Cette recherche se rapporte à une représentation programmatique au sein des démocraties présidentialistes de l’Amérique Latine pendant la première décennie du siècle XXI. Représentation programmatique est un phénomène lié au processus électoral qui comprend les promesses faites au cours des campagnes et leur accomplissement par les présidents élus. Une étude théorique initiale argumente que la représentation comme promettre et s’acquitter des promesses est une forme de créer de la liberté politique dans les démocraties libérales. Dans ce sens, une démocratie capable de réaliser une représentation programmatique doit obtenir un plus grand consentement des citoyens. Pour aborder les promesses électorales il a été formé la Banque d’Assertions Programmatiques avec les données de 138 programmes de gouvernement, tout en utilisant une stratégie d’analyse de contenu développée par la recherche. Du point de vue électoral, la représentation programmatique est favorisée par (a) l’existence d’alternatives idéologiquement différentes parmi les candidatures partidaires/électorales, (b) par une organisation historiquement consistante de ces candidatures et, en même temps, (c) par la sensibilité des candidatures aux opinions et intérêts des électeurs. Après les élections, la représentation programmatique est favorisée si l’action gouvernementale possède une relation avec les promesses faites tout au long des campagnes (congruence idéologique). Ces conditions sont testées pour 48 élections dans les 16 pays étudiés. Après le développement de la recherche empirique, on conclue que la représentation programmatique dans les élections présidentielles est une manière viable de rapport entre les citoyens et la politique publique dans les démocraties de l’Amérique Latine et que son existence se rapporte au o assentiment (satisfaction) des citoyens au système démocratique. / Esta é uma pesquisa sobre a representação programática nas democracias presidencialistas da América Latina durante a primeira década do século XXI. Representação programática é um fenômeno atrelado ao processo eleitoral que compreende as promessas feitas durante as campanhas e seu cumprimento pelos presidentes eleitos. Um estudo teórico inicial argumenta que a representação como prometer e cumprir promessas é uma forma de criar liberdade política nas democracias liberais. Neste sentido, uma democracia capaz de realizar representação programática deve obter maior consentimento dos cidadãos. Para abordar as promessas eleitorais foi formado o Banco de Asserções Programáticas com dados de 138 programas de governo, utilizando uma estratégia de análise de conteúdo desenvolvida para a pesquisa. Do ponto de vista eleitoral, a representação programática é favorecida pela (a) existência de alternativas ideologicamente diferentes entre as candidaturas partidárias/eleitorais, (b) por uma organização historicamente consistente destas candidaturas e, ao mesmo tempo, (c) pela sensibilidade das candidaturas às opiniões e interesses dos eleitores. Após as eleições, a representação programática é favorecida caso a ação governamental possua relação com as promessas feitas durante as campanhas (congruência ideológica). Estas condições são testadas para 48 eleições nos 16 países estudados. Após o desenvolvimento da pesquisa empírica, conclui-se que a representação programática nas eleições presidenciais é uma forma viável de relacionamento entre os cidadãos e a política pública nas democracias da América Latina e que sua existência está relacionada com o consentimento (satisfação) dos cidadãos ao sistema democrático. / This is a research about the programmatic representation in presidential democracies of Latin America, over the first decade of XXI century. Programmatic representation is a phenomenon linked to the electoral process which comprises the promises made during the campaigns and the fulfilment of them by elected presidents. An introductory theoretical study argues that the representation as it makes promises and fulfills these promises is a form of create political liberty in liberal democracies. In this sense, a democracy capable of generate programmatic representation should obtain citizens’ compliance. The Database of Programmatic Assertions were made in order to approach the electoral promises, with the data them 138 electoral platforms, through a strategy of content analysis developed for this research. In the elections, the programmatic representation is favored by (a) the existence of ideological alternatives in the presidential candidatures; (b) by the historical consistence of the organizations behind the candidatures and, at the same time; (c) by the sensibility of the candidatures to the opinions and interests of the electors. After the elections, the programmatic representation is favored when the governmental actions are related to the promises made during the electoral campaign (ideological congruence). These conditions are tested for 48 elections in the 16 countries of the study. After the development of the empirical research, conclusion are that the programmatic representation in presidential elections are a viable form of relationship between the citizens and the public policy in Latin American democracies, as well as the existence of programmatic representation is associated with the citizens’ consentient (satisfaction) with the democratic system.

