This thesis highlighted how disinformation campaigns on social media platforms and news outlets were used as tools to influence Swedish public diplomacy. To accomplish this, it aimed to answer the following research question “How are disinformation campaigns, through social media platforms and news outlets, impacting Sweden’s public diplomacy?”. The thesis applied two case studies, the first being a domestic context consisting of the Swedish Social Services (SSS) and the Swedish Care of Young Persons (Special Provisions) Act (LVU), and the second an international context being Sweden applying for a NATO membership. The analysis utilized a sociotechnical approach interpreting newspaper article, social media posts, and reports that made up the empirical material. In addition, an analytical framework, divided into three thematic sections, was used for the analysis. The thematic sections consisted of 1) background of the case; 2) the disinformation campaigns that were conducted including the actors involved; 3) the Swedish public diplomatic response based on Joseph Nye’s theory about political power and public diplomacy. The thesis discovered that both the domestic and international context impacted Sweden’s public diplomacy, where the government and governmental agencies took measures that they previously had not. Furthermore, it discovered that news outlets and social platforms could not be viewed as two separate entities when conducting disinformation campaigns, but instead as an additional third entity. Lastly, the thesis found the two cases to be similar, despite their different contexts, as disinformation campaigns often build on previous rumors.

This thesis examines Swedish values from the perspectives of international and Swedish students residing in Sweden, with the collaboration of the Swedish Institute—a public agency focused on enhancing Sweden’s global image and attractiveness to researchers, students, and talents. The research explores the field of nation branding, public diplomacy, and soft power. The study aims to analyze the interpretation and understanding of Swedish values among individuals with international backgrounds and compare it to the perspective of local students. Drawing upon the framework of Joseph Nye’s concepts of public diplomacy and soft power, the paper emphasizes the importance of understanding how international students perceive Swedish values and how these perceptions are influenced by their experiences. The research questions address the values associated with Sweden before and after students’ arrival, the valence attributed to these values, and the opinions and perceptions of international students regarding the values promoted through studyinsweden.se channels, particularly the concept of "The Swedish Way." A qualitative study employing thematic analysis was conducted, including two focus groups and a survey. Five main themes emerged from the analysis: (1) The Democratic way of Sweden, (2) The Image of Swedes, (3) Conflicting values in Swedish society, (4) Differences in values across regions and over time, and (5) The Idealization of Sweden. Notably, values strongly associated with Sweden were connected to democracy, including Equality, Freedom, Socialism, Individualism, and Collectivism. Other values perceived as Swedish encompassed sustainability, Jante Law, Lagom, calmness, diplomacy, conflict-avoidance, friendship, understanding, politeness, tolerance, and open-mindedness. The findings reveal that international students often hold an idealized view of Sweden, leading to a shift in their perspective upon arrival. Swedish students, on the other hand, note changes in Swedish values over time, with increased perceptions of bigotry and racism and decreased emphasis on inclusivity and openness. While participants generally held positive perspectives on Swedish values, there were also indications of negative perceptions, such as bigotry and racism. Participants expressed some agreement with the values promoted by the Swedish Institute but also pointed out instances where the promotion did not align with the reality of Sweden. This research contributes to understanding how international students perceive Swedish values both before and after their arrival, filling a gap in international students’ perceptions of Sweden. The findings highlight the importance of balancing the promotion of Sweden’s attractive aspects with a realistic