全球化趨勢帶動兩岸經貿交流互動，中國大陸從世界工廠成為世界市場，外資紛紛轉往中國大陸投資設廠。然而，因為台灣與中國大陸擁有相同語言及文化背景，也使得台灣企業及科技人才比其它企業擁有更多的優勢及機會。台灣企業大舉投資中國大陸並在中國設立生產基地，台灣科技人才必需扮演中間溝通、技術移轉的角色。而台灣科技人才也將面臨因此現況帶來的機會與挑戰。作者將提出經濟全球化與全球及對兩岸的影響、台灣企業投資大陸設廠及台灣科技人才到中國大陸工作的原因;並透過深度訪談了解台灣科技人才的想法及意見及提出在就業上的建議給台灣科技人才及台灣企業人力資源管理政策上的建議以留住人才、減少因產業外移中國大陸而造成人才流失。 / Globalization helps cross-strait economic exchange. China is transitioning from just being a “world-factory” to also being a “world-market.” Foreign investments have been flowing into China; foreign companies set up branches and factories in China. When Taiwanese enterprises move their production lines to China, Taiwanese S&T talent needs to play roles in communications, training and skill transfers. Taiwanese investors and companies, however, have the advantage over their global competitors of sharing the same language and culture with China, which affords Taiwanese enterprises and talent (skilled workers) more opportunities than other countries. At the same time, there are some challenges that Taiwanese science and technology talent needs to face. The author will first describe the patterns of economic globalization in the world, especially between Taiwan and China. The author will then present some of the reasons that Taiwanese enterprises invest in China engage in science and technology work in China. The author will supplement the trend analysis with details from in-depth interviews with some Taiwanese industry S&T workers to propose suggestions to Taiwanese professionals, to human resource management and for trans-national labor policy -- with a particular eye towards retention of talent and know-how and to avoid “brain-drain”.

所謂「預測」，是建立在對特定事物認識的基礎上所做出的預估，而預測的準確與否關鍵即在於預測者對資訊的掌握程度。長久以來，由於未來一直是人類亟欲征服與掌握的目標，因此預測也成為一普遍存在的行徑。有別傳統預測方法的諸多限制，「預測市場」藉由網路參與者主動參與價格為訊息加總等特色，可以更全面的涵蓋不同來源的資訊並進一步轉換為一個量化的指標，以達到更準確的預測。本研究藉由「未來事件交易所」中兩岸相關協議的個案分析，發現市場在預測的過程當中，價格除了藉由公開資訊的反映出來以外，其中亦包含了大量私人資訊的反映，兩者反映所有資訊次數的比例大致維持著4：6的關係，而這結果也代表了在兩岸議題當中資訊並未大幅被揭露，欲準確預測事件的結果仍須多方仰賴私人資訊的貢獻。此外，根據個案分析的結果，本研究也發現兩岸協議確實適用於兩岸議題的應用。 / Prediction is an anticipation based on specific events. The key point of correct prediction depends on the level controlled by predictors. For a long time, future has been a target for human to control and overcome. Thus, prediction becomes a way to explore future events. “Prediction markets” is different from traditional way. It gets rid of many restrictions. It transfers all diverse information from participators into a quantification index to predict more correctly. This research analyzed by Cross-Strait Agreements on Xfuture.com finds that market price is reflected by not only public information but also private information. The ratio of public information to private information is 4 to 6. The result indicates that information is not disclosed completely in Cross-Strait Agreements. By solving this problem, we should use private information to predict more precisely. Furthermore, Cross-Strait Agreements certainly applies to Cross-Strait Affairs according to this paper.

