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Showing 31 to 37 of 37 (0.068 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"new light"" "subject:"new might""
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英國政府治理模式變革之研究劉坤億, Kun-i Liu Unknown Date (has links)
一九八○年代迄今，對英美語系和歐陸等先進工業民主國家的政府部門而言，是一個治理模式變革的年代。值得注意的是，這一波政府改革運動的持續力和影響層面是歷史上少見的，驅動改革的相關理念亦有脈絡可循，並且已經浮現出若干明顯的新治理模式。可惜的是，這一波政府改革風潮雖然有著許多不同而動人的稱號（如新公共管理運動、政府再造運動），以及眾多令人目眩神迷的改革策略（如顧客導向的服務、簽約外包、組織精簡等），但是針對各類新的治理模式或各種改革方略所進行的分析及評估卻不多。本文將嘗試由治理（governance）概念發展出一套評估性的分析架構，以作為檢驗這些新的治理模式或改革策略的工具。這一套評估性的分析架構包括三個部分：治理工具的選擇、治理過程的互動關係及治理能力的評估指標。
目 錄
第一章 導論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥1
第一節 研究動機與目的 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥2
第二節 研究方法與途徑 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥8
第三節 研究範圍與流程 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥11
第四節 治理概念的界定 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥13
第五節 研究限制 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥19
第二章 西敏寺型式的改革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22
第一節 西敏寺民主模式的特徵及其困境 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22
一、西敏寺模式的主要特徵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22
二、西敏寺模式的困境 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥24
第二節 柴契爾革命的背景 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥29
一、經濟和社會的壓力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥30
二、政治和行政的困局 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥34
三、歐洲化的衝擊 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥35
四、柴契爾個人的意志 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥37
第三節 新右派的改革理念 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥37
一、自由主義和保守哲學 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥38
二、奧地利學派和芝加哥學派 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥40
三、公共選擇理論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥42
四、管理主義 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥49
第四節 保守黨政府的改革行動 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥53
一、改革紀事（1979-1997） ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥53
二、改革歷程及其重點 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥57
第三章 治理概念的分析架構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60
第一節 治理概念途徑的內涵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60
一、治理概念的七種用法 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60
二、治理和新公共管理之間的差異 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥64
三、治理概念的五個命題 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥66
第二節 治理工具的類型 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥71
一、從政策工具到治理工具 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥71
二、四種治理工具 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥72
三、四種治理工具的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥77
第三節 治理關係的層次 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥79
一、從政府統治到多層治理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥79
二、三個層次的治理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥81
第四節 治理能力的指標 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥85
一、善治的參考指標 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥85
二、動態指標的建構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥88
第五節 研究架構的提出 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥92
第四章 財務管理改革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥94
第一節 績效責任導向的財務管理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥94
一、效率稽核 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥95
二、財務管理方案 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥96
三、市場測試 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥98
四、績效責任審計 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥99
五、強化會計功能 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥101
第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥102
一、層級節制為體，市場機制為用 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥103
二、官僚經驗與管理文化的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥104
第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥109
一、官僚與廠商的競爭 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥109
二、內部審計重於外部審計 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥111
三、中央集權與地方分權的拉鋸 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥112
第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥114
一、從政治理性出發的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥114
二、柴契爾優越的統理能力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥115
三、仍須強化的回應力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥116
四、改革效益大於改革成本 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥119
第五章 組織結構的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥124
第一節 市場模式的組織結構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥124
一、民營化 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥125
二、續階計畫 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥127
第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥133
一、從層級節制到市場機制 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥133
二、組織經濟學的論證 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥135
第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥138
一、國家空心化（hollowing-out） ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥139
二、行政執行機關與部會的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥140
第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥144
一、特定系絡下的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥144
二、梅傑與柴契爾在統理能力上的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥145
三、回應力與反作用力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥147
四、效益遞減、成本遞增 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥148
第六章 文官制度調整 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥152
第一節 人力資源管理取向的文官制度 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥152
一、富爾頓報告的遺緒 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥153
二、人事行政機關的改組 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥155
