Josep Puig Pujades (1883-1949) fou el principal renovador del republicanisme empordanès que entroncà la vella tradició federal amb el catalanisme progressista del primer terç del segle XX. La seva àmplia producció periodística i literària permeten constatar l’important paper ideològic que va desenvolupar com a intel•lectual en l’objectiu de crear un projecte cívicocultural com a eina transformadora de la societat a través del foment de l’educació i la cultura. Els càrrecs de govern que assumí durant la Segona República i les responsabilitats en l’òrgan directori d’Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya contribuïren a forjar-lo com una de les figures més rellevants del catalanisme republicà anterior a la guerra civil. / Josep Puig Pujades (1883-1949) was key to the revival of Republicanism. This movement was a direct inheritor of the long federalist tradition in Empordà combined with Progressive Catalanism seen in the first part of the twentieth century. His extensive journalistic and literary writings show the important ideological role he played as an intellectual in the creation of a civic-cultural project as a means of transforming society through the promotion of education and culture. The government positions he held during the Second Republic and responsibilities on the board of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya helped to consolidate him as one of the leading figures of Catalanist Republicanism before the Spanish Civil War.

En 2003, la Commission de vérité et de réconciliation du Pérou (CVR) publie un rapport sur la période de guerre interne et de violence qui a déchiré le pays entre 1980 et 2000. Ce rapport étudie ces deux décennies pour faire la lumière sur les événements et évaluer la position de divers secteurs de la société afin que les Péruviens puissent se réconcilier avec un pan de leur histoire. Dans son rapport, la CVR consacre une section aux médias, notamment la presse écrite, et salue le rôle « important » qu’ils ont joué, tout en notant au passage que leur couverture du conflit n’a pas favorisé la pacification du pays et a même pu la compromettre par moments. Ce mémoire vise à étudier la couverture de la guerre interne par les trois quotidiens péruviens les plus importants pour le tirage, Expreso, El Comercio, et La República. Il porte surtout sur la période comprise entre le début des hostilités, le 17 mai 1980, et le massacre de huit journalistes dans le village andin d’Uchuraccay, le 26 janvier 1983. Un regard est également jeté sur l’évolution du journalisme au Pérou depuis les années 1960, marquées par l’élection d’un gouvernement démocratique et aussi par l’instauration d’un régime militaire qui se maintiendra au pouvoir pendant 12 ans. Les bouleversements au cours de cette période difficile expliquent, au moins en partie, le désintérêt initialement manifesté par ces quotidiens, au-delà des différences idéologiques manifestes, à l’endroit des premiers pas du Sentier Lumineux et de sa « guerre populaire ». / In 2003, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Peru published a report on the internal war and violence that tore the country apart from 1980 to 2000. The report studied those two decades in order to shed light on the events, investigating the involvement of different sectors of society, so that Peruvians would be able to come to peace with their recent history. In its report, the TRC had a section on the media – including the written press. The report underscored the “important” role the media had played, but also stated that their coverage of the war might not have helped bring peace and may have even at times worsened the situation. This thesis aims to study the coverage of the internal war by the three daily newspapers with the largest circulation, Expreso, El Comercio and La República. It focuses on the period between the start of the war on May 17, 1980 and the massacre of eight journalists in the Andean village of Uchuraccay on January 26, 1983. It also considers the evolution of Peruvian journalism since the 1960s, when a democratic government was elected and a military junta subsequently took power and held it for 12 years. Beyond the ideological differences that characterize the three papers studied, this rocky period accounts for, at least partially, the initial lack of interest shown by the newspapers towards the first guerilla actions of the Shining Path and its popular war.