本文之目的在於分析台灣與中國雙邊貿易之主要決定因素，並深入探討造成台灣對中國長期出現大量順差的主要原因。本文之實證模型與過去文獻主要差異在於分別就進出口供給與需求建立聯立方程式，推導成縮減式，分析進出口供需的相互影響。在台灣出口供給方面，本文考慮了國內投入、進口中間投入、台灣外人直接投資(FDI)及研發創新等因素。在台灣進口需求方面，除了考慮實質所得、雙邊匯率，本文也考慮了第三國匯率及雙向FDI之影響。 本文實證分析採用自1996年1月至2009年12月期間月資料。實證結果顯示雙邊實質所得、台灣對中國直接投資與台灣研發創新的確皆造成台灣對中國進出口之增加。然而，各國對台灣直接投資，卻造成台灣對中國進出口的減少。至於實質匯率的結果，在台灣對中國之出口方面，當新台幣相對於人民幣貶值，確實造成對中國出口增加。在中國市場，第三國價格相對中國價格上揚，造成台灣對中國出口有負向影響，此顯示台灣出口財與第三國出口財為互補關係。在台灣自中國之進口方面，當新台幣相對於人民幣貶值，的確造成自中國進口減少。在台灣市場，第三國價格相對於台灣價格上揚，造成台灣自中國進口有正向影響，表中國出口財與第三國出口財為替代關係。此外，本文發現，進口中間投入的相對價格上揚，將造成台灣自中國進口減少。 總而言之，本文研究結果顯示，除了實質所得以及雙邊匯率之外，第三國匯率、雙向FDI以及研發在兩岸進出口貿易上也扮演相當重要角色。此結果有助於瞭解台灣對中國持續順差之背後原因。 / The objective of this study is to analyze the main determinants of bilateral trade across the Taiwan Straits with a view toward exploring the causes of the Taiwan’s persistent large trade surplus with China. Our empirical model differs from most previous studies in the following aspects: we construct a system of equations to examine the demand-supply relationship ; on the supply side, the effects of inward FDI, the cost of intermediate imports on Taiwan’s production and R&D innovation are considered ; on the demand side, in additional to bilateral real exchange rates and real income, this paper also considers the indirect effects of exchange rate of third countries and bilateral FDI. The data covering January, 1996 to December, 2009 are used in our empirical analysis. The empirical evidence indicates that the bilateral real income, Taiwan’s real direct investment to China and R&D innovation have positive effects on Taiwan’s exports towards and imports from China, however, the inward FDI to Taiwan presents negative effects. As for real exchange rate, it appears that Taiwan’s export to China would increase along with the real depreciation of the NTD against the RMB. In addition, the rising relative price of the third country against the price of China would result in a negative effect of Taiwan’s export to China, representing that the goods of Taiwan and the third country are complements. On the other hand, Taiwan’s import from China would decrease along with the real depreciation of the NTD against the RMB. In addition, the rising relative price of the third country against the price of Taiwan would bring about a positive effect of Taiwan’s import from China. This reveals that the goods of China and the third country are substitutes. Moreover, a negative effect on the import of Taiwan from China appears when the cost of intermediate imports of Taiwan increases. In sum, this study illustrates that, in addition to real income and bilateral exchange rates, the exchange rates of third countries, FDI inflows and outflows and innovation have also played an important role in determining bilateral trade across the Taiwan Straits. It will help understand the driving forces behind Taiwan’s persistent trade surplus against China.

大陸實施經改、台灣開放探親後的兩岸關係，正朝著政治分立、經濟合作路徑邁進。隨著台商經營模式由中小企業為主的低技術傳統產業，走向資金與技術密集型高科技產業，台商間的互動型態也由早期的小群體或個體作戰模式，轉為依賴集體力量、透過組織形式爭取共同利益。於此情況下，獲兩岸政府直接、間接承認的台資企業協會理應有非常大的運作空間，發揮外與兩岸政府斡旋、內為台商提供服務之功能。因此目前的相關文獻，莫不期待台商積極投入台協，而台協則發揮極其關鍵的功能。本研究卻將對此觀點提出挑戰，基於台協所提供的制度性入會誘因，分析台協的組織能力。基於上述設計，此研究奠基於筆者月餘的田野調查，訪談對象遍及上海、昆山、無錫三地台商與台辦人員。研究結果相當程度否定了學界視為理所當然之「台商積極參與台協」假設。根據筆者的研究，台資企業協會在中共政權的「強國家」以及經濟社會的「韌網絡」雙向壓縮下，台協的角色與功能，已遭到相當程度的弱化。 / With the on-going post-Mao reforms, more and more Taiwanese businessmen (Taishang) seek business opportunities in mainland China. After almost fifteen years, these entrepreneurs have given up labor-intensive manufacturing and shifted to high-tech production. At the same time, they also feel constant needs to organize themselves, for reasons involving political capital, social capital and selective incentives. Most of these Taishang then create the Taiwanese Business Associations (TBAs) to serve their purpose. Although TBAs being founded one by one, our preliminary investigation suggests that most of them are in fact weak organizations. This research thus seeks to explain why those TBAs tend to be weak on the basis of the incentives they would provide for their members. After a month-long field research in Shanghai, Wuxi, and Kunshan, I find that these associations are bound to be weak organization mainly because of the “strong state” and “powerful networks.” The practices of the state hamper the functioning of TBAs while the operation of social networks creates an alternative organization with the functions of associations.

