20世紀初期，以新城建設為特徵的發展形式對大陸地區的農地資源造成極大破壞，在經歷了「空間大躍進」的失敗之後，都市更新成為大陸地區新時期城市建設的的重點方向。台灣地區之都市更新事業早在日治時期就已起步，1998年《都市更新條例》頒布以來已具備完善的制度架構以及豐富的實施經驗。在相似的文化背景之下，作為都市更新的先行者，台灣地區是否能夠給尚處於起步階段的大陸地區提供借鏡意義，大陸地區又能否後來居上為台灣地區的都更困境提供良方？這便是本研究所要探討的課題。 本研究從法令政策及實施效果兩個面向切入，以制度面與執行面對兩岸之都市更新政策與方法進行比較分析。法令政策方面，通過台灣地區都市更新制度以及大陸地區土地產權制度變遷過程之梳理，釐清當前兩岸都市更新的基本流程。本研究認為兩岸都更流程雖然在某些細節存在差別，但總體來說仍十分相似。實施效果方面，本研究選取台北市、上海市以及深圳市三個城市之案例進行分析。在相似的都市更新流程下，兩岸在具體案例的實施過程則表現出政府角色的差異，形成了台灣地區民間主導更新、大陸地區政府主導更新的局面，而這也是兩岸都市更新的主要差異。 本研究認為，土地產權制度的差異是造成兩岸都市更新中政府角色不同的主要原因。換言之，台灣地區土地私有制使得民間成為都市更新的主導者；相對地，大陸地區土地公有制下的土地財政則使得地方政府主導了都市更新。在產權差異的大背景下，兩岸都更在操作方法上並無足夠的相互借鏡意義，因此本研究僅從更新理念上對兩岸之都更事業提出了一定的建議。

台海兩岸，自一九四九年對峙至今，五十餘年，在二十世紀末的歐洲諸國，逐漸放棄了它們所倡導的主權國家觀，而邁向跨國界的統合。想想歐洲的成功，身為同文同種的中華民族，是不是應該開始思考，除了戰爭之外，有沒有其他的選項，有沒有和平的可能?要和平，勢必要經過談判階段，而台灣要如何與中共談?談什麼?中共會採用何種策略?要如何創造雙贏局面!本文試圖探索這些問題，為兩岸老百姓謀一個美好的未來。 一九三五年，中共經過國軍五次圍剿，幾乎已危在旦夕，而西安事變，卻給予了扭轉的時機；一九三七年七月中日之戰爆發，中共更是藉著抗日民族統一戰線，來發動群眾，壯大發展根據地。一九四五年八月抗戰勝利，國府雖是戰勝，但已耗損殆盡，而中共卻是茁壯成長，「北平談判」呈現出優劣的對比，讓中共予取予求。 一九九三年的「辜汪會談上使海峽兩岸從武力的敵對轉而以談判解決問題，意味著某種程度的和解與情勢緩和。但令人遺憾的是，在會談後的不到半年，中共「國務院」竟以七種文字發表「台灣問題與中國的統一」白皮書，不得不讓人相信中共的善變。因此，吾人可以體會，一次的「辜汪會談」雖然開啟了兩岸溝通的大門，但並不能保證大門將永遠的敞開。 中共談判風格的形成，馬列思想是其理論，統一戰線是其運用，中國文化是其根本。在談判行為上，向來先行提出原則，要求對方接受，若要談判成功，只有自己讓步。在談判策略運用上，可謂多變靈活，無論主動或被動的接受談判，並不是為了要解決爭端，求取勝利才是主要目的。在談判技巧方面，最擅長運用媒體，無論在國共鬥爭或「辜汪會談」期間，傳播媒體都不自覺成為其宣傳員。 如今兩岸關係正處在十字路口，如何化解僵局，將成為二十一世紀初國際關注焦點。兩岸關係是前進抑或倒退，關鍵就看雙方執政當局能否展現真誠，從穩定兩岸關係的角度來看，對話、協商仍然是最佳方案。惟有拋棄政黨之私及意識型態，以談判代替對抗，攜手合作，兩岸關係才有一個光明燦爛的未來。 關鍵字：兩岸關係；國共和談；辜汪會談；談判風格；談判行為；談判策略；談判戰術；談判技巧；兩岸三通；三通談判；一個中國；全球化。

