Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:21:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiola Faro Eloy Dunda.pdf: 1471915 bytes, checksum: b65bc31e4f3b6b441de14ad0282ae1bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The health subject is inserted in the International Relations context and has been developing cooperative actions in the area since some initiatives like the creation of the Sanitation Councils and International Health Conferences in the XIX century, till the International Sanitation Office Constitution in 1902 which was later on named as the Pan American Health Organization in 1958 and the World Health Organization, created in the post II World War context in 1948. The Brazilian South/South cooperation had its practices deepened during Lula s government if we take into consideration the number of projects in the area, the geographical areas in which the programs were established, the presence of the subjects in the forums in which Brazil took part. This work aims at analyzing the Brazilian South/South cooperation in the health area as an instrument of Lula s Soft Power government instrument between 2003 and 2010 and to do so, were used the geographical and political dimensions of analysis. Observe at first if a intersection point between the Brazilian External Politics during Lula s government and the initiatives in health cooperation exists will allow the evaluation if this cooperation was an instrument of inserting Brazil in the International System. Data from the Health Ministry, Brazilian Cooperation Agency and from the Institute of Applied Economics Research concerning the subject, numbers referring to cooperation, and cooperative countries were collected. This data was correlated with the literature relevant to the subject and to the Brazilian cooperation development, specifically the health cooperation as well as to the external politics in Lula s government. The analysis of the data and the confrontation with the literature allow us to conclude that there was an increase in the South/South health cooperation during Lula s government mainly the projects concerning the HIV/AIDS area and the human milk bank. According to recent data, these projects together corresponded to more than 50% of the cooperative ones in the area. The health cooperative projects followed the directives of the Brazilian External Politics when taking into consideration the geographical areas where these projects were set up (America, Caribe, Africa and Asia), as well as when we observe which cooperative health projects are considered in the MERCOSUL, UNASUL, Portuguese language speaking countries communities (CPLP), IBAS and BRICS Dialogues Foruns. The existence of cooperation projects, of Actions Plans among countries as well as the declarations of the Health Ministry of the countries taking part in the blocks and Dialogue Foruns are representative elements to conclude that the Brazilian South/South health cooperation is an instrument of Soft Power during Lula s government and in this context it has inserted Brazil in the International System / A temática da saúde está inserida no contexto das Relações Internacionais, evoluindo as ações cooperativas na área, desde iniciativas como a criação de Conselhos Sanitários e Conferências Internacionais de Saúde, ainda no Século XIX, até a Constituição do Escritório Sanitário Internacional, em 1902, posteriormente denominado Organização Pan-Americana de Saúde em 1958, e a Organização Mundial de Saúde, criada no contexto do pós II Guerra Mundial, em 1948. Projetos brasileiros de cooperação em saúde coincidem com o próprio desenvolvimento da cooperação brasileira, ao longo dos últimos sessenta anos. A cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde teve as suas práticas aprofundadas durante o governo Lula, ao se considerar o número de projetos na área, as áreas geográficas em que os projetos foram estabelecidos e a presença da temática nos blocos e fóruns de que o Brasil participa. A presente Dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde, como instrumento de Soft Power do governo Lula, no período de 2003 a 2010, utilizando para este fim, as dimensões temática, geográfica e política. Observar, inicialmente, se um ponto de interseção existe entre a Política Externa brasileira no governo Lula e as iniciativas de cooperação em saúde, permitirá a avaliação se esta cooperação constituiu-se como instrumento de inserção do Brasil no Sistema Internacional. Foram coletados dados do Ministério da Saúde, da Agência Brasileira de Cooperação e do Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, quanto à temática, aos números da cooperação e dos projetos, e quais os países cooperantes nessa área, sendo os mesmo correlacionados com os dados da literatura pertinentes ao histórico e desenvolvimento da cooperação brasileira, e especificamente a cooperação em