自開放探親以來，兩岸交流日趨熱絡，截至民國九十四年底陸續來台團聚及申請居留、定居的大陸配偶已逾廿三萬人，成為新興移入人口的主流。「兩岸婚配」的盟合大多係由台灣男性主動認識大陸女子、或經由親友介紹、及婚姻仲介等方式而結婚，大陸配偶透過「跨海婚姻」的歷程來到台灣，在陌生的社會民情與生疏的家庭環境中試圖展開新生活，她們無不努力地學習並詮釋新的角色；然因兩岸的社經環境、風俗習慣，人民的成長背景及價值觀念等文化之差異與隔閡，建立自己的同儕生活上有所困難，加上在台灣取得社會資源的不易，使其與台灣社會網絡互動貧乏，只能依賴婚姻的狀況下更顯得被孤立，而成為社會的弱勢族群，且因人數眾多已形成嚴重的社會問題。 由於大陸配偶來台者日眾，在相關的社會新聞中，造成台灣民眾常抱持著偏執與異樣眼光看待她們，總將其視為外來者或麻煩製造者而產生了許多誤解，使她們在異鄉的生活適應上備感艱辛，諸如她們漂洋過海的婚姻動機為何？來台後對於兩岸的生活習慣與價值觀念之差異要如何適應？又將如何與台灣的社會相連結？對於國家與社群的認同為何？微視她們真正的心聲是值得我們作抽絲剝繭的探究。本文針對中國移民女性來台的社會適應問題進行研究，讓現實生活中的大陸配偶自己發聲，筆者實地去瞭解她們的生活底層，聆聽她們的心聲、感受與生活經驗，試從其自身的敘述中來勾勒出她們的「台灣經驗」，而非新聞媒體上所建構與杜撰的故事，或是三姑六婆們街頭巷尾的竊竊私語。 / Ever since Taiwan and PRC opened door for citizens to visit their relatives across Taiwan Straits, cross-border interactions from both sides are becoming more frequent. According to statistical data released by Taiwan government, more than 230 thousand PRC immigration requests to Taiwan have been granted by the end of 2005. In consequence, PRC residents are becoming the mainstream in Taiwan immigration population. Typically, cross-border marriage took place through matchmakers or relatives’ introduction or Taiwanese males actively create opportunities to know PRC female. Thereby female is the dominant gentile in PRC immigrant population. Due to different value systems, and vast cultural gap, it is not easy for PRC spouses to quickly adapt to the new environment and families. In addition, for lack of proper access to Taiwan social networks, PRC immigrants are usually isolated and speechless. And the issues become more severe as PRC immigrants increases in Taiwan. From time to time, social incidents caused by PRC immigrants are mistakenly reported or even exaggerated by public media that lead to biased misunderstanding from Taiwanese pollution. And there’s virtually no chance for PRC spouses to speak up. In this paper, we will focus primarily on the following issues: what are the motivations of PRC spouses to come to Taiwan, how they adapt themselves to make up the cultural gap and the new value system, as well as how can they link up with Taiwan societies. Rather than referencing to media reports that could possibly be distorted, we chose to collect first hand experiences by face to face interviews with PRC spouses. Let’s listen to their genuine voice about their “Taiwan experiences”.

