As a result, we will be able to situate the two paintings with respect to their specific context of emergence. Through the examination of these horizons, we aim to demonstrate the ways in which these two paintings think, and how, through their own resources, they deviate from – or even surpass – the iconographical and philosophical situations from which they hail, and to which they respond.

The general aim of this dissertation is to investigate the subject of war, inside the project of Political Institutions, from the trajectory followed by Rousseau provided descriptions of a peaceful state of nature, through the emergence of the United State and the consequent outbreak of war found in international relations. The way to go is what leads to the degeneration of the human being from the entrance into civil society. This entry has the purpose to promote and maintain peace, however, with the advent of the State, moral being whose extent and strength are purely relative, creates an unequal match between them, engendering wars. Thus man is seen in a mixed condition: as an isolated individual, hostage of natural law; citizen as a participant of the social order, subject to civil law; and as a sovereign people, free to relate with other people in an international sphere lacks regulatory mechanisms. Thus, this research divided into two chapters. At first we treat the question of the natural man and the state of nature - characterized by Rousseau as a period of isolation and simplicity - yet the `historic´ pact, pact generator of a corrupt social order, the result of degeneration of the natural attributes of man to join in society. The state is created, and with it comes the war. In the second chapter, we will introduce the theme of the foundation of Nation-States and their relations in the international sphere. Address the issue of formation of a legitimate company, and incorporated as a remedy for dropping the hardships resulting from the ``historical pact´´. We will work primarily with the concepts of freedom, sovereignty and general will. Then discuss the theme of war, highlighting the concepts of state of war and legitimate war further emphasizing Rousseau´s pessimism about a permanent solution to the problem. Finally, we present the debate between Rousseau and Diderot on the possibility of a general society of humankind as a solution for peace. Our hypothesis is that the project of Political Institutions, if realized, would bring elements that would put Rousseau as a closer writer of political realism than tradition and philosophy manuals suppose, trying to give our little contribution to the vast literature on the theme. The main texts of Rousseau discussed here are: the Discourse on Inequality, Social Contract, Principles of the law of war and the second chapter of the Geneva Manuscript entitled The general society of humankind. These last three make up the unfinished project of Political Institutions. / O objetivo geral da presente dissertação é investigar o tema da guerra, dentro do projeto das Instituições Políticas, a partir da trajetória percorrida por Rousseau desde as descrições de um estado de natureza pacífico, passando pela emergência dos Estados e a consequente deflagração do estado de guerra verificado nas relações internacionais. Para tanto é fundamental que se examine o assunto em vista de maneira linear, mantendo como centro o conhecimento do homem. O caminho a ser percorrido é o que leva à degeneração do ser humano a partir do ingresso na sociedade civil. Tal ingresso tem como proposta fomentar e manter a paz, porém, com o advento do Estado, ser moral cuja extensão e força são puramente relativas, cria uma correspondência desigual entre eles, engendrando guerras. Assim, o homem se vê numa condição mista: como indivíduo isolado, refém da lei natural; como cidadão partícipe da ordem social, submetido à lei civil; e como povo soberano, livre para relacionar-se com outros povos numa esfera internacional carente de mecanismos reguladores. Assim, dividimos a presente pesquisa em dois Capítulos. No primeiro, trataremos a questão do homem natural e do estado de natureza - caracterizado por Rousseau como um período de isolamento e simplicidade - até o momento do pacto histórico , gerador de uma ordem social corrupta, fruto da degeneração dos atributos naturais do homem ao ingressar na vida em sociedade. O Estado é criado, e com ele nasce a guerra. No segundo capítulo, apresentaremos o tema da fundação dos Estados-Nação e suas relações na esfera internacional. Abordaremos a questão da formação de uma sociedade legítima, bem constituída, como remédio para amainar as agruras decorrentes do pacto histórico . Trabalharemos sobretudo com os conceitos de liberdade, soberania e vontade geral. Em seguida adentraremos no tema da guerra, destacando os conceitos de estado de guerra e guerra legítima, ressaltando mais ainda o pessimismo de Rousseau acerca de uma solução definitiva para o problema. Por fim, apresentaremos o debate entre Rousseau e Diderot acerca da possibilidade de uma sociedade geral do gênero humano como solução para a paz. Nossa hipótese é a de que o projeto das Instituições Políticas, como um todo, se concretizado, traria elementos que colocariam Rousseau como um escritor mais próximo do realismo político do que a tradição e os manuais de filosofia supõem, tentando assim, dar nossa pequena contribuição à imensa bibliografia sobre o tema. Os principais textos de Rousseau aqui analisados são: o Discurso sobre a Desigualdade, o Contrato Social, o Princípios do direito da guerra e o segundo capítulo do Manuscrito de Genebra intitulado Da sociedade geral do gênero humano. Estes três últimos comporiam o projeto inacabado das Instituições Políticas.