La tesis doctoral Actores y orden en las Relaciones Internacionales. El papel de la República Popular China y Japón en la construcción del orden regional de Asia oriental analiza el comportamiento de los actores internacionales en el proceso de gestación, consolidación y transformación del orden, así como los factores que lo motivan. La primera parte estudia la naturaleza del orden, plantea una propuesta de clasificación de los actores y formula diversas hipótesis. A continuación se contextualizan y desarrollan dos casos de estudio. La segunda parte describe el proceso de construcción del orden regional de Asia oriental, su estructura y contenido actuales. Las partes tercera y cuarta se centran en el análisis del cambiante papel desempeñado por la República Popular China y Japón en este proceso y en los factores explicativos de su evolución. Por último, el apartado de consideraciones finales recoge las conclusiones y esboza tres posibles escenarios de futuro. / The doctoral thesis Actors and order in International Relations: the role of the People's Republic of China and Japan in the construction of East Asia's regional order analyzes the behaviour of international actors in the process of order emergence, consolidation and transformation, as well as its underlying factors. First, the thesis reflects on the nature of order, sets out a proposal for the classification of international actors, and formulates several hypotheses. In order to test them, the following sections contextualize and develop two case studies. The second section describes the process leading to the construction of East Asia's regional order, as well as its current structure and content. The third and fourth sections analyze the changing roles of China and Japan in this process and the factors shaping their evolution. Finally, the last section summarizes the main findings and sketches three potential scenarios for the future.

LA TESIS INVESTIGA Y ANALIZA EL PROCESO DE CREACION Y DE RECEPCION DEL FILME DOCUMENTAL DE LUIS BUÑEL SOBRE LAS HURDES, REALIZADO EN 1933. LA INVESTIGACION ARRANCA CON LOS PROCEDENTES HISTORICOS, METAFORICOS Y VISUALES DE LA OBRA, QUE SE ENCUENTRAN EN LOS VIAJES ANTERIORES DE MIGUEL DE UNAMUNO Y, EN PARTICULAR, DE ALFONSO XIII Y EN EL FOTOPERIODISMO QUE LA VISITA REAL PROVOCO, ASI COMO EN EL ESTUDIO DE GEOGRAFIA HUMANA DE MAURICE LEGENDRE, EN EL QUE BUÑUEL SE INSPIRO ABIERTAMENTE. LA INVESTIGACION PODE DE RELIEVE EL CARACTER ANARCO-SURREALISTA DEL FILME, TANTO EN VIRTUD DEL EQUIPO DE PRODUCCION Y FILMACION QUE LO REALIZO, COMO DE SU PUESTA EN ESCENA. SE ANALIZAN LAS TRAYECTORIAS INTELECTUALES, ARTISTICAS Y POLITICAS DE CADA MIEMBRO DEL EQUIPO, QUE DIERON COMO RESULTADO UN FILME PLURIDISCIPLINARIO DE ESPECTRO CULTURAL AMPLIO: CINEMA, FOTOGRAFIA, POESIA, PERIODISMO, ETNOGRAFIA, HISTORIA DEL ARTE. ASIMISMO, LA TESIS SE DETIENE EN LA DESCRIPCION Y ANALISIS DE LA PUESTA EN ESCENA, EN PARTICULAR DE LAS ESCENAS FABRICADAS. EL ANALISIS DE LA RECEPCION DEL FILME EN LAS DIVERSAS ETAPAS DE LA II REPUBLICA Y DE LA GUERRA CIVIL, ASI COMO DESDE ENTONCES HASTA HOY, CIERRA LA TESIS.

La tesi doctoral Josep Tarradellas (1899-1936). Dels orígens a la Guerra Civil aborda els anys de joventut i de formació política del qui va ser president de la Generalitat de Catalunya (1954-1980). El treball presenta com la progressió i experiència professional de Tarradellas, com a dependent de comerç, viatjant i petit empresari, va influir en la seva actuació política posterior. Situant les habilitats organitzatives apreses en els seus negocis com la base d’una política de gestió, planificació o pragmàtica. Apareixent, en aquest sentit, amb un perfil més propi dels self-made men nord-americans esdevinguts polítics que no pas amb el dels dirigents catalans i espanyols que li eren contemporanis. La tesi s’atura en el moment en que aquesta etapa de formació acaba en començar la Guerra Civil, quan Tarradellas esdevé una figura central del període i ja es pot considerar un polític ‘adult’. El treball també planteja com el testimoni del propi Tarradellas sobre el seu passat, en els anys 1977-1988, va configurar un relat de la seva etapa de formació, comunament acceptat per manca d’un estudi crític, que no es correspon amb l’esdevingut. En aquest sentit, la tesi planteja que aquesta alteració, lluny de ser fruit de la desmemòria, és el resultat de la recerca de la legitimitat com a President i la voluntat de lligar la seva figura amb la del president Francesc Macià (1931-1933) per aconseguir-la. / The thesis Josep Tarradellas (1899-1936). From Origins to the Civil War explores the youth of the President of the Generalitat de Catalunya (1954-1980) and the period of his political education. The research shows how the development and professional experience of Tarradellas, as a shop assistant, sales representative and business man, influenced his later political action. It argues that Tarradellas used the organizational skills learned in his job as the basis of his management, planning and pragmatic policies and appears in this respect, to share a profile more closely related to American businessmen that became politicians, than to his Catalan and Spanish political contemporaries. The thesis stops at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, when the training of Tarradellas as a politician ends and when he becomes a central figure of the new period as an ‘adult’ politician. The work also argues that Tarradellas set up a false narrative on his youth, during the period 1977-1988, which has been commonly accepted. The thesis suggests that this alteration, far from being the result of forgetfulness, was done with the aim of searching for legitimization as a President in order to tie his image to that of President Francesc Macià (1931-1933).