一、非軍事區的概念屬軍事互信機制的一環，而軍事互信機制的緣起主要在「信心建立措施」，「信心建立措施」的實踐係在 1975年8月1日「歐洲安全暨合作會議」簽訂了「赫爾辛基會議最終協議書」，規範了歐洲安全、經濟科學技術和環境領域、人道及其他領域的合作、召開後續會議等結論，其中有關「建立信心措施暨特定層面安全與裁軍文件」主要規定為防範因軍事資訊缺乏而引發的誤解與判斷，造成武裝衝突的危險，各締約國應循外交管道告知對方，並主動邀請對方觀察其軍事行動與演習；信心建立措施實施至今己有近30年的時間，從歐洲、東協及兩韓實踐經驗，來探討末來台海兩岸軍事互信機制之建構。 二、非軍事區通常是靠近停戰線的緩衝區，一般所謂的「非軍事化」是指一國不能在其領土的特定部份駐軍或是維持軍事設施，從軍事戰略的觀點來看，「非軍事區」的設置目的，主要是避免或降低武裝衝突再度爆發的可能性，所以所有的軍事力量、供應和裝備，除非另有規定，否則都應撤出「非軍事區」。 非軍事區的設立最早是在第一次世界大戰德國戰敗後，凡爾賽和約在法德邊境上的萊茵蘭地區設立的軍事緩衝區；第二次世界後爆發朝鮮半島的戰爭，戰後雙方簽署停戰協定，劃定了臨時軍事分界線，並從分界線上各後退2公里，形成了一個寬4公里的非軍事地帶作為緩衝區；伊拉克與科威特的「非軍事區」係1990年發生了波灣戰爭，戰後聯合國在伊、科邊界設立15公里寛的非軍事區；上海五國的「非軍事區」1996年4月25日，中、俄、哈、吉、塔五國元首在上海簽署了五國「關於在邊境地區加強軍事領域信任的協定」及「關於在邊境地區相互裁減軍事力量協定」。主要內容除了規範五國的軍事互信機制項目，其中甚至規定軍隊並從邊界各自退後100公里設立為非軍事區。 非軍事區設立的案例其中德國萊茵蘭及伊科邊境設立的非軍事區，均因強權的野心，引發了軍事衝突而中止，朝鮮半島的非軍事區雖然維持兩韓的和平，但北韓利用地道及利用特種部隊對南韓實施攻擊或對在非軍事區間相互開火的事件層出不窮，在南韓實施陽光政策後才使兩韓的軍事衝突減少；故非軍事區的設立，僅能減少兩個敵對團體的軍事摩擦，並不能帶來永久的和平。 三、兩岸歷經了軍事衝突對峙、互不往來及和平交流、協商等時期，近期政府高層頻頻抛出善意，總統陳水扁先生提出「兩岸和平穩定互動架構」的具體構想及主動邀請中共指派代表一起磋商兩岸推動協商的方式，以探討「非軍事區」之劃定，惟都未獲得中共善意的回應，中共對兩岸軍事互信機看法如下：認為歐洲的軍事互信機制有歷史的條件與限制，兩岸並不存在有這些條件、而中共對兩岸協商的主要對像是美國，而非台灣、台灣所規劃的軍事互信機制有為「兩國論」及「台獨」輔路之嫌、現行「國防白皮書公布」及「海上人道救援」則係國際慣例，而非兩岸協商的結果、兩岸建立軍事互信機制必先協商「結束敵對狀態」而非協商互信機制、我方提出軍事互信機制是根本亳無誠意的，主要是凝聚民意及做給美國看、對「三通」認定為屬一國水域內的交通，兩岸關係仍然屬一國內部事務，與建立軍事互信機制無關、中共積極與其鄰國建立互信機制，獨排兩岸安全議題，企圖使台灣在東南亞地區「邊緣化」，使我在國際上孤立無援，最後不得不屈服其所訂的條件下。 四、兩岸地區要劃設非軍事區，在現行兩岸軍事互信機制尚未能達成共識前，僅能以我單邊劃定一非軍事區，以作為雙方的軍事緩衝區，大概可區分台灣海峽地區，可作為非軍事區三項，以台灣海峽、海峽中線以西地區至大陸沿海及以金、馬等外島為劃設地區，經綜合以政治、經濟、軍事、心理分析，以金馬等外島劃定為非軍事區較具體可行。 五、兩岸缺乏政治共識致使軍事互信難落實，中共以冷處理信心建立機制，雖然台灣視信心建立機制的問題迫在眉睫，台灣針對避免兩岸軍事衝突所提出「劃定軍事緩衝區」、「建立海峽行為準則」和共同宣示「放棄發展大規模毀滅武器」等議題，為建構兩岸和平關係的具體善意，但是以兩岸目前的互動幾乎停擺，故兩岸建立互信機制亦非常不樂觀，一般均認為短時間內條件與環境不可能成熟，由於中共的排拒，兩岸之間很難仿照歐洲經驗，建立談判互信機制；台海目前確實有建立軍事互信機制的必要性和迫切性，可避免最近日趨頻繁的軍事行動如共軍船艦直接南北穿越台海、繞行台灣東部海域，甚至戰機飛越台海壓迫中線，很容易雙方誤判而發生誤擊事件，造成台海戰爭的爆發。台灣若要建立所謂的「軍事緩衝區」，我方也必須提出善意，現況最佳的方案只有從金馬撤軍，將金馬劃設為非軍事區，換取中共的善意，重啟兩岸互信機制。

中國政府鼓勵創新及創業，推動雙創政策，喊出「大眾創業，萬眾創新」的口號。中國提出雙創政策後，積極對全球攬才，台灣青年也被有計劃地納入中國政府發展新創「人才工程」的版圖中。為了鼓勵台灣青年進軍中國創業，中國政府陸續於各地區設置海峽兩岸青年創業基地，除了提供完善的創業環境，還有優厚的創業基金，希望能吸引台灣青年西進中國創業。 本研究旨在探討海峽兩岸青年創業基地對台灣青年創業之影響，並對台灣青年赴陸創業提供建言。本研究透過訪談4位創業相關的人士，包含在台灣和中國創業的青年以及台灣和中國的創業育成中心經理，觀察目前台灣青年在台灣及中國的創業狀態以及其面對的創業困境。 根據實際訪談的初級資料分析之結果，中國積極扶持青年創業目的主要是想要降低失業率，而且對青年創業的支持，從中央政策到實際地方的落實推廣相當迅速。海峽兩岸創業基地以提供辦公空間、資源對接、人才獎補、住房津貼等為主。但中國青創基地常因媒體的渲染誇大，事實上資源並不能輕易取得。台灣青年到中國創業前應該要先準備一筆創業資金，並根據自身創業項目需求而審慎選擇創業基地，較能實際取得支援，因為不同規模的基地所能提供的資源也不同。 / China encourages innovation and entrepreneurship to advance structural reform and raises the idea of" Mass Entrepreneurship and Innovation ". Measures have been taken by Chinese government to attract global talents, including Taiwanese youth. To encourage young talents from Taiwan to startup in China, Chinese government had established many cross-strait youth entrepreneurship bases in various places. It not only builds up entrepreneurial environment, but also provides generous venture capital, hoping to attract Taiwanese young entrepreneurs into China. The main purpose of this study is to explore the impacts of the cross-strait youth entrepreneurship base on the startups of Taiwan youth and propose suggestions for Taiwanese youth who want to start business in China. Through interviewing with two Taiwanese young entrepreneurs separately in Taiwan and China youth entrepreneurship bases and two managers of Taiwan