O objetivo dessa dissertação de Mestrado é examinar os poderes institucionais de controle da agenda legislativa dos Presidentes nas Constituições latino-americanas e analisar a importância das mudanças constitucionais determinantes para cada prerrogativa legislativa dos presidentes. A pesquisa empírica buscou entender a influência dessas mudanças para o relacionamento entre os poderes e para o processo legislativo. Os dados dos poderes institucionais abrangem uma amostra de 17 países em seus períodos democráticos entre 1945 e 2003. O trabalho adota uma perspectiva diacrônica de análise dos textos constitucionais. A análise é informada pelas hipóteses da literatura institucional acerca dos problemas enfrentados pelo presidencialismo, mais especificamente do conflito que seria inerente à separação institucional dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo e a supremacia dos presidentes com fortes poderes institucionais no processo decisório. Tal perspectiva procura enfatizar a importância das mudanças ocorridas no presidencialismo em diferentes períodos, isto é, o caráter dinâmico da estrutura institucional do presidencialismo, verificável pela análise das reformas constitucionais e a relação do contexto dessas mudanças com os presidentes legislativamente dominantes no processo legislativo. / The objective of the Master´s dissertation is to examine the institutional details of agenda setting in Latin American Constitutions and analyse the changes in constitutional provisions. Moreover, the study tries to understand the influence of those changes for the executive-legislative relations and for the legislative process. The changes in constitutional rules is the focus to reassess the commom assumptions of Latin American presidential regimes. I have studied the agenda setting institutions in 17 Latin American presidential countries since 1945 in their democratic periods. The enphasis are the constitutional provisions wich give power to Presidents. I argued that constitutional powers in presidential regimes are changing along the period, because of that the consequences for Executive-Legislative relations should not be derived from a static analyse of constitutional provisions. Accounting for the effects of political institutions and other factors, my findings suggest that demands for constitutional amendments make the executive-legislative relations a dynamic process of political changes.

Bien que la littérature française n’ait presque pas abordé le sujet, les théories des coalitions ont constitué, dans la littérature dite “mainstream”, un des principaux champs d’étude en science politique, ces deux dernières décennies. Appliquées à l’analyse de gouvernements, ces études ont permis de développer un ensemble de connaissances théoriques et des outils d’analyse quant à l’étude des processus liés à la formation, le maintien et la conclusion de ce type de gouvernements. Toutefois, le fait que la plupart des politistes ayant contribués à l’expansion de ces théories proviennent d’Europe Occidentale, ces études se sont alors -pour leur majeure partie- concentrées à l’analyse des coalitions gouvernementales suivant les particularismes de leur région d’origine : les systèmes parlementaires d’Europe Occidentale. L’étude du phénomène en régime présidentiel, longtemps considéré comme accidentel du fait de la supposée « combinaison indésirable » entre présidentialisme et multipartisme, est de ce fait demeurée limitée. Ceci conduit à ce que, jusqu’à présent, la littérature en science politique ne dispose que d’un faible niveau de connaissance quant à la manifestation des coalitions gouvernementales sous la configuration présidentielle. Cette thèse se propose donc de combler cette lacune ontologique, en centrant l’analyse sur les particularités structurelles des systèmes présidentiels, tout en faisant le lien avec les théories les plus récentes issues de la littérature portant sur les systèmes parlementaires. En se basant sur les trois pays du Cône Sud, et l’analyse de huit gouvernements récents de coalition qui ont connus différentes fortunes, cette thèse viendra insister sur l’impact de la configuration présidentielle quant à la formation et la gestion des gouvernements de coalition. Cette « présidentialisation » de la théorie des coalitions, va ainsi mettre en avant deux éléments généraux propres à la matérialisation du phénomène coalitionnaire en régime présidentiel : la récurrence de la formation de coalitions électorales, et la tendance à la bipolarité de la compétition politique. / Coalition theories applied to governments developed during the last decades a huge literature so as to provide theoretical knowledge and tools for the analysis of formation, maintain and breakdown of this kind of governments. Nevertheless, these studies were focused especially on parliamentary systems and left away the study of this phenomenon on presidential regimes. On another hand, coalition governments used to be considered, otherwise, in these systems as an “undesirable combination”, or analysed as a functional trend rather than the proper object of investigation. This approach conducts, then to a very low level of knowledge of the coalition phenomenon under presidential configuration.This thesis, proposes thus to fill this analytical gap, aiming to apply and compare recent findings and approaches from parliamentary origins to presidential systems. Through the study of the three countries forming the American Southern Cone, and eight recent governments of coalition with different successes