portrayal, utilizing milder expressions and focusing on factual evidence of sustainability and equality. By actively examining and addressing perceptions, Sweden can enhance its nation branding efforts and attract a diverse pool of talented individuals. / Den här uppsatsen undersöker svenska värderingar ur perspektivet hos internationella och svenska studenter som vistas i Sverige, i samarbete med det Svenska Institutet - en offentlig myndighet inriktad på att förbättra Sveriges globala bild och attraktivitet för forskare, studenter och talanger. Forskningen utforskar området nation branding, offentlig diplomati, och mjuk makt. Studien syftar till att analysera tolkningen och förståelsen av svenska värderingar hos studenter med internationella bakgrunder och jämföra detta med perspektivet hos lokala studenter. Med utgångspunkt i Joseph Nyes ramverk för public diplomacy och soft power betonar avhandlingen vikten av att förstå hur internationella studenter uppfattar svenska värderingar och hur dessa uppfattningar påverkas av deras erfarenheter. Forskningsfrågorna behandlar de värderingar som associeras med Sverige före och efter studenternas ankomst, valensen som tillskrivs dessa värderingar, samt internationella studenters åsikter och uppfattningar om värderingarna som främjas genom studyinsweden.se kanalerna, med fokus på konceptet "The Swedish Way". En kvalitativ studie med tematisk analys genomfördes, inklusive två fokusgrupper och en enkätundersökning. Fem huvudteman framkom genom analysen: (1) Den Svenska Demokratiska Vägen, (2) Bilden av svenskar, (3) Värderingskonflikter i det svenska samhället, (4) Skillnader i värderingar mellan olika regioner och över tid, samt (5) Idealiseringen av Sverige. De värderingar som var starkt förknippade med Sverige var kopplat till demokrati, till exempel, Jämlikhet, Frihet, Socialism, Individualism och Kollektivism. Andra värderingar som uppfattades som svenska var hållbarhet, Jantelagen, Lagom, lugn, diplomati, undvikande av konflikter, vänskap, förståelse, artighet, tolerans och öppenhet. Resultaten visar att många internationella studenter har en idealiserad syn på Sverige, vilket leder till en förändring i deras perspektiv vid ankomsten. Svenska studenter noterar däremot förändringar i svenska värderingar över tid, med ökad uppfattning om fördomar och rasism samt minskad betoning på inkludering och öppenhet. Även om deltagarna generellt hade positiva perspektiv på svenska värderingar fanns det även indikationer på negativa uppfattningar som fördomar och rasism. Deltagarna uttryckte viss samstämmighet med de värderingar som främjas av det Svenska Institutet men påpekade också situationer där främjandet inte överensstämde med verkligheten i Sverige. Denna forskning bidrar till förståelsen av hur internationella studenter uppfattar svenska värderingar både före och efter deras ankomst och fyller en kunskapslucka kring internationella studenters syn på Sverige. Resultaten understryker vikten av att balansera främjandet av Sveriges attraktiva sidor med en realistisk framställning, genom att använda mildare uttryck och fokusera på konkreta bevis för hållbarhet och jämlikhet. Genom att aktivt undersöka uppfattningarna kan Sverige förbättra sina ansträngningar inom nation branding och locka till sig en mångfald av talangfulla individer.

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本研究透過分析比較台灣與美國重要報紙媒體上的北京奧運相關報導，檢視中國主辦2008年北京奧運會，所投射出來的媒體國家形象(projected national image)，進而探討舉辦全球性媒體活動(global media events)做為國家形象管理策略一環的應用性。本研究挑選台灣的《聯合報》、《自由時報》，與美國的《紐約時報》、《華盛頓郵報》為兩地重要媒體的代表，並經過搜尋篩選程序之後，共得到375則新聞報導。再以內容分析法與框架清單(the list of the frame)分析法，對構成媒體國家形象的各個變項進行相關統計分析。 本研究主要得到三點發現。首先，就台灣與美國報紙整體而言，中國國家形象偏向負面，且報導方向與新聞框架、報導型式之間皆存有顯著關係，而該負面形象的來源，未必是直接與奧運會相關的新聞主題。其次，若將美國報紙與台灣報紙進行比較，則發現兩地的中國國家形象均呈現負面，而台灣報紙的整體報導量以及負面新聞主題較多。另外，本研究發現，同一個國家內的不同媒體之間，也有顯著的差異，《華盛頓郵報》與《自由時報》的負面報導多過中立報導，而《紐約時報》及《聯合報》則仍然以中立報導最多，且《自由時報》的新聞框架運用偏重在政治的角度，而《聯合報》則較多元。 最後，本研究認為北京奧運成功帶來了許多相關的正面主題與正面框架報導，與奧運活動本身較不相關的負面主題，則顯示良好的國家形象需要長期多方面的努力建構。 / To host global media events is one of the important kinds of strategies for the national image management. This study focuses on news coverage of 2008 Beijing-Olympic from the New York Times, Washington Post in the US, and the United Daily, Liberty Times in Taiwan to examine China's projected national image. The content analysis, and the list of the frame analysis were carried out to analyze several variables forming the projected national image in the 375 news items. Through statistic analysis, this study found three main points. First, for four newspapers, China's projected national image was negative. The valence was related to news frames and news style evidently, and also a few indirect news topics were the source of the negative image as well. Secondly, in comparison of newspapers in the US and in Taiwan, both images of china were negative. The total number of stories and negative news topics in Taiwan's newspapers were more than in the US counterpart. Thirdly, in terms of valence, Washington Post and Liberty Times had more negative news than neutral ones, but the neutral news were still the most in the New York Times and United Daily. The Liberty Times reporting had much more political frames, but the United Daily reporting emphasized on several kinds of news frames. Finally, this study found 2008 Beijing-Olympic event brought mass positive news topics and news frames in the news items. The negative news topics showed that building good national image takes much more time and efforts to achieve.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the establishment and development of lectureships in the Swedish language in German universities during the first half of the 20th century. Building on earlier research about the role of language teaching abroad for public diplomacy, the study sees the lecturer as a part of both the the academic and political fields in Germany and Sweden. The establishment of and changes in the system of lectureships in Swedish 1906–1945 are explained through an analysis of the actors involved and of the assets allowing the actors to control both the establishment of lectureships and the appointment of lecturers in Germany. During the Weimar Republic a number of actors were involved in the establishment of the lectureships. They included academics with a scholarly interest in Scandinavian languages and old Norse,, the German state, which worked to promote the study of foreign countries and interna­tional academic mobility as a way of breaking German isolation after World War I, and the Swedish organization for the preservation of Swedishness abroad for which the teaching of Swed­ish abroad was a way of increasing the academic status of the language. After the National Social­ist takeover in 1933 the NSDAP and the Swedish foreign ministry also took an interest in the Swedish lectureships in Germany for propaganda purposes. The dissertation shows how a system for the appointment of Swedish lecturers to Germany was established through interaction between the actors. Central in this process were the control over economic assets, a social network which made recommendations of lecturers possible, and the control over communication between both the lecturers and universites and between the German and Swedish states. The study also shows that the uneven distribution of assets between German and Swedish actors resulted in an inferior position for the German state and organizations in relationship to their Swedish counterparts.

La stratégie culturelle est une composante essentielle de la stratégie globale de puissance d'un Etat au XXIe siècle. La France, puissance culturelle historique dotée d'un réseau diplomatique fort, structurant son action culturelle extérieure, voit une concurrence émerger sur la scène internationale. Pour garder son statut, elle défend la diversité culturelle, démarche complémentaire de celle d'exception culturelle, en conservant les acteurs traditionnels de l'influence. Or, dans une époque du tout numérique et de l'immédiateté, et de l'essor des acteurs privés, les codes de l'influence sont renouvelés, remettant en question la pertinence d'une action culturelle extérieure principalement publique. / In the 21st century, cultural strategy is a crucial component of a State’s overall strategies of power. France, a historically prominent cultural power whose strong diplomatic network structures its foreign cultural action, is being challenged by an emerging international rivalry. In order to maintain its status, France advocates for cultural diversity, as a process complementary to “cultural exception,” by retaining the traditional agents of influence. But in the age of the digital and of immediacy, and with the rise of private agents, the codes of influence are being renewed, which questions the suitability of a foreign cultural action that has largely remained publicly funded.