盧梭的思想內涵豐富，不同學者由於關切的焦點不同，其所研究的主題也各異，例如，有些學者關懷的是盧梭思想在觀念史上的定位與影響，另外有些學者則是關心盧梭思想中的民主或極權成分，但是關於盧梭思想中公民共和主義的要素，則少有人提及。因此，本文的主要論旨即是從公民共和主義的核心觀念──腐化與德行此一角度切入，分析其政治思想。 根據此一研究主軸，本文第二章探討的是盧梭思想中的腐化意涵、腐化的歷程，以及造成腐化的各種因素，並將腐化的現象區分成政治腐化與和財產相關的社會腐化。面對這些腐化現象，盧梭是以德行作為對治之道，一方面以德行為標準批判當時政治、社會的腐化，另一方面則是以德行作為理想政治共同體重建的基礎。盧梭的這些想法似乎是深受古典共和主義思想家，以及古斯巴達與羅馬兩共和國影響。關於盧梭德行觀將在本文第三章探討。 以德行為基礎的政治共同體重建，將可在盧梭的社會契約理論，以及盧梭為其他國家草擬憲法、改革政制的著作中獲得印證。社會契約接櫫了理想政治共同體的原型，而社會契約的締結與維繫則有賴一位卓然出眾的立法家，他一方面轉化、消除造成腐化的種種因素，另一方面則創造培育德行的環境，使「德行共和國」的理想得以實現。 然而並非所有思想家對腐化的思考方向都和盧梭相同，孟德斯鳩與康士坦都提出和盧梭相異的思考，本文最後將探討這些思想家和盧梭思想的差異之處。 / The essence of Rousseau‘s thought is rich. A wide variety of focuses are thus occurred due to various scholar’s different concerns. Their research subjects are different too. For example, some scholars concern the position and influence of Rousseau’s thought on the idea of history, while others concern the components of democracy and authoritarianism of his thought. Nevertheless, the concerning of the elements of Rousseau’s thought on civic republicanism is not very prevailing. The main purpose of this thesis is from the core concept of civic republicanism, i.e., corruption and virtue, to analyze Rousseau’s political thought. Based on this research core, the second chapter of this thesis discusses the meaning of corruption, its process and the factors in causing corruption, as well as to divide the phenomena of corruption into political corruption and social corruption which is relevant to property. Rousseau dealt these corrupt phenomena with virtue. One the one hand, he applied virtue as the standard to criticize the contemporary political and social corruption. On the other hand, he applied virtue as the foundation to reconstruct ideal political community. The thought of Rousseau seems to be influenced by the classical republicanism thinkers and the two ancient Republic, i. e., Sparta and Rome Republic. Rousseau’s view toward virtue will be discussed in the third chapter of this thesis. The foundation of reconstructing political community by virtue will be found in Rousseau’s theory of social contract and to be proved in Rousseau’s drafting the manuscript of constitution reform policy for other states. Social contract reveals the stereotype of ideal political community, however, the binding and the maintaining of social contract depends on an outstanding legislator. On the one hand, he transforms and eliminates the various factors of corruption formation. On the other hand, he creates the various environment of virtue cultivation, enforcing the “Republic of virtue” to be realized. Not every thinker’s way of thinking toward corruption is the same with Rousseau. Montesquieu’s and Constant’s thinking are different from Rousseau. The last part of this thesis will discuss the differences among them.

The Method and its Disappearance: Analysis between philosophies of social contract and classical sociologies. A Study in Epistemology Jan Maršálek Université de Franche-Comté/Charles University in Prague Supervisors: prof. Frédéric Brahami, prof. Miloslav Petrusek (†), dr. Jan Balon. Résumé: In a doubly disloyal continuity with regard to the French epistemological tradition, largely preoccupied with the formation of scientific concepts, the present work addresses the phenomenon of disappearance of 'analytical' method. Nevertheless, the present work does not constitute an historical investigation: its very goal is to show (within the works of T. Hobbes, J.-J. Rousseau, H. Spencer and E. Durkheim) the variation of the epistemological status of the analysis, and thus to set up the concept of an 'epistemological event'. Examining the disappearance of the analysis requires its identification in the theoretical work whereby its leverage remains unacknowledged. Thus, having the status of a method in the philosophies of the social contract of Hobbes and Rousseau, the analysis 'continues' to structure, in a tacit way, the work of Spencer and Durkheim, both of them founders of scientific sociology. Is it possible to claim that, in the 19th century, the analysis manifests itself in the sociology's common recourse to...