business incubation center and China entrepreneurship base, we examine the current state of entrepreneurial environments of both sides and the entrepreneurial dilemma facing by Taiwanese young people. Based on the analysis of primary data from in-depth interviews, the main purpose of China's active support of youth entrepreneurship is to reduce the unemployment rate. China's promotion of youth entrepreneurship policies has been implemented fairly rapidly from the central government to local governments. The cross-strait youth entrepreneurship base provides office space, resources docking, talent subsidy and housing allowance etc. But too much false media reports on cross-strait youth entrepreneurship bases. In fact, entrepreneurs cannot easily obtain venture capital fund and resources. Taiwanese young entrepreneurs should first prepare a start-up fund before starting their business in China. Taiwanese entrepreneurs should carefully choose their entrepreneurship base according to the needs of their start-up projects so that they will be able to obtain suitable support, because different bases with different scales can provide different resources.

中國大陸自西元1979年開始實行經濟改革政策，銀行體系同時經歷了三十年的改革發展，依據中國加入世界貿易組織之承諾，其必須於2006年12月11日全面開放外資銀行登陸投資。為了面對外資銀行業可能帶來的激烈競爭與挑戰，中國政府大力支持與協助國有商業銀行進行一連串的體制改造及上市計畫，近年來中國銀行業整體的表現十分亮眼。 兩岸政府於2010年6月29日簽署之兩岸經濟合作架構協議(ECFA)，正式地為台灣的銀行業開啟通往大陸投資的一扇門，此篇論文藉由全面的研究分析中國銀行業的發展，並透過比較中國、美國及台灣具代表性的銀行在獲利能力、資產品質、流動性風險管理及新巴賽爾資本協議規定指標遵循情形等四個面向的表現，以期提供有意赴中國大陸投資之銀行業者對於當地情況有更多的概念與了解。 / After thirty years of economic and financial reforms, banking system in China has transformed from rigidly controlled to marketization nowadays with a variety of banking institutions coexist in the financial market. Among different kinds of banking institutions, large state-owned commercial banks dominate over half of total banking assets, their huge scale allow themselves to have leading positions and monopoly power in China’s banking industry. Under WTO regulations China must fully open markets for foreign banks’ investment started on December 11, 2006, before that most large state-owned commercial banks have restructured into joint-stock companies and went public sequentially in order to enhance competition for fierce challenges brought from foreign banks. Attributing to China government’s effort and support, the overall domestic banking performance has made a lot of progress in the past few years. By comparing banking performance with USA and Taiwan in four aspects of profitability, assets quality, liquidity risk management and capital adequacy ability, the study results demonstrate that general performance of banking sector and large state-owned commercial banks in China have improved greatly and even better than advanced countries in some respects. The signing of ECFA between cross-strait governments on June 29, 2010 starts a new page of Taiwan banks’ development in China, the study suggests that in the initial stage banks from Taiwan can explore markets of corporate banking by using their expertise in loans for small and medium enterprises which are always neglected by banks in China, and by providing services to Taiwan business people in China to explore markets of consumer banking, and then gradually expand market share.