No description available.

Cette Thèse de Doctorat en Histoire a l’objectif primordial d’analyser comment l’idéaire républicain a été traité dans les pages d’humour des périodiques illustrés qui circulaient au Rio de Janeiro au XIXe siècle. La presse illustrée a eu un large développement au Brésil Empire, tout en circulant à côté de journaux quotidiens et littéraires. Les sujets les plus divers de la vie de la Cour ont été divulgués par ces journaux comme, par exemple, les activités politiques, l’un des thèmes préférés. La propagande républicaine, inaugurée en 1870 au Rio de Janeiro, n’est pas passée inaperçue et, partie intégrante de la politique de l’époque, a bientôt commencé à figurer dans les illustrations et textes des articles des journaux. L’analyse de la symbologie républicaine, diffusée surtout à partir de la Révolution Française et de la République instituée en 1792, adaptée aux périodiques brésiliens, est le but présent dans tous les chapitres de la thèse. L’allégorie féminine de la République a été l’élément le plus employé par les caricaturistes quand il s’agissait des questions républicaines, à côté du bonnet phrygien, l’emblème caractéristique des idéaux républicains. Tout d’abord, le travail a été dirigé aux périodiques qui ont accompagné les activités républicaines tout au long de leur campagne jusqu’à la Proclamation de la République en 1889. Par la suite, l’analyse a été orientée à vérifier comment la symbologie a été utilisée pour traiter non plus la campagne en faveur d’un nouveau régime mais, oui, dans l’intérêt du gouvernement républicain au Brésil. Il a été possible d’observer que depuis les années 1870, quand l’idéaire républicain a commencé à faire partie de la vie politique brésilienne, jusqu’à la première décennie républicaine aux années 1890, les symboles ont été utilisés par les artistes dans leurs productions pour démontrer que l’idéaire républicain a été constamment traité, en soulignant l’importance donnée par les périodiques à l’analyse de l’histoire politique au Brésil. / Esta Tese de Doutorado em História tem por objetivo primordial analisar como o ideário republicano foi tratado nas páginas de humor de periódicos ilustrados que circularam no Rio de Janeiro no século XIX. A imprensa ilustrada teve um amplo desenvolvimento no Brasil Império circulando ao lado de jornais diários e literários. Os mais diversos assuntos da vida da Corte foram noticiados por esses jornais, entre eles, as atividades políticas foram um dos temas mais comentados. A propaganda republicana inaugurada em 1870 no Rio de Janeiro não passou despercebida e, como parte da política do tempo, logo passou a figurar nas ilustrações e nos textos dos artigos dos jornais. A análise da simbologia republicana difundida, sobretudo, a partir da Revolução Francesa e da República instituída em 1792, e adaptada nos periódicos brasileiros é o objetivo que perpassa todos os capítulos da tese. A alegoria feminina da República foi o elemento mais empregado pelos caricaturistas ao tratar das questões republicanas ao lado do barrete frígio, emblema característico dos ideais republicanos. No primeiro momento, o trabalho foi direcionado aos periódicos que acompanharam as atividades republicanas ao longo de sua campanha até a Proclamação da República em 1889. No instante seguinte, a análise foi dirigida a averiguar como a simbologia foi aproveitada para tratar não mais da campanha em prol de um novo regime político e sim do governo republicano no Brasil. Foi possível verificar que desde os anos 1870, quando o ideário republicano começou a fazer parte da vida política brasileira, até a primeira década republicana,nos anos 1890, os símbolos foram usados pelos artistas em suas produções demonstrando que o ideário republicano foi constantemente tratado, evidenciando a importância dos periódicos à análise da história política no Brasil. / This Doctoral Thesis aims to analyse how the republican ideas were depicted on pages of illustrated periodicals in Rio de Janeiro in the XIXth Century. Illustrated press had a significant development in Imperial Brazil, along with daily newspapers and literary publications. The most diverse issues of life in Court were published in these publications, and political activities were the favorite ones. Republican propaganda begun in 1870 in Rio de Janeiro, was noticed as well, and became part of articles in the newspapers. The analysis of republican symbols spread after French Revolution and Republic founded in 1792, and adapted to Brazilian periodicals, is the purpose which pervades all chapters of this work. The female allegory of Republic was the most employed element by cartoonists when depicted republican issues besides phrygian cap, the main symbol of republican ideals. In the first place, this work addresses the periodicals which followed republican acts during the campaign to the Proclamation of Republic in 1889. Next, the anslysis of symbols turns from the campaign for a new regime to the way they were employed to address republican government in Brazil. It was possible to find that since the 1870’s, when republican ideas became part of Brazilian politics, to the first republican decade in the 1890’s, artists used symbols, showing that republican ideas had been constantly dealt with. Their works prove that periodicals were a valid source for the study of political history in Brazil.