三、雇用制度的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥157
四、訓練制度的發展 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥163
五、文官員額精簡 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥166
第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥167
一、從人事管理到人力資源管理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥168
二、人力資源管理的內涵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥170
三、策略性人力資源管理的省思 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥171
第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥173
一、部長責任制與文官政治中立 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥173
二、政治控制與文官特權 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥174
三、續階計畫與行政課責 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥175
四、核心主管部門與高級文官的決策角色 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥177
第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥179
一、難以周全的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥179
二、梅傑與柴契爾在統理態度上的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥181
三、遲來的回應力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥182
四、潛在的成本與潛在的效益 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥183
第七章 結論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥187
第一節 研究發現 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥188
第二節 研究建議 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥200
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Stop Taking Our Privileges! The Anti-ERA Movement in Georgia, 1978-1982Graves, Kristina Marie 31 July 2006 (has links)
Graves discusses the important role that women played in the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was a controversial and divisive piece of legislation that polarized both legislators and constituents throughout the United States. Graves uses the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia as a model for studying the women who opposed the ERA on a national level. She writes about the differences between the feminist movement and the conservative grassroots movement, the role that anti-ERA women played in the rise of the New Right, and the legacy of the ERA’s failure in contemporary political context. Graves uses interviews and primary resource documents of the women involved in the campaign as well as a plethora of scholarly materials previously written about the ERA.
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[en] LINKED REACTION: THE BRAZILIAN RIGHT FROM A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / [pt] REAÇÃO CONECTADA: AS DIREITAS BRASILEIRAS EM PERSPECTIVA HISTÓRICALEONARDO SEABRA PUGLIA 12 January 2021 (has links)
[pt] Esta tese analisa o processo de formação histórica das direitas brasileiras, tendo como eixo de investigação a verificação empírica de duas hipóteses centrais inter-relacionadas. A primeira aponta que a união entre liberalismo econômico e conservadorismo no plano dos costumes, que caracteriza o campo da direita no Brasil contemporâneo, deita longas raízes na história nacional; enquanto a segunda identifica a internet como elemento-chave para a compreensão do avanço das direitas - incluindo sua reativação como fenômeno de massa – registrado no país no período posterior às manifestações de junho de 2013. Além de confirmar ambas as hipóteses, a pesquisa, fundamentada em revisão bibliográfica, discute como atores políticos de direita reagiram de maneira especialmente eficiente aos diferentes ciclos de desenvolvimento tecnológico e de difusão das redes digitais, que modificaram dinâmicas políticas na direção de uma intensa polarização verificada na sociedade durante as eleições presidenciais de 2018. Com destaque para o papel desempenhado pelo escritor Olavo de Carvalho na renovação da tradição anticomunista brasileira - consolidada ainda na década de 1930 -, a partir da popularização de uma leitura reacionária do pensamento de Gramsci influenciada pela direita dos Estados Unidos. A opção por uma abordagem histórica, que não perca de vista dinâmicas sistêmicas internacionais, nem a análise de outras variáveis de caráter interdisciplinar, busca dar conta do dinamismo e da complexidade do fenômeno, identificando, entre continuidades e elementos novos, vetores capazes de conectar a diversidade das direitas em uma ação política unificada. / [en] This thesis aims to analyze the History of Brazilian right-wing movements building process by pursuing the empirical verification of two main interrelated hypothesis. The first one points out that the union between economic liberalism and moral conservatism, which characterizes contemporary Brazilian right-wing, has deep roots in national History; while the second hypothesis identifies the internet as a key element for understanding the rising of Brazilian right-wing after the June 2013 demonstrations, including its rebirth as a mass phenomenon. In addition to confirming both hypothesis, the research, based on literature review, discusses how right-wing political actors reacted efficiently to the different cycles of digital networks technological development and diffusion, which modified political dynamics towards on a growing polarization seen in 2018 presidential election. A special attention is paid to the role played by the writer Olavo de Carvalho in the renewing of Brazilian anti-communist tradition from the 1930s through the popularization of a reactionary understanding of Gramsci s thought inspired by the right-wing movements from the United States. By choosing a historical approach, which does not lose sight of international dynamics, nor of other interdisciplinary variables, this thesis aims to understand the phenomenon s dynamism and complexity, identifying, among continuities and new elements, vectors capable of connecting the diversity of right-wing movements in an unified political action.