saúde, bem como, com a Política Externa do governo Lula. A análise dos dados e o confronto com a literatura permitem a conclusão de que houve aumento da cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde durante o governo Lula, destacando-se os projetos na área de HIV/AIDS e de Bancos de Leite Humano, que juntos, corresponderam nos dados mais recentes, a mais de 50% dos projetos de cooperação na área. Os projetos de cooperação em saúde seguiram as linhas diretivas da Politica Externa brasileira, quando se consideram as áreas geográficas onde os projetos foram estabelecidos (América do Sul, Caribe, África e Ásia), bem como quando se observa quais projetos de cooperação em saúde são contemplados dentro das iniciativas, MERCOSUL, UNASAUL, Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), Fórum de Diálogo IBAS e BRICS. A existência de projetos de cooperação, de Planos de Ação entre os países, bem como de Declarações dos Ministros de Saúde dos países participante dos blocos e dos Fóruns de Diálogo, acordando os mesmos, em aprofundar a temática e instituir projetos na área, representam elementos que permitem a conclusão de que a cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde constituiu-se como instrumento de Soft Power durante o governo Lula, e nesse contexto, permitiu maior inserção do país no Sistema Internacional.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T18:10:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_PETER LOEB CALDENHOF.pdf: 2483377 bytes, checksum: 2e812ba2f3baa4d90a5f0ad156244509 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-26 / This dissertation studies the relations between the socioeconomic base and the political-juridical superstructure, with the demonstration that they form a dialectic totality, but keeping the relative autonomy of its parts. The text shows the specific nature of Law as an important part of the superstructure and its role in the definition of national development models within the process of mundialization. The relative autonomy of Law is demonstrated in theoretical and historical-concrete terms, first, by showing that there is no automatic determination of Law by the socioeconomic structure and, second, with the evidence of the political and juridical constitution of the material base itself. These elements of the relative autonomy are explained by the political and juridical characteristics of the state, Law, the international system and the mundialization process as something that is deliberately produced by the different actors in conflict within the domestic and international superstructures. Parting from this point of view of critical institutionalism, the relations between Law and Economics are demonstrated and analyzed in the case study of the current juridical-institutional organization of the shipping industry in Brazil and its effects in terms of development for the shipping branch and the economy as a whole. The dissertation shows that the current model is insufficient for the consolidation of an autonomous national shipping industry, with the consequent negative impacts on the systemic competitiveness of the Brazilian economy, its national accounts, the national accumulation of capital and the development of correlated economic sectors, such as the shipbuilding industry. / A presente dissertação aprofunda o estudo das relações entre base material socioeconômica e superestrutura político-jurídica, com a demonstração de que formam uma totalidade dialética, mas com relativa autonomia de suas partes. Esclarece a natureza específica do direito como importante elemento superestrutural e seu papel para a definição de modelos de desenvolvimento nacionais no atual contexto da mundialização, demonstrando, em termos teórico-conceituais e histórico-concretos, sua relativa autonomia, tanto pelo aspecto de sua não determinação automática pelas relações socioeconômicas, quanto pela constituição política e jurídica da própria base material. Estes elementos de relativa autonomia são explicados pelas características político-jurídicas do Estado, do direito, do sistema internacional e da própria mundialização enquanto processo deliberadamente produzido pelos atores em luta nas esferas superestruturais doméstica e internacional. Sob essa ótica de institucionalismo crítico, as relações entre direito e economia são demonstradas e analisadas no estudo do caso concreto da organização jurídico-institucional da navegação marítima brasileira atual e seus efeitos em termos de desenvolvimento setorial e geral. O trabalho demonstra que o atual modelo é insuficiente para a consolidação de uma navegação marítima nacional autônoma, afetando negativamente a competitividade sistêmica da economia brasileira, suas contas nacionais, a acumulação de capital nacional e o desenvolvimento de setores conexos, como a construção naval.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.