we will stress out the differentiated role and mechanisms of timing cleavages and party structuration, proper to presidential systems. We will therefore “presidentialise” the theory, and show that the presidential framework presents general peculiarities like a recurrent pre-electoral coalition formation, and a trend to the bipolarity of party competition. / Las teorías de las coaliciones (coalition theories) formaron en la literatura dominante en ciencias políticas, uno de los principales campos de estudio, en las últimas décadas. Aplicadas al análisis de los gobiernos, estos trabajos permitieron que se desarrollara un conjunto de conocimientos teóricos y herramientas de análisis pertinentes para el estudio de los procesos de formación, mantenimiento y conclusión de este tipo de gobierno.Ahora bien, el hecho que la mayor parte de los académicos que escribieron sobre este fenómeno proviniera de -o enfocara su análisis sobre- Europa Occidental, condujo a que dichos conocimientos y herramientas desarrolladas por la teoría de las coaliciones se desarrollasen incluyendo particularidades propias a las democracias parlamentarias de Europa Occidental. Paralelamente a esto, el auge de las coalition theories se produjo de manera concomitante con la emergencia del debate presidencialismo vs. Parlamentarismo, cuyos teóricos dominantes en un primer momento abogaron por el carácter “accidental” o “indeseable” del ocaso de coaliciones partidarias en sistema presidencial. Por ende, muy pocos trabajos teóricos han sido llevados a cabo, hasta la fecha, para analizar el proceso coalicionar en regímenes presidenciales; y las pocas tentativas que se hicieron, recuperaron los elementos de análisis propios a las teorías ya existentes sin “presidencializar” el enfoque. Aquello condujo a que el nivel de conocimiento y entendimiento de los gobiernos de coalición en sistemas presidenciales sean bastante mal conocidos, pese a que muchos estudios hayan demostrado el carácter rutinario del fenómeno.Esta tesis se propone colmar este vacío ontológico, concentrándose en el análisis de las particularidades estructurales de los sistemas presidenciales relacionándose, de manera constante, con la teoría en sistemas parlamentarios. Al considerar los tres países del Cono Sur, y el análisis de ocho gobiernos que presentaron una configuración coaligada con fortunas diversas, esta tesis vendrá insistiendo sobre el impacto del presidencialismo sobre la formación y la gestión de estos gobiernos. Este enfoque presidencializado de las teorías de las coaliciones insiste asimismo sobre dos elementos generales propios al fenómeno coalicionar en régimen presidencial: la tendencia a la bipolarización de la competencia política y el carácter más precoz del juego de alianzas.

Mercosur, som i dag består av Argentina, Brasilien, Paraguay, Uruguay och Venezuela, bildades 1994 i ett försök att förstärka det ekonomiska samarbetet och befästa den omogna demokratin i regionen. Regionalt samarbete inleddes även i avsikt att öka stabilitet och säkerhet i regionen då samarbetet föddes ur askan av en instabil och nedbruten ekonomi. Den dramatiska förändringen från ett inåtvänt militärt styre under större delen av 1900-talet till en liberalisering av både den ekonomiska och politiska sfären, var en annan anledning till regionalt samarbete. Den här uppsatsen behandlar sambandet mellan dessa två fenomen; regional integration och demokrati, och deras parallella utveckling. Den regionala integrationen i området kring Mercosur är annorlunda än andra integrationsprojekt genomförda i världen. Detta är till stor del på grund av den starka statliga interventionalism och presidentialism som historiskt haft en framträdande roll, tillsammans med avsaknad av insyn och brist på civil delaktighet i den politiska sfären. Dessa karakteristiska drag gör det svårt att applicera redan framtagna teorier på Mercosur då dessa främst är utarbetade med hänsyn till Europeiska Unionen. Utvecklingen mot demokrati är betraktad som nödvändighet i förändringsprocessen mot ett förbättrat regionalt samarbete och därmed också regional integration, trots att demokratin fortfarande är begränsad. / Mercosur, which today includes the member states Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Venezula, was created in 1994 in an attempt to enhance economic cooperation and consolidate democracy in the region. Regional cooperation was also initiated in order to increase stability and security in the region. This since the integration project surged out of the ashes of an unstable, broken economy and a recent shift from an introvert military regime towards a liberalisation of both the economical and the political sphere. This thesis treats the connection between these two phenomena; regional integration and democracy, and their parallel development. The regional integration through Mercosur is different to other integration projects. Among other things this is due to the strong history of state intervention and scarce civil participation, as well as a prominent presidentialism and a current lack of transparency. This makes the implementation of already existing theories that may explain the development of Mercosur hard to apply, since these theories are developed with consideration to the European Union. The development towards democracy is seen as an essential cornerstone in the shift towards a more cooperative stance between the regional neighbours. Even though democracy in the region still is of limited nature, its emergence promoted regional integration.