This dissertation focuses on public diplomacy efforts targeted at persuading other countries to strengthen their domestic and international climate change policies. While previous research on climate diplomacy has addressed the global negotiations extensively, the role of embassies and the interplay between diplomats, their partners and the instruments and storylines they employ, has so far not received the scholarly attention it deserves. This is despite the fact that such behind-the-scenes outreach is one of the most promising tools available to engage other states. The dissertation aims to fill this literature gap by examining climate public diplomacy conducted by embassies and consulates of four EU states: the UK, Germany, Sweden and Denmark. The European Union, and these states in particular, were chosen because they have sought to portray themselves as leaders in tackling climate change while undertaking extensive climate diplomacy. The United States and China were chosen as target states since they have been the main focus of EU climate diplomacy, due to their position as the two largest aggregate contributors to climate change. The dissertation addresses public diplomacy in the field of climate change applied to both the federal/national and subnational levels of governance of these states. The main research question tackled by this dissertation is: What role do embassies and consulates play in climate diplomacy, and how effective is this diplomacy? In answering this, the research focuses on identifying environmental discourses and framings of climate change employed by embassies/consulates for different audiences, and assesses the impact of these frames. A central finding was a strong trade and growth orientation of climate diplomacy. The diplomatic network identified industry, especially fossil-fuel intensive businesses, as allies. Some companies that were embassy partners supported climate denial behind the scenes.

對於一個國家而言，柔性權力的重要性和剛性權力同等重要。近年來，各國紛紛加強本國的柔性權力，以吸引外國公眾前來學習和認同本國的文化。美國學者奈伊，說明文化、政治價值觀和外交政策是國家所擁有的柔性權力的資源。因此，本文以柔性權力作為出發點，連接公眾外交與文化外交，進而探討俄羅斯從蘇聯時期到後蘇時期的對外文化政策之作為。 俄羅斯的對外文化政策從美蘇冷戰時期就已經開始，然而受限於意識型態的框架之下，兩國的文化交流深受到國家領導人外交政策風格的影響。普丁上任之後，俄羅斯開始積極向外拓展對外文化政策，其欲加強俄羅斯文化在世界上的影響力並且提高外國公眾對於俄羅斯文化價值的認同。俄羅斯於海外建立「俄羅斯世界基金會」和「俄羅斯合作」等文化推廣機構，以教授俄語和俄羅斯文化為主。希望讓外國公眾以不同的面向，瞭解俄羅斯。 本文的研究發現有下列幾點：第一、儘管俄羅斯近年來積極推廣俄羅斯文化在海外的發展，但是，俄羅斯的發展重心仍是以境外俄羅斯人為主。第二、俄羅斯國家內部的人權和官僚體系的議題和對外政策的實行方針，亦會影響俄羅斯柔性權力的發展。第三、俄羅斯的對外文化政策，與他國相比，仍然是以官方主導為主。因此，除了配合國家對外文化政策以外，俄羅斯應該要多增加非政府組織參與的比例和提昇國內相關文化產業的發展。 / For one country, soft power is as important as hard power. In these years, countries are enhancing its soft power to attract foreign public to learn to these countries’ culture and identify to their countries. American scholar, Joseph Nye , once indicated that culture, politic value and foreign policy are the resources of national soft power. Therefore, this paper discusses soft power, then connecting with public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, and further probe into foreign cultural policy from Soviet Union era to Russian period . Russia’s foreign cultural policy started from the Cold War period, however , due to the ideology , the U.S-Soviet cultural exchange was deeply affected by the leaders of two countries. After the president Putin gained the power, Russia actively expanded its foreign cultural policy overseas, it wanted to strengthen the influence of Russian culture in the world and enhance the identity of Russian cultural values toward foreign public. The Russian government has established “Russkiy mir foundation ” and “Russotrudnichestvo” overseas to teach Russian language and Russian culture . By expanding the influence of Russian culture, foreign public is able to understand Russia from different aspects. The following are the research findings in my paper: First, the Russian government has actively developed Russian culture overseas in these years, but , the Russian government still focuses on compatriot . Second , the human rights and bureaucracy issue in Russia still deeply affect the development of soft power of Russia. Third, compared to other countries, Russian government plays an important role on foreign cultural policy. Therefore , besides its official policy, Russia should encourage on participation of NGOs and increase the development of the cultural industry.