Les approches psychologiques connaissent un essor dans l’étude des relations internationales. Elles sont essentielles dans l’étude du processus cognitif des leaders, qui est central à la prise de décisions en politique étrangère. Notre recherche porte sur l’axe d’engagement choisi par les États-Unis envers les alliés, de l’unilatéralisme au multilatéralisme, dans l’adoption des politiques étrangères et s’il est déterminé par la vision du monde des présidents. Parmi les politiques étrangères américaines adoptées entre 2001 et 2013, nous retenons les plus significatives en termes de multilatéralisme, afin de construire la variable dépendante. Le cadre théorique utilisé, le code opérationnel, propose l’analyse du schéma cognitif de leaders à l’aide d’une étude de contenu de leurs écrits et de leurs discours. Cette théorie énonce que la vision du monde inhérente à un leader influence le comportement et les décisions du gouvernement dans les relations internationales. Cette étude examinera les discours relatifs à la politique étrangère américaine prononcés lors des mandats de George W. Bush et lors du premier mandat de Barack Obama en tentant de comparer empiriquement les résultats de leur code opérationnel à leur degré de multilatéralisme avéré dans leurs décisions. Nos résultats ne montrent pas de liens directs entre la vision du monde des présidents et l’axe d’engagement adopté en politique extérieure. Nous en concluons que la méthode d’analyse quantitative ne nous permet pas de déceler de changements concrets entre les mandats des présidents. Nous proposons alors d'autres explications concurrentes comme la théorie des élites ou l’ordre international libéral qui pourraient mieux répondre à notre problématique. / Cognitive theories are increasingly recognized in international relations studies. They are necessary in the study of a leader's cognitive process which is central to foreign policy decision-making. This study focuses on the axis of commitment the United States has adopted towards allies, from unilateralist to multilateralist, and analyzes if it is influenced by the president’s worldview. American foreign policies adopted between 2001-2013 are selected according to their relevance to multilateralism to construct the dependent variable. Our theoretical framework is the operational code, which allows an evaluation of the cognitive scheme according to public and private content discourse analysis. This theory suggests that the president’s worldview has an impact on government's behaviour and decisions making within international relations. This research is based on George W. Bush’s foreign policy speeches during his two mandates and on Barack Obama’s first mandate speeches, seeking to empirically compare their operational codes to the levels of multilateralism resulting from their decisions. Our findings cannot establish a direct link between the president's worldview and their position on the foreign policy commitment axis. We conclude that our quantitative analysis method is not adapted to illustrate a tangible change between the president's mandates. Therefore, we suggest alternative explanations such as the elite theory and the liberal international order which could better answer our research question.

The thesis is focused on a specific area of intellectual property field, namely the system of protection of Intellectual property whose current form has been shaped by the international organizations, especially by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). There has therefore been allocated extra space in the thesis to make the reader familiar with these respective organizations, especially with their organizational structure, decision-making procedures and activities. Important part of the thesis is analysis of current relations between WIPO and WTO, including its negative aspects. The thesis also contains section devoted to possible future development of the relations between WIPO and WTO.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvana Shiow Shyan Shu.pdf: 746686 bytes, checksum: f7b6b31fbff827f6dd6504f307a71b1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Considering the contemporary international system, this study aims to examine China s international engagement process by analyzing the importance of domestic factors and external factor in China foreign policy. The changes in China have transformed every aspect of its relationship with the outside world. Regarding to the domestic factors, they are mainly concentrated on Chinese interests which is its development. In the other hand, the external factors are basically concentrated on the relations among China and USA. This issue is followed by a discussion of the implications of United States in China s international engagement. As part of this study, it s aimed to examine the main adaptations of American Foreign Policy in post Cold War. American policy must display a sense of priorities which is keeping its role as the most powerful actor in the international order. Furthermore, as part of its strategy, the United States will address efforts to handle a workable and sustainable foreign policy with China. China is increasingly shaping international relations by its new role in the world and its rise. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the process of China s international engagement in the post Cold War era / Tomando por base a ordem internacional contemporânea, o presente trabalho aborda o processo de inserção internacional da China, buscando compreender a importância de estudar o peso dos fatores internos e externos na articulação de sua identidade externa. Numa perspectiva histórica, analisa-se o processo de definição da política externa chinesa e as suas peculiaridades que cristalizaram na sua configuração contemporânea. No campo dos fatores internos, estão compilados os interesses domésticos da China que reside na manutenção do desenvolvimento do país. Já no plano dos fatores externos, as relações sino-americanas desempenham uma importante importância no processo de inserção internacional da China. Em paralelo, busca-se compreender as adaptações da política externa norte-americana no pós Guerra Fria. O processo de inserção internacional da China é o tema central deste trabalho no qual se aborda a perspectiva de aprofundar a sua inserção na ordem global e a importância que hoje o país representa no reordenamento das relações internacionais.

