雖然公共外交已行之有年，但隨著科技的革新和非國家行為者的崛起等國際社會的改變，公共外交的策略與手段勢必面對一番調整與改變。對於受制於傳統政治、地理位置、權力等中小型國家，這番外交的變革所帶來的並不僅僅是挑戰，更是機會與創新。這些國家藉由這些變革，發展出獨特的外交策略並拓展其在國際領域上的影響力。而藉由提供援助和救濟、致力於維護人類福祉的人道外交，是中小型國家採取的外交手段之一。為了有進一步的探討，本研究聚焦於挪威、土耳其、和台灣做為比較案例，並分析其人道外交背景、策略、和手段。 / Public diplomacy is not a new phenomenon in the history, yet with the changing features in the 21st century, such as the rise of the non-state actors and the technology advancement, the strategies and practices of public diplomacy have also been adjusted and modified. For small and middle size states that are constrained by power, politics, or geographic location, the changing environment has brought them both challenges and opportunities. They are able to develop diplomatic strategies beyond these hindrances through concentrating resources in specific areas that best able to increase the influence and visibility on the global stage. In this regard, humanitarian diplomacy is one of the niches that small and middle size states adopt to carry out their foreign policy goals, while generating awareness and providing assistance for areas suffering from severe humanitarian conditions and political conflicts. To further the study and to shed light on how small and middle size countries adopt humanitarian diplomacy as their diplomatic niches, the three cases, Norway, Turkey, and Taiwan, are selected and compared in terms of background, strategies, and practices. The comparison indicates that different countries develop their diplomatic strategies and practices based on state’s characteristics and existing resources. However, under the notion of public diplomacy, there are still several essential requirements needs to be examined in order to “make each punch above its weight.”

本研究旨在探討從國際法及權力政治的歷史所呈現出的觀點來看，以武力直接或間接達成國家利益的案例不可勝數，但隨著國際私法的發展，武力的使用已不再是單憑主觀意識即可決定。縱然超強如美國亦不得不在國際法的規範下，謹慎行事。本論文以美國黑水公司為例，黑水公司為什麼能在伊拉克為所欲為的原因在於他們享有不受法律制裁的特權。美國在2000年實施《軍事超領域管轄權法》，允許美國法庭懲治在海外的私人保安公司，但適用對象僅為國防部雇用的保安公司和其他軍事服務企業。黑水安全諮詢公司等受雇於美國其他機構的保安公司，卻不受此法約束。黑水公司在伊拉克除積極以美國政府之名義獲取私人公司之利益，同時亦枉顧伊拉克人在當地國所應享有之權力，著實應詳細探討。 目前國軍因應精實案、精進案等各項裁軍計畫，讓學有專精又具備多年軍事素養之優秀軍人大量回歸社會，國軍未來進行裁軍而改為募兵，乃可預見之趨勢，因此，國防部可參考美軍計畫，將國防事務做有效之區隔後，分批外包，廢棄營區也可出租給私人保安公司，退除役輔導委員會將已退役之軍、士官，聘回輔導委員會成立之保安公司亦或公開競標，由專門擔任訓練之軍、士官職掌訓練業務，仿照美軍由國防部訂立標準，要求所需之標準戰鬥人員，免除國內之關說民情，達到量少質精之目標。並將研究發現做成建議提供我國建軍備戰參考。 未來戰爭將超出傳統戰爭型態，除視科技發展而定外，僱傭軍型態之發展與影響更難以推估，黑水事件揭露職權問題的合理性，並且促使美國與伊拉克政府方面對於此問題深入調查。黑水保安人員濫用職權的問題至今仍時有所聞，若要解決此問題，最後仍需要美國政府的規範與協調一切有關黑水公司的權利。美國若自認為是維護一切世界事務和平的領導者，便應以身作則，維護人道精神，否則倘其自身都不願實現人道的原則，其他國家又怎能做起？此確實值得筆者深思細考。 本論文之研究範圍包括美國黑水公司成立之源起、黑水公司保安人員所涉及之法律議題、人身安全與國際私法之實踐、人身安全私有化之發展及趨勢等。

企業的營運範圍日趨國際化，媒體更繁複多元，並面臨更多面向的利益群體關注，對外關係的經營已不能只應用傳統的行銷策略，更須以公司層級的無形資產與社會資本建立起公司聲譽，方能保留並持續吸收資源，建立永續的競爭優勢。是故，近年來媒體經常報導的企業社會責任的議題，不但是許多利害關係人關注的焦點，更是公司經營與競爭優勢建立時不可忽視的策略性決策。 本研究透過第一階段調查法以及第二階段實驗法，共計發放536份問卷，並經由回歸分析、變異數分析等得出研究結論如下： 1.將企業社會責任作為歸類為利他型、規範型與平衡需求型，其中如消費者對於法令規範企業該做到的事項如「產品價格與說明標示皆為正確的」、「給予員工之薪資至少為法律規定的最低薪資」、「遵守當地政府的法令與規範」等皆視為規範型。 2.消費者對於有做社會責任之企業，其企業社會責任認知較沒做到企業社會責任的企業來的高，而利他型、規範型與平衡需求型對企業社會責任資訊與認知的調節效果則不存在。 3.消費者對企業社會責任的認知正向影響消費者對公司的認同。 4.消費者－公司認同為企業社會責任認知與購買意願的部份中介因子。 5.消費者對於有做企業社會責任公司的認同感受到對企業社會責任議題支持與個人道德標準的調節。 / The scope of business is going to be international, and the media runs in more complex ways, which makes more stakeholders pay attention to it. Now companies cannot just use the traditional marketing strategies to build up the relationships with outside stakeholders ,which turns out to use the corporate level strategies like intangible assets and social capital to solid the corporate reputation, keep retaining resources and establish sustainable competitive advantages. Therefore, the topic of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is not only what stakeholders care about but also a strategic decision when companies run and build competitive advantages. This research through two stages including survey and experiment and then use regression analysis and ANOVA analysis to the following results: 1.Classifying the corporate social responsibilities to “Altruism”,” Norms”, and “Balancing Needs”, for example, “The products’ price and instructions are both correct” belongs to “Norms”. 2.Consumers’ CSR perception is higher in the companies doing CSR than those not. But the moderate effect of different type (“Altruism”,” Norms”, and “Balancing Needs”) doesn’t exist between CSR information and CSR perception. 3.Consumers’ CSR perception positively affects Consumer-Company Identification. 4.Consumer-Company Identification is a partial mediator between Consumers’ CSR perception and purchase intention. 5.CSR support and ethical ideology moderate the relationship between Consumers’ CSR perception and Consumer-Company Identification.

受到氣候極端變遷的影響，近年來，世界各地接二連三地出現許多重大天然災害，讓我們賴以生存的地球，正面臨著嚴峻環境災難的考驗。面對這個重要課題，除了政府必須肩負的責任外，非政府組織從環境保護、減災預防、災難準備、以致災難發生時的緊急救援，到災後的復建與重建工作等環節上，也扮演愈來愈重要的角色，近代各國政府都把積極參與人道救援的非政府組織視為災難救援和賑濟上的重要伙伴。 人道救援和一般社會服務工作的動員模式與服務取向不同，除了必須在短時間內滿足無法事先確定的大量需求外，人道救援的目的是在有限資源的前提下，公允地維持受災民眾必要的生存環境、條件與尊嚴。是以，人道救援組織從平時救災人員的訓練、養成，救災器材設備與救援物資的整備，到災難發生時可以快速反應的動員能量，甚至災後不管復原或重建階段各項專業領域的參與，都需要掌握相當實力的資源，才能在必要的時候派上用場。 目前國內主要從事海內、外人道救援的民間組織，其從事人道救援的財源幾乎百分之百依賴民間捐款，而因應每次災難事件的不同，其所募得款項的多寡差異非常大，但國內相關影響重大災難募款金額多寡的因素研究卻很少，為使有限、寶貴的社會資源可以更合理、妥切地被運用，研究者以紅十字會在九二一大地震之後十年來十五起賑災專案募款的結果，運用個案研究的深度訪談以及焦點團體的探討，嘗試彙整出影響國人重大災難捐款的因素。 是以，本研究從災難本身、捐款人、勸募者及社會政經情境等面向，歸納出可能影響重大災難募捐款項的二十個因素，藉以分析說明並對照實務上募款金額的多寡。此外，本研究也提供了幾項重大災難募捐的特性，希望可以做為國人或後續研究者參用。 最後，本研究建議國人應該深切體認資源有限，整體社會的資源不管來自何處、流向何處，其總和也是不變的，因此，無論是資源的擁有者、分配者、執行者，以及在這個過程中可能影響資源分配運用的關係人，如政府、媒體等，都應該珍惜這個寶貴的資源，善用它，讓它發揮應有的社會功能。尤其，人道救援是一個關乎生命，非常嚴肅的議題，很多人認為重大災難捐款是一種衝動性捐款，但研究者卻堅信捐款行為只是表象，其真正是人的「愛心」在驅動，因此，必須從理性、審慎的態度來探究愛心背後可能影響捐款人作為的因素，並進而提供國人的愛心一個更好的捐款與資源運用環境。 / As a result of extreme climate changes, the world has witnessed many major natural disasters. Hence, the earth on which we live is confronting severe environmental challenge. To cope with such a severe challenge, other than the governments which must take up the responsibilities, NGOs are playing more important roles which include environmental protection, disaster prevention, disaster preparedness, as well as in the event of occurrence of natural disasters, emergency relief, recovery and reconstruction. Nowaday, the governments treat NGOs as their indispensable partners in the efforts of disaster rescue and relief. Humanitarian relief is different from social working network. The former must within a short period mobilize resources to meet unpredictable yet huge amount of need. The objective of humanitarian relief is to provide the people who were adversely affected by the disasters with resources, however limited, to live with dignity and fairness. Therefore, NGOs doing humanitarian