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New Deal To New Majority: SDS’s Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20th CenturyHale, Michael T. 23 November 2015 (has links)
No description available.
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»Jetzt muss jeder Patriot aktiv werden!« : Diskurslinguistische Analyse der strategischen politischen Kommunikation der Identitären Bewegung ÖsterreichJuopperi, Jesse January 2019 (has links)
This study aims to describe the strategic political communication of the Identitarian Movement in Austria (in German known as Identitäre Bewegung Österreich) and concentrates on identifying means of persuasive language on the homepage of the movement, which is known to be nationalistic and critical towards migration. The study is based on a corpus containing a selection of blog entries, as well as a sample of images published on the homepage, and is carried out using a qualitative method combining discourse linguistics, systemic-functional linguistics and multimodal theory. The analysis sets off by describing the field component of systemic-functional theory and proceeds to examining tenor and mode. The focus will be specifically on firstly, investigating a) discourse participants and the processes they engage in and b) interaction between the implied sender and recipient in the verbal material; and secondly, describing how these meanings are reproduced visually in the image sample used. The findings suggest that the movement not only strives to portray itself as powerful and authoritative but also relies on means of solidarity in order to convince the recipient of its message. More specifically, it is shown that the migrant participants are discriminated and depersonalised whilst a close synthetic relationship is established with the implied reader, i.e. the homepage visitor. Furthermore, the movement makes an effort to picture itself as a representative of numerous groups and interests in society. By doing so it apparently attempts to simulate a representative discourse, in order to present the xenophobic stance it agitates for as a majority opinion. The analysis shows also that these practices can be seen throughout the corpus, that is, in the verbal texts as well as in the imagery.
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Une autre théorie critique : l'histoire intellectuelle de la revue Nord-américaine Telos 1968-2001 / Another critical theory : the intellectual history of the northamerican journal Telos, 1968-2001Himeur, Emilie 17 November 2014 (has links)
Notre thèse d’analyse des idées politiques retrace l’histoire intellectuelle de larevue de pensée critique étasunienne Telos de 1968 à 2001. A travers notre travail denarration critique, nous cherchons à comprendre, au sens wébérien, l’évolution idéologiquesignificative de la publication-organisation, qui est passée en moins de trente ans d’unpositionnement néo-marxiste affilié à la Nouvelle gauche américaine à un populisme prochede la Nouvelle droite européenne. Notre hypothèse de travail est que le rapport que Telosentretient avec la Théorie critique de l’Ecole de Francfort est déterminant pour comprendreson évolution et écrire son histoire. Nous défendons ici la thèse que Telos constitue unorgane dissident de « théorie critique nord-américaine » (Mooney, Calhoun) qui s’exprimesous la forme d’un « traditionalisme critique » qui tient lieu de synthèse entre différentesbranches de théorie critique contemporaine. En tant que synthèse, la théorie telosiennedépasse l'héritage de la vieille Théorie critique francfortoise, dans un double rapportd’intégration et de négation. In fine, Telos produit sa propre critique, une autre théoriecritique. / Our doctoral dissertation traces the intellectual history of the American criticalthought journal Telos from 1968 to 2001. Through our critical narrative, we intend tounderstand, in the weberian sense, the significant ideological evolution of the publicationorganization,which, in less than thirty years, moved from a neo-Marxist position affiliatedwith the American New Left to a populism related to the European New Right. Our workinghypothesis is that the link between Telos and the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School isdecisive to understand its evolution and write its history. Our thesis is that Telos is adissenting organ of “North-American Critical Theory” (Mooney, Calhoun) expressed as a“critical traditionalism” that acts as a synthesis between various trends of contemporarycritical theory. As a synthesis, the telosian theory overcomes the legacy of the old Criticaltheory in a dual relationship of integration and negation. Ultimately, Telos produces its owncriticism, another critical theory.
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Summerhill school is it possible in Aotearoa ??????? New Zealand ???????: Challenging the neo-liberal ideologies in our hegemonic schooling systemPeck, Mikaere Michelle S. January 2009 (has links)
The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.
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