國際關係也是社會關係的一環，對國際關係的研究必須植基於國家涉入的歷史、社會、文化等層面進行探求，否則很難對國際關係有著全貌的了解。在美國學界的實證主義長期宰制下，研究國際社會的英國學派長期受到忽視，隱沒於線性發展的歷史中。 為了發掘英國學派受到忽視的地位，本論文擬從下三點著手。首先，回溯英國學派的歷史起源、代表學者、名稱問題；再者，耙梳、整理英國學派的學術內涵，包括現實主義、理性主義及革命主義三個傳統，以及國際體系、國際社會及世界社會三個本體；第三、在美國實證主義的長期獨霸下，注重詮釋方法研究國際社會的英國學派是無法得到關注的。因此，這部分將從社會科學兩大陣營－實證主義及詮釋學著手，並進而帶入受實證主義籠罩的主流國際關係研究。本論文認為以實證主義研究具社會性的國際關係有其侷限，而多元、開放、重社會性的英國學派才能提供更完整的國際關係圖像。 本論文認為抱持多元開放、重視整體性、社會性、規範性的英國學派更能面對接踵而來的環境議題、全球化相關問題及人道干涉等全球性議題，如果正視國際關係也是社會關係的一部分，英國學派是能成為較適當的國際關係理論。 / Social relations encompasses international relations so that the inquiry for international relations must embark on the historical, social, cultural context that states involved in. Otherwise we can’t envisage a comprehensive image of international relations. Under the dominance of positivism led by American international relations, English School, whose intellectual focus is International Society, has been neglected for a long period of time and immerged in the linear history. For the sake of exploring English School, the thesis sets out three schemes. First, it retrospects the history, leading figures and label of English School. Second, it elucidates the arguments of English School, including the three ontologies- International System, International Society and World Society as well as three traditions, namely Realism, Rationalism and Revolutionism. Third, beginning with the discuss of Positivism and Interpretivism, the author argues Positivism has its limitation in societal international relations. Consequently, it is English School, which tilts toward an open and diverse inclination, that can tell a better story. The author concludes that English School that stresses on holism, society and social norms can take on the upcoming global issues, such as environmental issue, globalization and humanitarian intervention. If we square up to the fact that international relations is a part of social relations, English School can be a more adequate international relations theory.

This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.

This work disserts upon information policy in Czechoslovakia in the 70`s and 80`s the 20th century. It concerns with program of national information policy for scientific and technical development P18 and P13 and its partial aims and tasks. It enters into details of activities of Central technical base, its services and functions in four five-year plans of national economy. It analyses System of Central technical base and its individual modules. It follows development of computer technique and information transfer technology. It concerns with International system of scientific and technical information and cooperation between countries of Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in connection with Central technical base (for example: information line Moscow-Prague-Vienna). This work is devoted to Center of computerized information exchange which negotiates a connection to countries in soviet area and also connection to capitalistic vendors. At the end there is a short part about development after 1990.