#YoSoy132 movement was founded in May 2012 during the election campaign, after a small incident with one of the presidential candidates, Enrique Peňa Nieto, at IberoAmerican University in Mexico City. The movement gained relatively quickly a large number of supporters from many Mexican universities and also among ordinary citizens. The topic of this thesis is the transformation and evolution of the movement from presidential elections till present days. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the movement and answer the question on how #YoSoy132 movement has been developing over its fifteen months of existence, whether it has institutionalized and stabilized and how it can be defined and characterized.

The current French president has more possibilities to strengthen his position within the political system of the Fifth republic than his predecessors before the year 2000. This is the conclusion of this paper. At the turn of the millennium, French citizens have approved in a referendum the reduction of presidential term from seven to five years. In addition french prime minister initiated the change of the electoral calendar. Thanks to these reforms the probability that the system freezes in the period of cohabitation decreased significantly. In that context, this paper examines in what extend the role of the president became more important and how the last three french heads of state (Chirac, Sarkozy and Hollande) managed to behave within this new constitutional settlement. According to the results of this study, the president got wider possibilities especially in the field of practical execution of his mandate. It is because he can be more certain that the parliamentary majority will support him during his whole five year term. This means that the constitutional reform in 2000 (and next revisions in 2007 and 2008) made the political system clearer and it also stabilized the electoral calendar. Additionally, if an ambitious politician with the will of concentrating big amount of power only in his own...

共黨國家雖為一黨專政，但在最高領導層常形成具有二元領導的意涵的集體領導。二元領導體制是有兩位行政領導人的體制；由於二元領導體制符合許多政治狀況的需要，全世界有四分之一以上的國家採取二元領導體制，其中多為半總統制。本文認為東歐後共國家普遍形成半總統制的原因，在於共黨統治時期採取二元領導，以使統治菁英的集體領導得以鞏固。在此二元領導體制下，黨書記通常主管黨務、軍事，總理主管行政、經濟。 本文的重點在於第三章第二、三節的分析。第二節首先從黨內權力制衡的需要分析，指出共黨國家在初期的強人政治或單一領導之後，制度的要求與交易上的精英集體的利益極大化，共同促成一種展現為國家與黨的領導人和行政領導人的分立的二元領導體制。其後從權力繼承制度化與幹部年輕化的重要性進行分析，指出共黨國家二元領導體制要走向成熟，必須破除領導職務終身制。 在第三章第三節，本文引入國際政治學結構現實主義的觀點，強調權力結構的「二元」穩定性，同時分析共黨國家領導層的職務分配可能性，將之區分為單一領導、典型二元領導、非典型二元領導、多元領導等類型，並以蘇聯與中國大陸的政治菁英的職務分配作為範例加以介紹，說明典型二元領導是共黨國家領導體制的趨勢。 在此分析之後，本文在第四章分析蘇聯的領導體制變化，在第五章分析中共的職務分配趨勢。本文結論認為，中共幹部年輕化的制度壓力，使中共現任軍委主席江澤民必須盡快退休，而依據本文對典型二元領導體制的建構與利弊分析，中共政治菁英的共識將是讓胡錦濤接任中央軍委主席職務。倘若中共政局果真如此發展，則中共的典型二元領導將進一步強化。此種趨勢的進一步發展，將使中共民主化後傾向於採取半總統制。

Qual o nível de conflito que torna uma crise intratável e resulta na cassação do mandato eletivo do prefeito pela Câmara Municipal? A literatura que se dedica a explicar esse fenômeno se divide em duas perspectivas: 1) variáveis sociais forçam os parlamentares a agir contra o incumbente e as variáveis políticas agem de forma complementar e, 2) fatores políticos levam os legisladores a forçar a saída do cargo do incumbente, com fatores sociais agindo de forma complementar. Em comum a essas duas perspectivas há o papel desempenhado pelo Legislativo como fator chave para a interrupção do mandato do chefe do Executivo. Esta pesquisa investiga sobre as causas determinantes da remoção dos prefeitos pelo parlamento municipal. Portanto, busca-se revelar são as variáveis institucionais e não institucionais que influenciam na motivação dos parlamentares que, diante de uma crise não assimilável, optam por cassar o mandato eletivo do prefeito a mantê-lo no cargo. A pesquisa utiliza dados coletados de 335 câmaras municipais paulistas sobre processos de cassação no período de 1992 a 2012 para trazer informações sobre a dinâmica do fenômeno no interior do Legislativo. Foram utilizados também dados do TSE e Seade das eleições municipais referentes a esse período. Essa base de dados original permite que testemos as principais explicações fornecidas pela literatura. O tema se insere dentro da literatura sobre remoção de presidentes, como um subgrupo desse fenômeno. Resultados das análises estatísticas descritivas apontam que o quadro de variáveis extraído dessa literatura apresenta um comportamento semelhante, em decorrência do desenho institucional do município que é simétrico ao ente federal, por força constitucional. Em conclusão, este estudo contribui com o debate que elucida os fatores que levam à ocorrência do fenômeno em questão, que pode ser entendido como um subgrupo da literatura que trata da remoção de membros do Executivo em diferentes instâncias. / What level of conflict makes a crisis intractable and results in the ousting of the mayor\'s elective term by the City Council? The literature that deals with understanding this phenomenon is divided