relief must prepare themselves not only in the training of rescue teams, securing adequate equipments so that they can respond promptly to disasters, but also be in command of substantial resource so as to meet the urgent need in emergency relief, recovery and reconstruction. The humanitarian organizations of Taiwan, whom undertake disaster relief in Taiwan and oversea, obtain funding almost 100% from the private sector. Since the amount of fund raised in different disasters can be vastly different, to help rational allocation of limited yet valuable resources in disaster relief, the author has made efforts to collect data from 15 disaster-fund-raising events since the 921 earthquake in 1999, and to analyse the factors that are relevant to the donors’ behavior. The author has also carried out analysis of the factors by in-depth case study and focus group interview. On the basis of such data, case study and interview, the author has identified 20 factors from such perspective as nature of disasters, donors, fund-raising organizers, social-economic- political situation, etc. This paper also enumerates a number of important characteristics of fund-raising in major disasters. To conclude, the author likes to point out that the sum total of resources available to any disaster effort project is a constant. Therefore, all players in any major disaster relief project, including the organizers, the media, the government and others, must carefully use the resources and to achieve maximum utility of the resource for the benefits of those who are in need, to recover and to re-live from the disaster. Such an observation is meaningful because humanitarian relief is a serious subject and donation is not merely an act of impulse, it is also an act of “love”. Therefore, we must carefully explore the relevant factors that contribute to the donors’ behaviors. Only by so doing, we can structure a better environment under which fund-raising motivated by “love” can be truly successful and meaningful use of such resources to the maximum benefit of the people affected by the disasters be assured.

隨著中國大陸日益增加對非洲事務的參與，中國大陸與非洲之間關係的研究受到前所未有的重視。雖然學界已有相當多關於中非關係的研究，但對於北京在達佛（Darfur）危機中所扮演的角色仍缺乏探討。因此，為了彌補現有文獻的不足，本論文對達佛危機進行更全面性的瞭解，更重要的是，本論文將從非洲的角度出發，追蹤並分析從2003年起迄今中國大陸在處理達佛危機中所扮演的角色。 達佛隸屬於一個自後殖民時代起就戰亂頻仍、擁有不斷自相殘殺歷史的國家—蘇丹。該地區暴力的多樣性、衝突型態的複雜度、盤根錯節的內戰起因、以及人道危機的暴行，皆讓蘇丹的達佛充滿著許多不穩定因素。 然而，正是在這樣的政治社會脈絡下，北京政府不顧國際社會要求停止對北蘇丹政權（Khartoum）援助的呼籲，做出對達佛投資以促進中國大陸國家利益的決定，儘管北蘇丹政權仍在達佛地區進行近似種族滅絕(genocide)的毀滅性戰爭。 藉由探討中國大陸對北蘇丹政權的支持是否間接造成達佛地區的人道危機，本論文旨在檢視中國大陸在達佛地區武裝衝突所涉及的面向，以及中國大陸在處理該地區危機中所扮演的角色。 關鍵字: 蘇丹、達佛、中國大陸、人道危機、政治性策略戰爭、衝突管理。 / With the growing presence of Mainland China in Africa, relations between the two continents have increasingly been the subject of unprecedented scrutiny. Although the Sino-African relations are largely covered by the mass media, they, however, remain under-researched especially with respect to the role played by Beijing in the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Our dissertation seeks therefore to fill out such gap by providing a comprehensive understanding of the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Darfur, and more importantly by tracing, based upon an African perspective, the role that China has played in the management of the humanitarian crisis