本篇論文旨在探討中共與伊朗在各層面關係的演變，及兩國關係發展的限制。本論文的研究途徑係採取系統理論，透過國際環境、國內環境與決策者因素的探討，以瞭解中伊各項關係受到哪些因素的影響。 基本上，中伊兩國以「經貿互利、權力與安全」為主軸，分別進行各種層面關係的互動。首先，在中伊關係特點上，中伊政治外交關係的特點包括推動「反對霸權主義」、「反對單極國際體系」及追求「互利合作」。軍事關係的特點在於獲取政治與商業利益，降低伊朗研發武器的成本。能源關係的特點在於平衡兩國的貿易關係、確保能源安全。經貿與科技關係的特點在於創造對中伊兩國互利的經貿利益，促進伊朗科技發展。 以政策目標來看，中共對伊朗的政策目標在於推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；兩伊戰爭期間維持平衡的外交策略；促成兩伊戰爭的和平解決；鞏固中共對伊朗的政治影響力；推動中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；基於反對單極國際體系的理念，推動國際議題合作；推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；防範中亞地區分裂主義及基本教義主義擴張；增加中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；增加中共對伊朗核問題的影響力。在軍事關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括提供伊朗所需武器，抵禦國外勢力的攻擊；避免伊朗遭受區域強權或國際大國的安全威脅；維護伊朗和平使用核能的權利。在能源關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括平衡中伊兩國的貿易逆差；探詢與伊朗進行能源合作的機會；增加從伊朗進口的能源數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘計畫；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域；增加從伊朗進口原油的數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘機會；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域。在經貿與科技關係上，中共對伊朗的目標包括加強中伊雙邊貿易；增加與伊朗經濟合作的項目；促進中伊兩國的科技合作。 本文以政治外交、軍事、能源、經貿與科技作為實務分析的面向，並以三個時期為區分，分別是鄧小平時期(1979年至1988年)、江澤民時期(1989年至2002年)、胡錦濤時期(2003年至2008年)。在鄧小平主政期間，中伊關係以國家安全及權力平衡為主軸。中伊關係最重要的面向就是軍事關係。江澤民主政期間，中伊關係則以經貿互利及權力平衡為主軸。此時期經貿與科技關係、能源關係及政治外交關係則是雙方發展的重點層面。在胡錦濤主政期間，中共與伊朗關係改以「互利合作」作為主軸。此時期中伊的能源關係、經貿與科技互動成為雙方關係的重點，政治外交關係及軍事關係則退居其後。 綜觀中共與伊朗伊斯蘭政府關係的基礎，建立在中伊雙方國家利益考量。對中共而言，伊朗戰略地理位置重要，與中共同屬第三世界開發中國家，兩國歷史情誼淵源已久，都是促成因素之一。其次，在中東地區以親美政府為主的國家中，伊朗伊斯蘭政府反其道而行，抱持反美且不親蘇的立場，此外，伊朗能源蘊藏豐富，因此伊朗成為中共在中東地區的重要據點。 對伊朗政府而言，中共在以阿議題上，屬於少數較為同情巴勒斯坦立場的國際大國，同時中共反對現有的以美國為主導的國際體系、以第三世界開發中國家與伊朗立場相近。此外，中共在國際政治或區域議題上具有舉足輕重的地位，在國際議題上更具有實質影響力。 從中伊關係的發展，可以發現幾個大趨勢：第一、中伊關係的發展中，主導權越來越操之在中共的手中；第二、中共在盱衡整體國家利益下，對於伊朗的強硬態度，已經無法給予強力支持；第三、中共與伊朗關係發展中，能源、經貿等實質利益，已經逐漸取代政治與戰略利益的重要性。第四、中共有意透過國際組織的力量，給予伊朗適當的壓力；第五、中伊雙方互動在遇到歧見時，向來秉持「求同存異」、「各取所需」的精神，以不傷害彼此既有關係的前提下，以獲取各自最大的利益。 展望未來中、伊兩國關係發展的前景，中伊兩國仍會維持各關係層面的議題式合作關係。中伊兩國政治外交關係的未來的動向，將取決於伊朗內部政治的演變與伊朗及美國關係的發展，如果伊朗國內的激進派持續在外交政策上採取不退讓的立場，美國對伊朗的政策將趨於強勢，如此，中共與伊朗關係的發展很難繼續突破。但是，面對伊朗豐富的能源儲量與產量，加上維護能源安全已經是中共的外交要項，美國倘若對伊朗採取強制作為，中共絕不可能默許。至於伊朗方面，它必須仰賴具有傳統友誼基礎，又是聯合國常任安理國的中共在各項議題上為其執言。因此，即使中共在某些議題的立場上向美國靠攏，但是伊朗也不敢斷然與中共反目成仇。其次，對伊朗而言，無論在經貿科技上或者能源上，中共是個較能信賴的國家，伊朗不願讓這些實質關係倒退。短期內中共與伊朗關係仍將以經貿、能源為主，政治外交關係將退居其次。此外，中共也將持續維持伊朗成為中東地區制衡美國勢力過度擴張的據點。 / The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the development of China and Iran relations and to understand the factors contributing to the adjustment of bilateral relations. The writer intends to introduce system theory as analytical approach. The finding of this study is that the bilateral relationship between China and Iran is established on the mutually economic benefits, power and security. On the diplomatic dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by anti-hegemony, anti-unipolar international system, mutually benefits and cooperation. On the military dimension China and Iran relationship is characterized by enhancing Iran’s sovereignty and national security. China and Iran relationship is characterized by balancing mutual trade imbalance and ensuring energy security. On the economic technological dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by creating mutual interests for both nations and advancing Iran’s technological development. In terms of policy objectives, China’s objectives are many folds. On diplomatic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises promoting issue cooperation with