Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:49:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Batista da Costa Sobrinho.pdf: 656452 bytes, checksum: 0d7996a8084e36759516c9f65f162851 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001-08-09 / This dissertation is the result of research, in which the profile of the gender relationships within the Conselho Nacional de Leigos e Leigas Católicos do Brasil was examined. To produce this profile we resorted to the theory of philosophy, linguistics, anthropology, history of sociology, psychology and psychoanalyses which forms the interdisciplinary methodological background of this dissertation. We argue that men and women, daily and historically are the product of singular and plural relationships. Some live in permanent relationships that imply both the search for differences as well as similarities, in their complex socio-cultural interaction. As all human relationship occur within history, we contextualised the group and synthesized their history. In the synthesis, it is sustained that the foundation of the group occurred during the military dictatorship and the their history has been marked by intense creativity in living their daily human relationships. The profile of gender is painted by means of careful interpretation of twelve variables. An analyses of these variables was demanded due to complex gender relationship experienced. With this the leadership of the CNL was able to live positively new gender relationships, seeking community, communion and autonomy. Based on this profile future actions amongst the leadership of the group is proposed and analysed. / Essa dissertação é o resultado da pesquisa, em que é esboçado o perfil da vivência das relações de gênero no Conselho Nacional de Leigos e Leigas Católicos do Brasil. Para traçá-lo, recorreu-se a aportes teóricos da filosofia, da lingüística, da antropologia, da história, da sociologia, da psicologia e da psicanálise, gerando um embasamento teórico e metodológico interdisciplinar. Sustenta-se que homens e mulheres, cotidiana e historicamente, são tecidos por singulares e plurais relações. Uns e outros vivem em permanentes relações que implicam tanto a busca da diferença quanto da igualdade, em complexas interações sócio-culturais. Como toda relação humana ocorre na história, então, contextualiza-se o grupo e efetua-se a síntese de sua história. Na síntese, é sustentado que a fundação do grupo ocorreu em contexto da ditadura militar e que sua trajetória histórica ficou marcada por intensa criatividade em vivenciar, cotidianamente, novas relações humanas. O perfil de gênero é pintado por meio de uma cuidadosa interpretação dos sinais em doze variáveis. A análise das variáveis foi exigência para a expressão da complexa relação de gênero vivida. Com isto, ficou desenhado que as lideranças do CNL conseguiram viver, positivamente, novas relações de gênero. Perpassa as novas relações a constante busca da comunhão e da autonomia. Em base ao perfil deslindado, são indicadas futuras ações entre as lideranças do grupo analisado.

<p>Keywords: Immanuel Kant (</p><p>narratives in European naturalism and political anatomy. Yet the concept surfaces in gender historical research on the period in foot notes and cursory remarks. This paper interrogates why epigenesis has been eradicated from the historical consciousness of today’s scholarship on gender politics. By honing in on the weirdness, a term borrowed from Lorraine Daston, in and of Immanuel Kant’s (1724-1804) theory on animal generation I show how an alertness it requires a re-evaluation of views on "political anatomy" taken-for-granted in scholarship, but also of Kant’s philosophy itself. The endeavour is divided into three main sections.</p><p>In the first, I situate the failure of Kant-scholars to, in the words of John H. Zammito, "stabilize" epigenesis by exploring the hitherto unacknowledged peculiarity of Kant’s use racial hybridity to ‘prove’ the theory. In the second, the analysis departs from the notion ‘modern sex difference’ and show that a reading of epigenesis requires a re-thinking of sexed bodily identity in terms of conflict and contradiction. The third section reads this strife in light of Kant’s experience of "astonishment", a cognitive mode, I argue, designed to resolve both physiological and ideological inconsistencies. The antinomy of sex differentiation is in a concluding section juxtaposed with Kant’s phrase "eloquent speechlessness" in which the gender practice activated in the writing of, about, and on epigenesis is compared to the structure informing moral philosophy’s definition of lies.</p>

Keywords: Immanuel Kant ( narratives in European naturalism and political anatomy. Yet the concept surfaces in gender historical research on the period in foot notes and cursory remarks. This paper interrogates why epigenesis has been eradicated from the historical consciousness of today’s scholarship on gender politics. By honing in on the weirdness, a term borrowed from Lorraine Daston, in and of Immanuel Kant’s (1724-1804) theory on animal generation I show how an alertness it requires a re-evaluation of views on "political anatomy" taken-for-granted in scholarship, but also of Kant’s philosophy itself. The endeavour is divided into three main sections. In the first, I situate the failure of Kant-scholars to, in the words of John H. Zammito, "stabilize" epigenesis by exploring the hitherto unacknowledged peculiarity of Kant’s use racial hybridity to ‘prove’ the theory. In the second, the analysis departs from the notion ‘modern sex difference’ and show that a reading of epigenesis requires a re-thinking of sexed bodily identity in terms of conflict and contradiction. The third section reads this strife in light of Kant’s experience of "astonishment", a cognitive mode, I argue, designed to resolve both physiological and ideological inconsistencies. The antinomy of sex differentiation is in a concluding section juxtaposed with Kant’s phrase "eloquent speechlessness" in which the gender practice activated in the writing of, about, and on epigenesis is compared to the structure informing moral philosophy’s definition of lies.