Submitted by Programa Pos-Graduação Estudos Etnicos Africanos (posafro@ufba.br) on 2013-12-09T13:47:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_RJTAlmeida.pdf: 3139393 bytes, checksum: b98fd7f5f97704bd895f43f991ff1661 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Hozana Azevedo (hazevedo@ufba.br) on 2017-08-14T18:38:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_RJTAlmeida.pdf: 3139393 bytes, checksum: b98fd7f5f97704bd895f43f991ff1661 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-14T18:38:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_RJTAlmeida.pdf: 3139393 bytes, checksum: b98fd7f5f97704bd895f43f991ff1661 (MD5) / Com o fim da escravidão e a criação da República brasileira, as autoridades, muitas das quais representadas por médicos, necessitaram relacionar-se com os novos cidadãos produzidos no âmbito das mudanças econômicas, sociais e políticas. No entanto, diversas questões se interpunham: como lidar com esse novo grupo de brasileiros libertos que perambulavam pelas ruas das grandes cidades em busca de oportunidades de vida, muitas vezes, colocando em xeque o próprio futuro do Brasil como nação civilizada? Como curar o cérebro frágil da maioria dos mestiços nacionais? Como conter o aumento da violência que, supostamente, estava fora de controle nos anos finais do século XIX e começo do XX? Os médicos do período supunham que a sociedade, e o próprio mundo social como um todo, experimentavam uma situação de anomia, sendo o crime identificado como a verdadeira doença a requerer tratamento. No entanto, defendiam uma pluralidade de remédios para tratar dos enfermos. Esta tese tem como objeto o tratamento dos temas raça, religião, loucura e crime por parte de algumas teses apresentadas à Faculdade de Medicina da Bahia, entre os anos de 1844 e 1928, quando, no Brasil, era obrigatória a defesa de uma tese doutoral para concluir o curso superior. O seu principal objetivo é, pois, examinar os argumentos dos doutorandos baianos ao dissertarem sobre raça, religião, loucura e crime, temas de pesquisa que usualmente apareciam relacionados, mesmo quando os doutorandos tratavam de apenas um deles. Predominava a ideia, científica à época, de que uma raça inferior conduzia, necessariamente, a um determinado tipo de crença religiosa que, por sua vez, direcionava o crente para o mundo da loucura e do crime. Dessa forma, a religião se apresentava como foco privilegiado da atenção médica, posto que possibilitava a verificação da inferioridade racial dos grupos estabelecidos no país. A capacidade de desenvolver (e manter) crenças concretas, supostamente, demonstrava o estágio de desenvolvimento social e mental de cada grupo. / Following the end of slavery and the creation of the Brazilian Republic, government officials, many of whom were physicians, were required to relate to the new citizens emerging from those economic, social and political changes. However, a number of issues intervened: How should they deal with this new group of freed Brazilians who were wandering along the streets in the large cities in search for their life opportunities, often calling into question the very future of Brazil as a civilized nation? How should they cure the weak brain of most mixed-race citizens? How should they contain the supposedly out-of-control increase in violence in the late 19th and early 20th centuries? Physicians at the time assumed that the social world as a whole and society in particular were experiencing anomic events with crime being thus held as a true disease to be duly treated. The prescribed medicine for such a malady, however, varied enormously. This thesis focus on the way such themes as race, religion, madness and crime were approached in the theses submitted for approval at the Bahia College of Medicine (Faculdade de Medicina da Bahia) between 1844 and 1928, a period in which the presentation of a doctoral thesis was a graduation requirement in Brazil. It is therefore aimed at examining the supporting arguments used by the authors of those theses to approach race, religion, madness and crime, research themes that co-occurred even when such authors were dealing with just one of them. The idea, then considered as scientific, that was shown to prevail was that an inferior race was necessarily conducive to a certain kind of religious belief, which, in turn, led the believer into the world of madness and crime. Religion was thus seen as a privileged focus of medical attention, since it enabled the verification of the racial inferiority of the groups settled in the country. The ability to have (and cling to) concrete beliefs was assumed to show the social and mental stage of development of each group.