Iran, supporting Iran’s independent foreign policy, fending off foreign intervention in Iran’s domestic affairs, ensuring Iran’s status as a regional power. On military dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises helping establish Iran’s national defense power, helping stave off potential security threats directed toward Iran. On energy dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises balancing mutual trade imbalance. On economic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises enhancing mutual trade and tapping into Iran’s market. In terms of policy instrument, China and Iran try to achieve policy objective via the use of a variety of policy instruments, ranging from diplomatic bargaining, high ranking officers visits, arms sales, military cooperation, military officers visits, negotiation on Iran nuclear issue, energy trade, nuclear technological cooperation, energy joint development, economic and trade bargaining, engineering contract, assistance in technology and funding. This analysis is conducted from several different dimensions of China and Iran relations, that is, diplomatic, military, energy, economic and trade dimensions. For the analytical needs, this analysis is mainly divided into three periods, from 1979 to 1988, 1989 to 2002 and 2003 to 2008. From 1979 to 1988 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on military dimension featured by national security and balance of power. From 1989 to 2002 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually economic benefits and balance of power. From 2003 to 2008 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually benefits and oooperation. From the track of China and Iran relations, several trends can be inductively identified. First the leverage is more favorable to China. Secondly China has reduced its all-out support for Iran’s militant foreign policy. Thirdly the substantive interests such as energy and economic ones have surpassed economic and strategic ones in terms of importance. Fourthly China try to press Iran to readjust the latter’s policy through the force of international organizations. Fifthly China and Iran will adopt the principle of ‘put aside the difference and pursue the consensus’ and ‘to serve one’s own need’ if there is conflicting opinion between China and Iran. From the process of China and Iran relations, some major limitations can also be identified. First the international environment factor, particularly U.S. factor, is a critical source of limitation. China has to strike a balance in its relationship between Iran and U.S. Secondly China’s decision maker’s policy adjustment is also a source of limitation. In the process of its peacefully rising as a responsible great power, China chooses to abide by international regimes and keep cautious in dealing with Iran’s contentious issues. Thirdly China’s long standing principle of non-involvement in highly disputed issues also hamper China-Iran relationship. Fourthly the dominance of Iran’s conservative faction has indirectly impeded China-Iran relation. The future of China and Iran diplomatic relations will depend on the development of Iran’s domestic politics and U.S.-Iran relations. China will not allow U.S. to take military actions against and Iran will not give up China as a reliable great power. Over the short term, China and Iran relations will prosper on substantive issues, while political issues will lose its importance.