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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 41 to 49 of 49 (0.069 seconds)| 41 |
Svensk politik i förändring : Om varför Kristdemokraterna ingick och lämnade DecemberöverenskommelsenKanth, Arne January 2017 (has links)
The purpose of this paper was to seek answers to why the Christian Democrats decided to actively contribute to the December agreement as well as its termination. My questions are: • Why did the Christian Democrats decide to join the December agreement? • Why did the Christian Democrats decide to leave the December agreement? I have used an analysis model based on the model Gunnar Sjöblom developed to explain how parties in a multi-party system reach their overall goal of program realization. As a development of Sjöblom's model, I have added an aspect from Karl Loxbo about the importance of the parties' strategic actions over time. I have also used Tommy Möller's description of eleven factors that affect the scope of action for political leaders at national level. I have used a case study design and made a comparison of two different analysis units in time. To chart the course of events and to find causal mechanisms, I have used process tracking. My conclusions are that the Christian Democrats had a primary focus on cohesion of the Alliance as a starting point for entering into the December agreement and that the party largely left the agreement because the new party leader considered it as a barrier to realizing the party's new political orientation. The situation that arose after the Swedish Democrats entered the Riksdag and brought entirely new conditions remains to be solved.
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Political Consumerism : Money TalksSinclair, Martin January 2008 (has links)
The political development in the Western world is transforming. Political party participation decreases as well as other non-profit associations. This individualistic development is described as a threat to democracy. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that the political participation is a transformation into a new type of participation that instead could strengthen the democracy. The political parties are the foundation of the democratic system and they receive their power by representing the citizens in the decision making process. Yet, the parties transform from organisations with a close linkage to their core groups, to catch-all organisations that aim to maximise votes. Since the goal for parties is to attain as much power as possible, new parties and other political actors have effectively been kept out of political system. The individualistic development is observed through the political consumerism in this thesis. The political consumption is described as a political activity where consuming is used as the mean to impact. To actively select products that represent certain values influence companies to work for those values. It is a free individualistic movement without rules. If asked to describe the typical political consumer it would be a young female with a higher education and thus, an income above average. The political consumer prefers to be involved in issues of personal interest rather than broad party politics. Companies are believed to contain a great deal of power in society and must therefore also obtain responsibility. The problems associated to political consumerism are connected to poor information. Citizens may make wrong political decisions since the information presented to them is poor or faulty. Another problem is the lack of tools to measure political consumption; we do not know how important it is in comparison to other political activities. It is difficult to compare traditional politics with political consumerism since they target different issues and work in different ways. However, political consumerism is not a threat to traditional politics and should instead be recognised as a compliment. / Den politiska utvecklingen i västvärlden håller på att förändras. Deltagandet i politiska partier och ideella organisationer minskar och denna individualistiska trend anses vara ett hot mot demokratin. Dock finns det forskare som hävdar att det politiska deltagandet påvisar en förändring till en ny typ av deltagande som kan stärka det demokratiska systemet. De politiska partierna utgör basen för det demokratiska systemet. Partiets makt grundas i att representera medborgarna i beslutsprocessen. Trots det utvecklas partierna från organisationer med en klar koppling till sina kärnväljare till röstmaximerande organisationer som vill attrahera den breda massan. Eftersom partiernas mål är att få så många röster som möjligt har nya partier och andra politiska aktörer effektivt kvarhållits utanför systemet. I den här uppsatsen observeras den individualistiska trenden genom politisk konsumtion. Den politiska konsumtionen beskrivs som en politisk aktivitet där konsumtion används som påverkningsmetod. Att aktivt välja produkter som representerar vissa värden påverkar företag att jobba mot dessa värden. Det är en fri och individualistisk rörelse utan klara regler. Den typiska polisiska konsumenten är en ung kvinna med högre utbildning och en inkomst över genomsnittet. De politiska konsumenterna föredrar att involvera sig i frågor av personligt intresse istället för bred partipolitik. Företag anses ha mycket i samhället och måste därför också ta ett ansvar. Problemen med politisk konsumtion är kopplade till dålig information. Medborgare kan ta felaktiga politiska beslut när den disponibla informationen är dålig eller oriktig. Ett annat problem är att det saknas verktyg att mäta politisk konsumtion. Vi vet inte hur viktigt fenomenet är i förhållande till andra politiska aktiviteter. Det är svårt att jämföra politisk konsumtion med traditionell politik eftersom de jobbar på olika sätt mot olika frågor. Hursomhelst, politisk konsumtion är inte ett hot mot traditionell politik utan bör snarare ses som ett komplement.