in Darfur from 2003 to contemporary days. Darfur is a region which is part of a country that has been at war with itself through the entire history of its post-colonial journey. The multiplicity then of the fighting movements in the region, the complexity of the configuration of the conflicts, the interconnectivity of the underlying causes of the civil war, and the atrocity of the humanitarian crisis have made Sudan, and Darfur specifically, a volatile composite region. Nevertheless, it is in such a socio-political landscape that China has decided to invest and advance its national interest defying the international community’s calls for Beijing to end its assistance to Khartoum which has been conducting a destructive war akin to ‘genocide’ over Darfur. With the intention to examine whether China is underwriting the genocide in Darfur by backing Khartoum, the core purpose of our dissertation would, indeed, be to figure out what has, in fact, been the Chinese dimension in armed conflicts in Darfur and the role played by Mainland China in the management of the humanitarian crisis in the region. Key words: Sudan – Darfur – Mainland China – Humanitarian Crisis – Strategic Political Warfare – Conflict Management

在政治研究以及一般社會研究的領域中，價值的科學分析一向都是極受重視並曾引起 長期爭論的問題。前人討論此一問題的專著，雖然曾出不窮，可是眾說紛紜，至今依 然沒有定論。因此，本文一方面想根據前人所獲致的某些結論作為背景，另一方面也 想憑藉現代方法論所發展出來的知識作為標準，來對此一問題從事全面性的澄清工作 ，並進而試作解答。 本文的主題是政治研究中的價值問題，在討論過程中，涉及的範圍，相當寬廣，但始 終圍繞著兩個重心而進行。這兩個重心即是：價值中立與價值的經驗研究。全文共有 六章，每章的主要內容，分別扼要說明如下。 第一章是導論。對傳統政治學及現代政治學中有關價值問題的重要論證，作一評論性 的分析，並進而企圖逐漸顯現出來價值分析及是政治研究領中的關鍵性課題。 第二章討論價值語句的認知。本世紀中，關於價值語句的認知，曾先後出現五種不同 的重要說法。其中以「規約說」較為健全。本文以「規約說」略加修正後作為基礎， 進而肯定兩個論點：（１）「政治科學著作中不得包含價值語句」的假定乃是多餘的 ；（２）後行為主義（post-behavioralism）強調人道主義的原則具有其合理的基礎 。 第三章討論價值語句的推論。從事實語句是否可能推論出價值語句，向來即有兩種對 立的答案：一種是肯定的，另一種是否定的。本文接受後者的答案，即支持「分離論 」的說法。 第四章討論經驗研究中免除價值判斷的可能性。關於此一問題，不僅產生爭論甚多， 而且招致曲解至深。本文以化繁為簡的方式，首先把各種不同的論點區分為兩大派： 一為「全方法論上的價值中立」。所謂「方法論上的價值中立」，即是一方面保留肯 定派的意圖，另一方面化除否定派的疑難。 第五章討論價值的經驗研究。首先指出「價值中立論」的被誤解及反行為主義（ antibehavioralism ）的武斷。並進而透過概念的系統意含及經驗意含之分析，以顯 現出價值的經驗研究之可能性及困難性。 第六章是結論。於政治研究中的價值問題，本文所肯定的重要論點，及提出的六項要 旨，均以概括性的方式，在結論中逐一加以說明。 /

後冷戰時期非洲地區依然存在族群衝突問題，其原因來自於族群地位不平等，以致族群間無法融合。非洲國家若無法建立起「國家利益優先於族群利益」概念，並壓制「部落主義」情緒，則國家內部可能因族群爭權，而陷入長期動亂當中。盧安達種族屠殺及蘇丹內戰和達佛問題等，均係後冷戰時期非洲族群衝突的重要個案，本論文將加以深入研究。國際社會自美國於1993年出兵索馬利亞任務失敗後，對非洲動亂抱持冷漠態度，故造成1994年盧安達種族屠殺慘劇。自此之後，國際社會積極採取有效途徑，解決非洲地區動亂問題，而2004年國際社會積極處理蘇丹達佛衝突，即在避免重蹈盧安達事件的覆轍。本論文將透過後冷戰時期非洲族群衝突個案探討，從中找出非洲族群衝突的根源、影響族群衝突的內外部原因及國際社會介入處理的成效。

隨著全球氣候變遷，天然災害發生頻率越來越高，人道救援的重要性、多元性、緊急性及複雜性更加凸顯，國際人道援助已然成為當代普世價值，因此聯合國與歐盟在1990年代重新改組人道援助機構，統一人道援助事務的事與權，使得國際人道援助機制更臻完善。 首先，海地2010年發生世紀強震，國際社會發動近年來最大動員進行救援與救災，本文透過檢視跨國合作人道援助海地震災，瞭解國際人道援助機制之執行成果，共有包括美國等30餘個國家、聯合國等14個國際組織、紅十字國際委員會等37個非政府組織共同合作協助海地救災與重建工作。 其次，經檢視此次國際救災與重建工作之成果，除所號召的67支搜救隊就出的134生還者是近年來最多成功救援生還者最多的案例，直到2012年2月，原來震災後暫棲避難所的150萬災民也大幅減少至49萬人，預計修復與重建的房舍進度也達成50％，由上述成效觀之，各行為者之間並未出現疊床架屋之困境，反而出現團隊合作的情形，這要歸功於聯合國多年來進行救災累積的經驗。 此次主要由聯合國統一指揮，有效避免救災資源重疊及浪費的情形，並把握救災黃金時間提升人道援助的成效與成果。救災過程中雖因美國撤僑，派軍控制海地國際機場，導致各國救災行動一時受阻，引起撻伐，嗣經聯合國副秘書長John Holmes介入後及時解決此問題，應可作為日後聯合國與國際社會進行人道援助之借鏡，雖救災初期略為紊亂，整個人道救援過程仍稱順利，可謂「瑕不掩瑜」。 最後，中華民國的人道援助經費與聯合國、歐盟、美國及國際重要非政府組織動輒10幾億美元之經費相較之下微不足道，但中華民國此次人道援助策略秉持以自身的優勢及傳統援助強項為基本戰略，並以「小而美」、「小而巧」、「小而強」的原則規劃執行相關計畫，由中華民國執行重建計畫的執行效率，再與聯合國、歐盟及美國透過非政府組織所執行的計畫相較之下，中華民國的策略似乎較為奏效且真正符合受災國人民的迫切需求，這也將成為日後中華民國日後制訂人道援助政策的最佳參考模式。 / With global climate change, natural disasters occur more frequently; therefore, the importance, diversity, urgency and complexity of humanitarian assistance not only become more and more prominent, but also become contemporary universal value. In the 1990s, the United Nations and the European Union reshuffled their humanitarian aid agencies, by unifying Humanitarian Aid Office’s authority, the mechanism of the international humanitarian assistance becomes more complete. Firstly, in January 2010 Haiti was hit by a catastrophic-magnitude earthquake, causing great damages and losses. The international community launched in recent years the largest mobilization for rescue and disaster relief. The essay reviews cross-border cooperation in humanitarian aid for the Haiti earthquake and analyzes the implementation of international humanitarian assistance. A total of more than 30 countries including the United States, United Nations and other 14 international organizations, 37 non-governmental organizations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, work together to assist the Haitian relief and reconstruction work. Secondly, 134 survivors were rescued by 67 search and rescue teams, also claimed to be the most successful rescue case in past decades. Until February 2012, refuges that lived in the temporary camps are significantly reduced from 1.5 million to 490,000 and the percentage of the progress of the repair and reconstruction of the damaged houses has reached 50%. Instead of the overlap and waste of resources, all the international actors work together to make a great success, thanks to disaster relief experience accumulated in the United Nations over the years. The unified command of the United Nations effectively avoids duplication of relief resources and waste and takes advantage of the prime time in enhancing effectiveness and outcomes of the humanitarian aid. Although the evacuation of the United States’citizens in Haiti and the incident that the U.S. troops were sent to control Haiti International Airport in the relief process result in temporary drawback in the international disaster relief efforts, thus causing international discontent, the intervention of the UN Under-Secretary-General John Holmes helped resolve the issue. This could serve as a good example for United Nations and the international community to carry out humanitarian assistance on disaster relief in the future. Despite the early slight disorder, the whole humanitarian process proceeds with stability in the end. Finally, the humanitarian aid funds of the Republic of China（Taiwan） to the Haiti earthquake, compare with that of the United Nations, the European Union, the United States and other important international non-governmental organizations, are trivial, yet the Republic of China（Taiwan） makes the best use of its advantages and traditional strengths and followed the principles of “small but beautiful”, “small but clever” and “small but good”. The strategy of the implementation of the reconstruction plan of Taiwan, compares with that of the United Nations, the European Union and the United States, seems more effective and truly meets the urgent needs of the victims, which will also serve as the best reference model for Taiwan in the stipulation of its humanitarian aid policy in the future.