into two opposing perspectives: 1) social variables force parliamentarians to act against the incumbent and the political variables act in a complementary way, and 2) political factors lead the legislators to force the incumbent out of office, with social factors acting in a complementary way. Both perspectives, however, share the understanding that the role played by the Legislative is a key factor for the interruption of the head of the Executive\'s mandate. This study investigates the determining causes of the removal of mayors by the local parliament. Thus, it aims at identifying the institutional and non-institutional variables that influence the motivation of parliamentarians who, faced with a crisis that is not assimilable, choose to remove the elective mandate of the mayor to keep him in office. The research uses data collected from 335 São Paulo municipal councils on ousting proceedings from 1992 to 2012 to provide information on the dynamics of the phenomenon within the Legislative. Data from the TSE and Seade of the municipal elections for this period were also used. This original database allows us to test the main explanations provided by the literature. The theme falls within the literature on the removal of presidents, as a subgroup of this phenomenon. Results of the descriptive statistical analyzes indicate that the variables extracted from this literature presents a similar behavior, due to the institutional design of the municipality that is symmetrical to the federal entity, by constitutional force. In conclusion, this study contributes to the debate that elucidates the factors that lead to the occurrence of the phenomenon in question, which can be understood as a subgroup of the literature that deals with the removal of members of the Executive in different instances.

Au cours des 22 dernières années, lorsque les présidents latino-américains au pouvoir ont aspiré à se faire réélire, ils y sont toujours arrivés à moins que leur pays ne connaisse une débâcle économique. Entre 1994 et 2016, dans les 18 démocraties qui composent l’ensemble appelé « Amérique latine », il y a eu 21 tentatives de réélection présidentielle immédiate dont 20 furent couronnées de succès. La seule exception à cette tendance électorale s’est présentée en République Dominicaine en 2004, lorsque le président HIPÓLITO MEJÍA a perdu la réélection car son pays était plongé dans une profonde crise économique. L’interprétation de ces données indique que l’autorisation de la réélection présidentielle consécutive a annulé dans la région la compétitivité électorale, qui est une des conditions fondamentales pour que la démocratie puisse exister. La principale cause de ce phénomène antidémocratique est l’abus du pouvoir présidentiel à des fins électorales, qui fait du chef d’État qui aspire à être réélu un candidat invincible à cause des ressources exorbitantes dont il dispose pour manipuler le résultat des élections. On peut en outre constater une corrélation entre autorisation de la réélection présidentielle immédiate et détérioration progressive de la qualité de la démocratie au cours des deuxièmes et troisièmes mandats du même président, selon le « Electoral Democracy Index ». En définitive, la réélection présidentielle immédiate en Amérique Latine constitue un poison pour la démocratie qu’il convient de proscrire de manière renforcée dans les textes constitutionnels, par le biais de clauses immuables qui puissent garantir l’alternance dans l’exercice du pouvoir présidentiel. / In the last 22 years, whenever Latin American presidents in office sought reelection they always achieved it save in cases of national economic collapse. Between 1994 and 2016, in the 18 democracies that make up the cluster denominated “Latin America”, 21 immediate presidential reelections were attempted out of which 20 resulted in success. The only exception to this electoral pattern took place in Dominican Republic, when in 2004 president HIPÓLITO MEJÍA lost his reelection amidst a profound economic crisis. The interpretation of this data indicates that the exercise of consecutive presidential reelections in the region has ruined electoral competitiveness, which is one of the basic preconditions for the existence of democracy. The chief cause of this antidemocratic phenomenon is the abuse of presidential power for electoral gain, which turns the head of State seeking reelection into an invincible candidate because of the exorbitant amount of resources that he has at his disposal to manipulate electoral results. There is also a correlation between the exercise of immediate presidential reelections and the progressive deterioration of democratic quality during the second and third terms of reelected presidents, as noted by the “Electoral Democracy Index”. In sum, the practice of consecutive presidential reelection in Latin America is a poison for democracy that is advisable to proscribe in a reinforced manner in constitutional texts, by means of eternity clauses that guarantee alternation in the exercise of presidential power.