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Den dolda europeiseringen : En studie av svenska partiers retoriska förändring mellan 1995-2010Linderoth, Johanna January 2011 (has links)
This thesis studies the indirect effects of Europeanization on national political parties. I argue that Europeanization has affected the way national parties operate, and communicate with the voters, by restricting the national policy space through increased economic and political integration. Furthermore, I argue that the impact of Europeanization is likely to be reflected in electoral manifestos and changed patterns of party competition. Accordingly, Europeanization is hypothesized to change party rhetoric in a cartel-like manner by diminishing voters’ expectations, and also by avoiding EU-affairs in electoral manifestos. The hypothesis suggests, moreover, that Europeanization is reflected in convergence among parties regarding the rhetoric concerning EU-affairs. The purpose of the thesis is to examine to what extent the rhetoric concerning EU-affairs has changed in electoral manifestos sinceSwedenjoined the European Union in 1995. The political parties examined are Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Miljöpartiet. The parties’ electoral manifestos, from the period 1994-2010, are analysed through quantitative and qualitative content analysis. Subsequently, analyses from a comparison between results from earlier manifestos and older ones are evaluated. The thesis concludes that the space given to EU-affairs in electoral manifestos consistently decrease and that the rhetoric tends to become vaguer over time. In conclusion, this result might indicate that the parties avoid debating the EU-affairs. Yet, the empirical analysis finds no signs of convergence among the parties.
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Europeisering och Programmatisk Förändring : "Europafrågan" i Polska Partiers Politiska Program Under 2000-taletThunberg, Maria January 2010 (has links)
This study deals with the phenomenon of European integration and its impact on national party programs in Poland, a current member state of the European Union. The author will argue that the question of European integration has left a mark on the political party programs of two mainstream domestic parties on opposite sides of the ideological dimension, in the form of a certain degree of convergence regarding the “European issue”. Relating the result of the analysis to the theoretical structure of Europeanization and sociological institutional change, the essay will attempt to show a possible link between them. Although this trend does not seem to indicate any dramatic effects of the membership per se in the programs (the national arena seems, in most cases, be of more value for party activities) there is an indirect effect in the form of the presence of Europarties and a pronounced incentive for social and economic adaptation.
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Instagram och svensk politikLodén, Simon, Nordin, Elin January 2018 (has links)
Denna studie berör medieplattformen Instagram och hur den används inom svensk politik. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur Instagram påverkar svenska riksdagspartiers arbete och hur arbetet kan anpassas till användarna av Instagram. Studien har genomförts med hjälp av en kvalitativ metod, där semistrukturerade intervjuer utgör resultatet. Studien behandlar tre svenska riksdagspartier, samt inkluderar fyra användare av Instagram. Resultatet har genomförts med teori som innefattar utvecklingen av Instagram i Sverige, politik och användningen av Instagram i politik utanför Sverige. Studiens slutsats visar på att politiska partiers användning av Instagram öppnar upp för en ny målgrupp, bidrar till nya kommunikationssätt och ger möjlighet till att engagera fler i sin politik. / This essay concerns the Instagram media platform and how it is used in Swedish politics. The purpose of the paper is to investigate how Instagram affects the work of the Swedish parliament and how it can be adapted to the users of Instagram. The essay has been conducted using a qualitative method, where semi-structured interviews constitute the result. The essay deals with three Swedish parliamentary parties and includes four users of Instagram. The result has been conducted with theory that includes Instagram's development in Sweden, politics and Instagram's use in politics outside of Sweden. The conclusion of the essay shows that the use of Instagram by political parties opens up to a new target group, contributes to new ways of communication and allows for more involvement in politics.