2001年911恐怖攻擊事件之後，美國重新調整全球戰略，而其戰略重心的東移，相對牽動了亞太及台海的戰略布局，美國在戰略部署上的一連串舉措，諸如「反恐戰爭」的進行、「四年期國防總檢報告」的發布、宣布退出「反彈道飛彈條約」，乃至於小布希的東亞之行與「核武態勢評估」將原有的三個「邪惡軸心」擴大為七個「不排除動用核武」的國家，顯見美國小布希政府在軍事與戰略上的重大轉變。 就美國的安全評估，東亞地區可能對美軍及其盟邦發動攻擊的國家中，無論是短、中、長程彈道飛彈，均危及美國在東亞之戰略利益，其中以中共及北韓最令美國擔憂。 針對北韓的核武危機與中共崛起的威脅潛伏，美國建構了亞太「戰區飛彈防禦系統」，台灣應如何相對調整國防戰略、兵力結構與國防現代化，與因應中共的彈道飛彈威脅，台灣飛彈防禦應有的積極作為、建立第二擊的反擊力量，以及推動兩岸建立軍事互信機制、謀求兩岸雙贏的策略，本篇論文提出研究的發現與建議。

本文之目的，是要探討兩岸人民關係條例第二十一條限制設籍台灣地區未滿十年之原大陸地區人民不得出任公務人員規定之合憲性，並擇定以平等權觀點作為切入論述的角度。全文共分為六大部分：第一部分確認大陸地區人民與設籍台灣地區未滿十年之原大陸地區人民在我國之法律地位為得享有平等服公職權之主體。第二部分確立平等權審查之基準，包括事務本質、憲法整體價值、體系正義及比例原則，是為檢證系爭條文合憲性及貫穿本文之核心價值標準。第三部分分析各國及我國公務員法制中，以忠誠度為考量來設定之審核申請出任公務員者「適任性」之法定任用條件之立法目的及法則，以找出與申請者適任公務人員與否重要相關之本質要素為何。第四部分則是分析設籍台灣地區未滿十年之原大陸地區人民之本質屬性，是否具有不適出任公務人員之重要本質要素。第五部分檢討系爭條文所採差別待遇之手段及內容，是否符合比例原則。最後，本文就系爭條文是否符合憲法平等保障人民基本權利之意旨作一綜合評析，並嘗試提出修正系爭條文之具體建議。 / The Mainland Chinese people have become Taiwan people since they settled down in Taiwan area. However, Article 21 of the Statute Governing the Relations between People in Taiwan Area and People in Mainland Area stipulates that the former Mainland Chinese people registered residences in Taiwan area within 10 years (hereafter “former Mainland Chinese people” ) couldn’t serve as civil servants. It is debatable whether said stipulation constituting a discriminatory treatment to part of nationals serving in public service violates Article 7 of the Constitution guaranteeing the right of equality. To begin with, this paper defines the legal status of Mainland Chinese people as nationals from Constitution point of view. Then, the paper looks into the subject from several points of view, including the nature of the addressed subject, the value system of the Constitution, and the purpose of enactment. It is find that the preclusion of the former Mainland Chinese people serving as civil servants is in harmony with amendment to the Constitution. It is furthermore not in conflict with the equal protection of law provided in Article 7 of the Constitution. However, part of the measure of the above said statute not in accord with the principle of Proportion should be amended in order to concur with preservation of state security and the adequate exercise of rights to serve in public service of the people. The Germany’s civil service law, which provides conditions of reappointment of former civil servants under German Democratic Republic after German unification serves as a most valuable reference model.