The aim of this qualitative study is to investigate correctional officers’ perception of themeaning of manliness for inmates in a swedish high security prison, and how gender plays arole when working close to inmates. The study also explores how the officer’s own genderplays a role in their interactions with the inmates. Data from seven interviews withcorrectional officers has been analyzed using three concepts from different gender theories -the ‘hegemonic masculinity’ and ‘subordinated masculinity’ concepts by Connell(1995/2008), as well as the concept of ‘hypermasculinity’ by Toch (1998). The researchshows that correctional officers believe that a hypemasculine ideal is important amonginmates. The perception was that hegemonic qualities result in a higher status and position inthe prison’s hierarchical structure, while subordinated characteristics result in a lower rank.However, the meaning of manliness greatly varied depending on the situation and socialsettings. Officers adapted different strategies when dealing with the inmates’ expressions ofmanliness and the study demonstrates that an interaction between an inmate and acorrectional officer is influenced by the officer’s gender.

No description available.

La quêtede l’honneurpeut paraitre désuète de nos jours en Occident mais cela n’est pas forcément le cas si l’on poussait plus loin les analyses. Elle caractérise depuislongtemps les relations entre les décideurs indiens et les dirigeants de la région Asie du Sud. Les relations avec les belligérants sri lankais n’en font pas exception. L’honneur et la gloire sont souvent le produit d’un éthos guerrier et d’une démonstration de virilité de la part des dirigeants politiques et non pas uniquement des militaires.La virilité n’est donc pas biologique mais est un construit politique et social. Les heurts ont été nombreux quant à la résolution du conflit sri lankais.Les décisions, attitudes et actions prises par les Indiens ont été façonnées par les interactions avec leurs interlocuteurs sri lankais et par des éléments extrêmement importants que nous qualifions d’« événements catalyseurs».Après le départ de l’IPKF et l’assassinat de Rajiv Gandhi, les dirigeants indiens ont adopté une autre attitude et des discours plus apaisés vis-à-vis des dirigeants sri lankais tout en refusant de reconnaitre les « Tigres tamouls » (LTTE), une guérilla tamoule au Sri Lanka. La reconnaissance de la part des dirigeants indiens vis-à-vis des décideurs sri lankais a par ailleurs permis la résolution du conflit sri lankais par des moyens militaires. Vingt ans auparavant, cela aurait été totalement inconcevable pour les dirigeants indiens de laisser ainsi faire les décideurs sri lankais. La reconnaissance de part et d’autre a donc pu permettre d’améliorer les relations interpersonnelles et interétatiques indiennes et sri lankaises. / Today, the quest for honor can seemoutdated in Western countries. But for a long timeit has characterizedthe relationships between the Indian decision-makers and the South Asian leaders. Relationships with Sri Lankan protagonists are also shaped by this question of honor but also of glory. Just as the military, political leaders are also influenced by honor and glory which are often produced by a warrior ethos So they want to show their manliness. Virility is not biological but a political and social construct. Throughout the resolution of the Indian-Sri Lankan conflict, numerous clashes took place between between their respective leaders. Decisions, attitudes and actions taken by the Indians have been shaped by their interactions with their Sri Lankan counterparts. And this evolution has also been possible because of “catalyst events”. After the IPKF’s withdrawal and Rajiv Gandhi’s murder,Indian decision-makers refused to recognize the“Tamil Tigers” guerilla (Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam, in Sri Lanka. But the Indian Political leaders’ recognition of the Sri Lankan rulersopened the way to a conflict resolution with military means. Twenty-years ago it would have been completely impossible for the Indians to allow the Sri Lankans to have their way.Recognition on both parts have largely improved the Indian and the Sri Lankan interpersonal and interstate relationships.