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Rosset.pdf: 2437906 bytes, checksum: 6ec53bb4896a0aca474141bcbe4cd3d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-29 / This study is not intended to provide solutions for the complex problems in which the States are inserted in the world today due to the clear mitigation of the Principle of Sovereignty and the enormous difficulty in defending democracy in the formal aspect. Today s society presents itself with a factual multiplicity arising from the existence of actors in the decision-making arena in economy, political power, corporate power, the NGOs and internet among others. The State is not the only actor in the national and international scene, this is a unanimous position among contemporary philosophers, constitutionalists or not. What we aim in this study is to outline what can be taken under consideration analyzed institutional relationships in the Brazilian political system, focusing in the Legislative, how it presents and which are its constitutional competences, the challenges that are set and then give solutions for better performance and efficiency in its fundamental prerogatives, that is, as representative of the Brazilian people. Therefore, from the reading of the constitutional text, analyze the factors that led to the current situation where the Legislative meets. In this context it is necessary to outline how the State and the Legislative presents contemporaneously and the difficulties posed by global complexities the next step is to approach the Legislative in the 1988 Constitution, resuming the discussions that preceded the constitutional text during the debates of the Constituent mentioning the debates, the concerns and suggestions presented, to understand the configuration of the Magna Carta text and what resulted from those studies. Thirdly analyze the institutional role of the Supreme Court in these relations between the powers in the Constitution safeguard. To finally focus in the coalition presidentialism, current modus operandi in the current relationship between the powers in native scenario, based in its definition, how it shows and its requirements of existence, questioning such practices installed since it is an institutional anomaly against the constitutional principles of our current Charter. In conclusion, we present our answers and proposals for some of this problems and possible solutions to strengthen the Legislative / O presente estudo não visa dar soluções para tão complexos problemas em que estão inseridos os Estados no mundo, hoje, com a clara mitigação do princípio da soberania e na enorme dificuldade em defender a democracia no aspecto formal. A sociedade de hoje se apresenta com uma multiplicidade fática, decorrente da existência de atores na arena decisória no âmbito da economia, do poder político, do poder empresarial, das ONG(s), da internet, dentre outros. O Estado não é o único ator no cenário nacional e internacional, posição essa unânime entre os filósofos contemporâneo, constitucionalistas ou não. O que visamos no presente estudo é delinear o que pode ser levado à reflexão, analisado no âmbito das relações institucionais, no sistema político brasileiro, focando o Poder Legislativo, como se apresenta e quais são suas competências constitucionais, os desafios que estão postos para então dar algumas soluções visando um melhor desempenho e eficácia nas suas prerrogativas fundamentais, ou seja, de representante do povo brasileiro. Assim da leitura do texto constitucional, analisar os fatores decorrentes que levaram ao quadro atual em que se encontram as relações entre os três poderes. Nesse contexto, faz-se necessário delinear como o Estado e o Poder Legislativo se apresentam contemporaneamente e suas dificuldades postas pelas complexidades mundiais. O passo seguinte é abordar o Poder Legislativo na Constituição de 1988, retomando as discussões que precederam o texto constitucional durante o período da Constituinte, fazendo menções aos debates e às preocupações e sugestões apresentadas, para entender a configuração do texto da Magna Carta e o que resultou desses trabalhos. Em terceiro lugar, analisar o papel institucional do Supremo Tribunal Federal nessas relações entre os poderes na salvaguarda da Constituição. Para, enfim, focar o presidencialismo de coalizão, modus operendi atual de relação entre os poderes no cenário Pátrio, com base na sua definição, como se apresenta, e requisitos de existência, problematizar que tal prática instalada se trata de uma anomalia institucional face aos princípios constitucionais da nossa Carta vigente. Para concluir, apresentamos nossas respostas e propostas para alguns desses problemas e possíveis soluções no sentido de fortalecer a instituição Legislativa