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Kvinnlig representation : Beskrivningar från Miljöpartiet, Moderaterna, Kristdemokraterna och Socialdemokraterna / Female representation : Descriptions from the Swedish Green party, The Moderate Party, the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Social Democratic partyArdhamre, Johan January 2018 (has links)
In this qualitative text analysis paper the author examined how the Swedish Green party, the Moderate party, the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Social Democratic party described female representation during the years 2001-2013 at their party congresses. With party strategic categories constructed by Lena Wägnerud and one self-constructed category with the help of works by Ann Phillips a total of 5 categories was used to separate the different statements regarding female representation. The categories were attack, win voters, comparisons, bragging and other. The results of the study show that the focus of female representation has shifted from a focus on female political representation to female representation in the business world, mostly representation in the board rooms. The results also show that all parties express themselves about female representation but in different ways. The Swedish Social Democratic party is the only party that focuses mainly on female representation as a question of justice and democracy, statements that fall under the category other. The other parties in this paper all had their focus on strategic statements that fall under Lena Wägneruds categories.
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Ranstadverkets uranbrytning : Utifrån riksdagsbeslut 1959-1970 / The Swedish uranium mining at Ranstadverket. : Based on parliamentary decisions 1959 - 1970.Brandin, Jakob January 2020 (has links)
Abstract The studies purpose is to acknowledge if there are some differences between the decision against Ranstadverkets uranium mining depending on event that occur and affect the project. 1959 - 1970 is the years that are examine. The Swedish uranium mining was a hot subject between the political parties. Nearly half a billion Swedish kronor was invested in the project. Nonprofit organizations like environment groups disliked the project and tried to stop it. Events like the when the mine where put in pause in 1969 and how that affected the mine. The study analyzes how the events affected the Swedish governments decisions against the mine and how the Swedish people responded on the decisions. / Den svenska miljöhistorian består mestadels av forskning om kärnkraften och vattenkraften vilket är bara en del av Sverige miljöhistoria. Den svenska uranbrytningen är en del av den svenska miljöhistorian fast det finns knappt någon forskning om ämnet, speciellt inte utifrån riksdagsbesluten. Vilket gör ämnet mer intresserat att studera. Ranstadverket under åren 1959 - 1970 kan uppfattas som ett hett ämne vilket har blivit påverkat av omvärlden och dess förändring. Vid starten av Ranstadsprojektet var budgeten för verket cirka 115 miljoner och verkets byggnation kostade cirka 140 miljoner. Efter alla kostnader och arbetstimmar blev kostnaden för hela projektet nästan en halv miljard svenska kronor. De två frågor som har diskuterats i riksdagens dokument är ifall det är gynnsamt att utvinna uran vid Ranstad samt kostnaden för projektet. Ranstadsprojektet var ett diskussionsämne för alla svenska partier för att det var väldigt ekonomiskt krävande men också för att det kunde minska importkostnader.
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Mötet mellan Agenda 2030 och mänskliga rättigheter på lokal nivå : En intervjustudie med politiska partier, förvaltning och civila samhället inför implementeringen av Agenda 2030 i Stockholms stad / The meeting between Agenda 2030 and human rights at local level : Interviews with political parties, administration and civil society prior to the implementation of Agenda 2030 in the City of StockholmEricsson, Malin January 2020 (has links)
The City of Stockholm has declared that it will be leading in the implementation of Agenda 2030. The study is based on interviews with political parties, representatives from the administration and civil society actors in the City of Stockholm. It explores how concepts within and the relation between Agenda 2030 and human rights are perceived. The results of the study are based on four themes: to leave no one behind, politics, language and practice, and partnership. A tension between human rights and Agenda 2030 is found, but also commonalities. The study shows that in local administration, Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals are often regarded as more practical than human rights. Yet, respondents believe that human rights can strengthen Agenda 2030. Across all respondent groups, the study finds that there are expectations of Agenda 2030 breaking silos, uniting actors and offering a framework that is stable over policy shifts
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Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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