Selma Lagerlöf (1858-1940) is one of Sweden’s most well-known and prominent authors. The field of research connected to both her personal life and her body of work is certainly immense. However there are still gaps in the research concerning Lagerlöf’s social critique through her literature. Alongside her authorship she was active in the peace- and women’s movement, and particularly so in women’s suffrage. Simultaneously, as the women’s movement gained momentum at the turn of the 20th century, there was a domestic armament in Sweden. It was at this point when Lagerlöf wrote Herr Arne’s Hoard/The Treasure (1903). The purpose of this study is to examine the connections between manliness and violence in Selma Lagerlöf’s Herr Arne’s Hoard/The Treasure. This is achieved by means of reparative reading using gender theory from the Nordic historic masculinity studies. The reparative reading is based on a model of interpretation, first promoted by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, and is not about hidden meanings but rather what the text explicitly represents. The analysis shows that the text criticizes a certain fit for military service type of manliness. This particular manliness is characterized by self-interest and vindictiveness, which is tied to an archaic barbarity and social stagnation. At the same time it is connected to positions of power. The analysis also shows, through the critic, a feminine desire for justice, a movement towards change and the subversive potential of sympathy. / Selma Lagerlöf (1858-1940) är en av Sveriges namnkunnigaste och mest prominenta författare. Forskningsfältet kring hennes person och produktion är närmast oöverskådligt. Det finns emellertid fortfarande luckor i forskningen gällande hur samhällskritisk Lagerlöf egentligen var i sitt författarskap. Vid sidan av sitt författarskap var hon också aktiv inom freds- och kvinnorörelsen, i synnerhet i kampen för kvinnlig rösträtt. Samtidigt som kvinnorörelsen tog fart kring sekelskiftet 1900, genomfördes en inhemsk militär upprustning i Sverige. Under denna tidsperiod skriver Lagerlöf berättelsen Herr Arnes penningar (1903). Den här studien undersöker kopplingen mellan manlighet och våld i Selma Lagerlöfs Herr Arnes penningar. Studien genomför en reparativ läsning utifrån ett genusvetenskapligt perspektiv med teorier hämtade från den nordiska historiska manlighetsforskningen. Den reparativa läsningen är baserad på en tolkningsmodell som först lanserades av Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick och som handlar om att inte se till vad en text döljer utan till vad den vill. Analysen påvisar att texten kritiserar en särskild vapenför manlighet. Denna manlighet karakteriseras av egennytta och hämndbegär, som förbinds med ett arkaiskt barbari och samhällelig stagnation. Samtidigt förbinds det med maktpositioner. Analysen synliggör utifrån kritiken också ett kvinnligt begär efter rättvisa, en rörelse mot förändring och sympatins subversiva potential.

Depuis l’exploration naissante de l’économie endocrine du masculin jusqu’aux opérations de revitalisation pratiquées dans les années 1920 et 1930, cette thèse montre de quelle manière diverses opérations génitales, dont la vasectomie, participent des stratégies médicales de construction du masculin. En parallèle, la stérilisation masculine volontaire est explorée dans le cadre de projets eugénistes à partir d’une campagne pour la légalisation de la stérilisation en Grande-Bretagne, de débats au sein de la Ligue mondiale pour la réforme sexuelle et du mouvement néo-malthusien français. L’évolution des normes de masculinité et de paternité est enfin questionnée par le recours à la vasectomie comme moyen contraceptif de convenance. L’organisation de vasectomies clandestines, la répression et la réprobation sociale qu’elles suscitent interrogent la disposition de soi du côté des hommes et le rôle normatif de! la procréation. Le caractère polysémique des stérilisations permet ainsi d’explorer globalement les reconfigurations de la masculinité à une échelle transnationale. / From the nascent exploration of the endocrine system of the male to the revitalization operations performed in the 1920s and 1930s, this thesis shows how various genital operations, including vasectomy, contribute to medical strategies for the construction of masculinity. In parallel, voluntary male sterilization is explored in the context of eugenicist projects on the basis of a campaign for legalizing sterilization in Great Britain, the debates within the World League for Sexual Reform and the french neo-malthusian movement. The evolution of the norms of masculinity and paternity is finally questioned by the use of vasectomy as a convenient contraceptive method. The organization of clandestine vasectomies, the repression and social disapproval they generate question men's self-determination and the normative role of procreation. The polysemous nature of sterilizations thus makes possible the overall exploration of the reconfigurations of masculinit! y on a transnational scale.