品牌國家是近年來新興的議題。荷蘭籍學者彼得．范．海姆（Peter van Ham ）於2001年在《外交事務》上發表文章提出：「隨著全球化和媒體革命的發展，已使得每一個國家更明白自身的形象、聲譽及態度，簡言之，即為其品牌。過去的傳統性外交重要性已逐漸消失，在未來政治家必須訓練自己有更好的國家品牌資產經營能力。品牌國家將不僅與他們自己競爭，更需與世界性的超級品牌媲美。」如今許多國家政府對此已相當重視。 本文試圖經由非傳統外交、軟權力、公眾外交、國家行銷等學術探討，對品牌國家的定義及內涵作一個更全面性的研究及瞭解；並藉由芬蘭與諾基亞相互之間關係的案例分析，對品牌國家做更多闡述，期藉此為我國政府運行帶來一些新的想法。 / Brand State is an emerging issue in recent years. In the year of 2001, the Dutch scholar Peter van Ham talked about this concept in Foreign Affairs that “Globalization and the media revolution have made each state more aware of itself, its image, its reputation, and its attitude -- in short, its brand. The traditional diplomacy of yesteryear is disappearing. To do their jobs well in the future, politicians will have to train themselves in brand asset management. Brand states will compete not only among themselves but also with superbrands.” Nowadays, many countries have paid a lot of attention to it. This thesis attempts to illustrate the definition and content of Brand State more comprehensively by researching non-traditional diplomacy, soft power, public diplomacy, national marketing and other academic theories. Also, it examines the case of the relevance between Finland and Nokia to elaborate Brand State more and tries to bring new ideas to our government.

本研究的主要目的是考察印尼學生在他們的學生組織中如何扮演促進印尼與台灣之間關係的角色。本論文用公共外交的概念與分析框架，以作者在台就學之便親身參與各項印尼學生組織活動的經驗觀察所得，結合相關的文獻分析，最後發現，印尼學生在促進印台關係中扮演三種角色：1. 強化兩國人民的關係；2. 增進彼此的瞭解；3. 提升了兩國彼此在對方民眾與社會中的能見度與形象。而印尼學生之所以可以在台灣非穆斯林社會達到這樣的成果，主要歸功於：1. 印尼社群的互助傳統（gotong-royong）變成他們在台灣推動組織工作的社會資本；2. 在台灣的印尼移工與學生社群對這些服務的需求；3. 駐台北印尼經濟貿易辦公室、台灣政府以及各個大學學務單位的多方的支持與協助。 / The main objective of this study is to examine the role Indonesian students in Indonesian student organizations in Taiwan have played in enhancing the relationship between Indonesia and Taiwan. This thesis explores and details some of the activities of Indonesian students as they study in Taiwan, and examines how these activities have contributed to bridging and increasing the volume of people-to-people relations between the two countries, as well as how the associations and their activities have indirectly enhanced mutual understanding between Taiwanese and Indonesians. This thesis adopts the new public diplomacy and relational public diplomacy framework. Some data were collected during the researcher’s participation in Indonesian student associations and activities. Other data were gathered via discussion with several prominent Indonesian student association leaders. For the document analysis, this research uses Indonesian student organization document reports, Indonesia and Taiwan government reports, statistical data, newspapers, and websites. This thesis suggests that there are three roles Indonesian students play in bridging the relationship between Indonesia and Taiwan: (1) strengthening people-to-people relations (2) bridging mutual understanding (3) increase visibility and positive image. In addition, this thesis shows that there are three factors leading Indonesian students to establish their associations and conduct their activities: (1) their tradition of communal work (gotong-royong) as social capital (2) the demands of Indonesian migrant workers and students (3) support from various institutions, such as the Indonesian government especially IETO, universities, and the Taiwan government. The three factors are important and they are related to each other. Because of the three factors, Indonesian students can carry out their activities.