Consacrée au rapport idéologique entre le romantisme anglais et les Lumières françaises (aboutissant à la Révolution de 1789), cette thèse entend combler une lacune critique sur des échanges intellectuels reconnus et méconnus. Parmi les auteurs anglais, ces liens entre les cultures lettrées anglaises et françaises se sont très clairement manifestés sous la plume de William Wordsworth (1770-1850), initié à la pensée des Lumières par le capitaine militaire français Michel Beaupuy (1755-1796). Notre recherche évalue la dette contractée par Wordsworth envers des auteurs majeurs des Lumières dans le traitement de quatre sujets clés : la démocratie, la sensibilité, la religion et le langage. Cette thèse vise également à mettre en évidence le développement original de ces thèmes dans les oeuvres poétiques de Wordsworth. Pour ce faire, nous avons choisi d'articuler notre étude autour de comparaisons et d'analyses de textes. Le premier chapitre est consacré au Contrat social (1762) de Rousseau, le second à La Nouvelle Héloïse (1761) de Rousseau, le troisième à Zadig (1747) de Voltaire, et le dernier chapitre à VEssai sur l'origine des connaissances humaines (1746) de Condillac. Bien que les sujets et les oeuvres abordés soient apparemment disparates, l'ensemble est intimement lié à l'épanouissement de l'oeuvre poétique de Wordsworth : cette contribution effective sous-tend et justifie leur traitement dans une même étude. Sur le plan théorique, l'argumentaire de cette thèse se base sur la théorie poétique de Harold Bloom, telle qu'exposée dans The Anxiety of Influence (1973). Faisant appel à la notion freudienne du complexe d'OEdipe, fondée sur la rivalité palpable entre père et fils pour l'amour de la mère, Bloom constate qu'une rivalité semblable existe entre les poètes et leurs modèles d'inspiration poétiques. Cette opposition permet à terme de se distinguer comme poète ou, pour reprendre le terme de Bloom, comme poète « fort ». L'étude intertextuelle menée ici montrera comment Wordsworth s'établit comme « poète fort », via ses sources d'inspiration.

國族是什麼？國族主義又是什麼？ 面對許許多多歧異又紛雜的關於國族與國族主義的論述，本論文嘗試另闢蹊徑，從哲學層面來闡釋這一問題。本文區分國族之形成的主觀條件與客觀條件，認為國族不同於國家與民族，不能單純以客觀條件作為依據，而是必須以主觀條件作為依據。本文又進一步區分形式條件與實質條件，認為主觀條件中必須同時包括形式條件與實質條件，也就是說，一群人若要組成一個國族共同體，這些人必須是出於各自之自由意志，決定共同組成一個不同於其他之團體的共同體，而且要尋找並形成某種歸屬核心，當做共同體之根本質素，使之成為維繫共同體之長久存續的道德基礎。 本文以羅爾斯的政治自由主義與民族觀點作為論述根基，由此開展一種新的國族觀點，一種特殊的、只在自由主義式的民主政治體制中存在的政治共同體。並認為，人類理性必然要求人類朝這樣的政治共同體邁進，使每個人的自由都夠有最合理的、最和諧的發展，而不致釀成戰爭衝突。 / What is “nation”? And what is “nationalism”? There are many diverse and conflicting theories about nations and nationalism. We look into these theories and then abandon them because there are too many definitions. We believe that the nation is a special and unique political community and it accrues only in the liberal constitutional democracy of the modern period. There are two kinds of conditions for the construction of a nation: the subjective condition and the objective conditions. The former is an inner characteristic, while the later are external features. Unlike a state or a people, a nation must be founded the subjective condition as much as the objective conditions. In other words, the subjective condition, human beings’ free will, is the essential bedrock for the construction of a nation. In this perspective, we further distinguish the formal condition from the substantive condition. The formal condition has no content; its only function is pure decision-making. If a group of people is willing to associate together and form a community, it’s necessary for them not only to make a decision but also to decide what community they want to be. Furthermore, they have to search for and fashion their own defining core as the underlying element of the community as well as the moral foundation for the continuance of the community. Based on John Rawls’ political liberalism and his views about peoples, this paper evolves a new viewpoint of the nation as a unique political community that exists only in the liberal democracy. We also assume it is required by human reason that mankind should move forward to such a political community, enabling everyone to develop his or her liberty in the most reasonable and harmonious way without leading to wars and conflicts.