Det övergripande syftet med denna avhandling är att synliggöra formella och informella maktstrukturer i Norrköpings kommuns politiska ledning mellan åren 1970 och 2006 ur ett genusperspektiv. I inledningen ställs frågan om det är så att kvinnors inlemmande i kommunalpolitiken endast har lett till en jämn könsrepresentation i den politiska toppen, men inte medfört verklig politiskt makt. Utifrån ett samtidshistoriskt perspektiv undersöks den underliggande maktstruktur om den politiska makten i Norrköping kan sägas ha vilat på vid olika tidpunkter mellan 1970 och 2006. Den teoretiska ansatsen är inspirerad av ett feministiskt genusperspektiv och det empiriska materialet analyseras med hjälp av bl a begreppet genusregim. Detta begrepp utgör grunden i avhandlingens teoretiska ram. I den konkreta analysen används sedan begrepp som politisk fält och politiskt kapital, manlighet, manlig homosocialitet, hegemoni och diskursiv makt. Utgångspunkten i avhandlingen är att kvinnor och mäns olika tillgång till informell makt i politiken dels har att göra med makt som baseras på genus, dels har att göra med makt kopplat till relationerna mellan ledande politiker och ledande tjänstemän i kommunens administrativa ledning. Avhandlingen undersöker på vilket sätt kvinnliga och manliga politikers formella deltagande i kommunens nämnder, kommunstyrelsen och andra organ förändrades under perioden 1970–2006. Den belyser också hur politiker och tjänstemän har uppfattat den underliggande maktstruktur som underbygger verklig politisk makt, samt hur denna maktstruktur har förhållit sig till genus. Avhandlingen undersöker även huruvida manliga tjänstemän begränsat kvinnliga politikers maktutrymme. Avhandlingen visar att den makt som underbygger den politiska styrningen har vilat på två slags ordningsrelationer: den mellan kvinnor och män respektive den mellan den politiska ledningen och administrationen. Avhandlingen visar således att problemet med kvinnors brist på informell makt har varit inbyggt i det politiska systemet. / The aim of this dissertation is to examine women’s and men’s access to quantitative and qualitative political power in the municipality of Norrköping between 1970 and 2006. The method chosen is to analyze the substructure underlying political leaders’ ability to govern. The premise of this inquiry is that an unequal distribution of genuine power between women and men in politics depends on gender-based power structures as well as the relationship between politicians in leadership positions and male employees in leading positions in the municipal administration. There are three main questions of interest in this dissertation. Firstly, in what respects does the formal representation of women and man elected as representatives in the municipal council, the municipal executive board, and other boards change in the period 1970―2006? Secondly, how do politicians and employed municipal administrators describe the structures of power that grant genuine power, and how do informal power relations relate to the gender-based power structure? Thirdly, focusing on women’s increasing participation in governing processes I ask in what respects the male dominance in the administration circumscribes the possibilities of female politicians in leadership positions to exercise genuine power. With these questions as the starting point, I have studied political power structures in relation to women and men as well as in relation to actors in political and administrative leadership positions in the municipality of Norrköping. Relaying on the concept of gender regime I have developed an analytical framework to analyze the informal power structures. The concept of gender regime can be understood as the patterning of gender processes in particular social units at a particular historical time. In the theoretical approach of the dissertation, the concept of gender regime in combination with the concepts of manliness, male homosociality and the hegemony of men, offer a complex way of analyzing gender and power relations at a local level. One of the main conclusions is that despite a changing political gender regime in the 21st century, the power was still based on a patriarchal model.

There were many ways of bordering manliness during the historical period covered by my research. Borders have been metaphorically understood as those invisible, often non-enunciated limits that have safeguarded manliness. There were borders separating masculinity from femininity and from childishnes, but there is also a more distant border, separating masculinity from the bestial. The term un-manliness is a useful concept for this analysis, for it can be used to illuminate the different ways in which masculinity has been interrogated. The concept can also be used in comparative analyses of how tolerance towards men deviating from ideas of ideal masculinity has differed according to situation and culture. It has been my ambition to elucidate the particular attitudes, values, customs, knowledge and requirements that influenced the view of masculinity at both individual and the group level. The clearest-cut aspects of manliness and un-manliness expressed in court proceedings were those having to do with sexuality, relations within the household, and the subordinate and dominant masculinities displayed by different court-room actors. The latter, in turn, reflected contemporary social structures, including the social gap that divided the Livonian peasantry’s serfs or former serfs from the ruling Baltic-German elite. Records from the court proceedings have shown the subordinate masculinity of the defendants, subordinate not only to that of the officers of the court but to that of the witnesses. This subordination was an inevitable consequence of the nature of the accusations, regardless of whether they were deemed well-founded or false.  The defendants were placed in a situation where they were forced constantly to be on the alert, ready to defend themselves and show their best sides. As a result, they would often give extremely clear expression to their views of proper masculinity. Such actors stressed, consciously or unconsciously, certain manly traits and behaviour patterns that characterised themselves and others. Their arguments provide insights into what they thought of each other and how they conceived a man should generally be, behave and act in different situations. By the same token, they clearly showed what kinds of behaviours were considered undesirable or outright unmanly. The positioning of the borders of manliness was linked both to time and to space. Deviations have helped different societies set the borders for what they considered acceptable behaviour. There was a clear cultural and geographical border between Sweden as such, and the Swedish province Livonia. This emerges clearly when one compares Livonian results with earlier studies on bestiality in Sweden. This shows that the view of manliness and the tolerance towards certain kinds of behaviour changed as one moved East.