Tesis (magíster en derecho internacional, inversiones y comercio) / Article 56 of China’s Anti-dumping Regulation provides that China may adopt corresponding measures whenever another country discriminatorily imposes anti-dumping measures against imports originating in the People’s Republic of China. This retaliatory language, which dates back to Article 40 of China’s Old Regulations, makes China special since there is no other country’s anti-dumping regulation making such an explicit retaliatory message. AlthoughChinahas not invokedArticle 56 inany of itsanti-dumping investigations,retaliationhas been put inpractice.An example isthe Fasteners Case. By doing an analysis at the light of the WTO Agreements, this thesis concludes that Article 56 is inconsistent with article 23.1 of the Dispute Settlement Understanding, article 18.1 of the Anti-dumping Agreement and Articles I:1 and X:3 lit. (a) of the GATT 1994

Este trabalho visa discutir o papel do Legislativo Federal no governo Campos Sales através das discussões ocorridas entre 1900 e 1902 nas reuniões da Comissão Especial da Câmara dos Deputados responsável pela análise do Código Civil de 1917. Esse processo polêmico, intentado desde a Independência, foi considerado como uma das metas mais importantes do governo. Em tempos de inauguração da “Política dos Governadores”, este recorte visa perceber os movimentos de parlamentares em torno de polos, procurando problematizar a relação de controle do Legislativo aventada pela bibliografia clássica do período. Através de ferramentas da prosopografia, algumas definições da análise de redes e considerando as intenções dos autores em seus discursos favoráveis ou contrários ao projeto apresentado, esta dissertação relaciona os Deputados em torno de ideias e demonstra a pluralidade de posições divergentes apresentadas, buscando demonstrar que a lógica que demarcava a tônica era ditada pelo uso dos repertórios, como conceituados por Tilly. Finalmente, expõe o papel desses agentes no processo de aprovação buscando mostrar a centralidade que alguns assumem durante os trabalhos. / This work intent discusses the legislative role in the Campos Sales’ government by the meetings occurred between 1900 and 1902 in the Congress’ Special Commission for the analysis of the Brazilian Civil Code of 1917. This polemical process, wanted since the independence, was thought as one of the most important tasks for the executive. In the beginning of the “Politica dos Governadores”, this approach intent perceive the movements of the parliamentarians around deferments points of view, searching for questioning the control from the Legislative by the Executive, suggested by the classical works on this period. Using some prosopographical tools, some definitions on the network analysis and considering the actors intentions in theirs speeches for or against the Project, this work groups the parliamentarians on some different ideas and shows the range of divergences in positioning, showing that the logical for these was the same as the Repertoir, as conceived by Charles Tilly. In the end, expose the role of these actors in the aprovation process to show the centrality assumed by some parliamentarians during this works.