敘利亞內戰的難民攝影直指當代戰爭的關鍵問題，也凸顯社群媒體使用者如何直面這些影像及採取後續行動。因此，本研究聚焦難民影像中的人道關懷有何轉變，以及社群使用者觀看戰爭影像時，如何理解戰爭影像中的人道意義，以及與社群他人共同觀看時有何倫理問題。 　　以庫爾迪影像為分析始點，指出庫爾迪影像及後文本展現社群人道主義，也隱含不同漠視庫爾迪的視線，包括國際政治的角力、宗教信仰的根本問題，更重要的是主流媒體與社群媒體觀者的旁觀問題。 　　再者，從《聖殤》的構圖傳統到現代戰爭影像，人道主義並非持守一套不變的道德倫理。儘管西方人道主義已深植於紀實戰爭影像的視覺論述，但是因指涉對象不同，人道主義的意義也隨之變動。難民影像除了悲憫與哀悼的人道傳統外，還展現出掙扎、焦慮、變動不安等意義，更隨著不同觀者而有所差異。 　　本文也藉由分析戰爭中的自拍以討論在社群媒體觀看的倫理問題。難民自拍連結社群他人，也跳脫主流新聞媒體的再現，展現難民的非戲劇性日常。而社群觀者便於使用社群媒體的視覺行動機制，實踐線上人道主義。然而，線上視覺人道行動也可能再次消費戰爭悲劇，與實際人道行動的意義相異。最後，觀者不僅漫遊於社群世界，尋找自我觀看的視角，更在與社群他人的互動中反覆確認、變換觀看的位置，以此理解戰爭事件與自身的關係，再採取線上視覺行動。 / The images of Syrian refugees point out key questions about modern war, also high-light how users on social media see the images and practice visual activism.　Therefore, this article aims to analyze what the transformation of humanitarian images is, how to understand the humanitarian meaning when users see the images, and what the ethics of seeing is. First of all, the image of Alan Kurdi and post-text show the social humanitarianism and connote lines of vision of ignorance and, including the struggle of international political, religion conflict, and the indifferent of mainstream media and social media. 　　Second, from Pietas to images of modern war, the meaning of humanitarianism is not always the same. Despite the western humanitarianism being rooted in the visual discourse of documentary war images, the meaning of humanitarianism has also changed with different referents. Besides compassion and mourn, struggle, anxiety, variation and instability are included in the images of refugees. 　　Third, this study discusses the ethics of seeing via analyzing selfies in war. Refugees take advantage of selfies to link others on social media and get rid of representation of mainstream media to present the nondramatic everyday life of fleeing. Furthermore, spectators on social media take the visual action to practice online humanitarianism, although it may consume the tragedy again. 　　Conclusively, seeing is not only wandering in social media world and seeking the angles of self-seeing but confirming and changing the position of seeing among the interaction with others time and again. By seeing, people can understand the relationship between war and self, and then take visual action.

本文研析2011年至2016年期間，中國在人道干預立場上對利比亞和敘利亞的差異比較，試圖分析中國在「國家保護責任」（Responsibility to Protect）上的態度轉變。中國於安理會1970號和1973號針對利比亞內戰所涉及的人道干預決議案，不但同意將利比亞情勢送交國際刑事法院，更間接默許西方軍事干預利比亞，此與一向不干預他國內政、尊重他國主權為外交原則的中國相違背。然而，發生於同時期、同受到阿拉伯之春影響、同為推翻獨裁政權的敘利亞內戰，中國卻多次否決對其進一步軍事干預，形成人道干預立場上的矛盾。 而本文試圖利用「國家利益」和「形象建構」兩大分析途徑，探究中國隨著負責任大國的形象建立，和在國際事務上話語權漸增的情況下，於人道干預立場的考量是否有所改變或偏向。本文認為中國在利比亞案例上突破以往不干預他國內政的立場，並不代表中國對「國家保護責任」態度的轉變。其次，中國當前在人道干預立場上，仍以國家利益為主，形象建構為輔，特別是中共政權維穩、國家安全為首要。此外，中國也正試圖擺脫俄羅斯和西方國家的單方影響，建立一套獨立自主的人道干預外交原則。