為維護海上人命、船舶及財產安全，各國均依「1982年聯合國海洋法公約」規定，建立區域搜救合作機制，並參考相關國際公約及搜救作業手冊，規範海上航行安全及緊急事故處理程序，惟因各國地理、水文及氣候不同，執行航行安全維護能力有限，皆必須透過多邊或雙邊搜救合作，強化區域航行安全，藉由搜救交流、兵棋推演或聯合演習等方式，提升彼此搜救合作默契及技能，以保障海上航行安全。 臺灣海峽自古以來即為東亞重要航道，兩岸航運亦自1987年開放兩岸探親，2001年金馬小三通，直至2008年正式海、空運直航以來，臺灣與大陸人民往來逐漸到達頂峰，而海難事故發生頻率亦不斷提高，藉此搜救合作契機在此為氛圍下形成，並在簽署「海峽兩岸海運協議」基礎上，透過輪流舉辦演練、搜救交流互訪及建立緊急聯繫管道等工作，逐步建立兩岸海上搜救合作機制，以「就近就便、及時救援」之原則，共同合作展現兩岸「人道救援」之普世價值。 在兩岸海上搜救合作機制下，兩岸搜救機關不斷共同執行海上搜救合作，增進彼此合作默契與搜救技能，但在兩岸分治的政治現實下，合作機制僅能透過民間團體的協助逐漸常態化，卻未能明文制度化，且隨著政治環境的轉變，搜救合作機制似有停頓，但海峽海域環境依然惡劣，往來人民持續熱絡，因此，為維護海峽航行安全，兩岸搜救機關仍應持續努力，共同完善合作機制，以確保兩岸人民生命財產安全。 / For the sake of maintaining people’s safety and property at sea, every coastal State establish the regional search and rescue (hereinafter SAR) cooperation mechanism in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, and formulate the navigation safety rules and standard operation procedure of responding to the emergency cases at sea. Due to the discrepancy of geography, hydrology and climate as well as limited ability for maintaining the navigation safety among counties, every state shall enhance the regional navigational safety by lateral or multilateral cooperation in SAR exchange, table-top exercise and joint SAR drill to strengthen the SAR cooperation mechanism and technique in order to provide the safe environment for navigation. Taiwan Strait is the pivotal shipping route of Eastern Asia through the ages. The shipping of the cross-strait starts from visit relatives between both sides in 1987, and gradually increases after the transport links between the Kinmen, Matsu areas and the Mainland area in 2001. The air and sea transport between Taiwan and Mainland area begin in 2008, and the number of Taiwanese and Chinese travel between Taiwan and Mainland reaches the highest record which leads to the increasing disasters at sea. In order to respond to this situation, the cooperation between the cross-strait are needed and the SAR drills are held in turns and officials’ visiting as well as emergency communication channel in accordance with the Cross-Strait shipment agreement which came into effect in 2008. Those measures concrete the SAR cooperation mechanism of the cross-strait on the basis of saving life and property at sea promptly when one side is close or ready for it and demonstrate the common vision of humanitarian rescue. According to the cross-strait’s SAR cooperation mechanism, the rescue authorities of both sides conduct the SAR mutually to enhance the coordination and SAR skills for their work. However, due to the politic relationship of the cross strait, the cooperation is under the non-official channel. Since the political change with the new government in Taiwan, the cooperation between Taiwan and Mainland China is suspended. The Taiwan Strait is a high risk area for people of both sides. Furthermore, in order to provide the safe navigational area, the cross-strait SAR authorities shall continuously establish the cooperative mechanism to maintain the people’s safety and their property.

台灣開放陸資赴台直接投資已逾七年，相關投資法制體系初步形成，而法制環境對評估投資而言，一直都是最重要的影響因素。本文基於對陸資赴台投資直接適用之法令，並結合與之相關的其他法規範，通過研究，對陸資赴台直接投資之法制有較為清晰之認識。 由於台灣對陸資與僑外資採分別立法管轄，並將陸資經由第三地區公司赴台投資視為陸資間接投資，與陸資直接投資適用相同之法律規範。故本文首先對陸資的意涵進行分析，釐清其所指代的範圍，並說明主管機關在實務認定上的要點。其次，本文結合台灣公司法上涉及股東出資的相關規定，對陸資赴台直接投資可為之出資方式進行討論。最後，陸資投資業別項目的歷次開放說明，以及陸資可選擇之投資型態亦為本文論述的重點，目的在於明確現階段台灣市場對陸資的開放程度，以及陸資的相關投資待遇。 在對陸資赴台進行了法令結合實務的研究之後，本文進一步將其與外資赴台投資進行比較分析，並從開放投資業別項目、投資主體身分限制、申請程序、後續核查機制四個方面論述了二者投資台灣的差別待遇。兩岸雖然已經在逐步減少投資限制，促進投資便利化等方面達成協議，但台灣對陸資與外資在事實上的差別對待仍然較為明顯。 隨著陸資赴台投資逐漸顯現其正面效益，台灣同樣應該對現行的陸資政策進行檢討，適時作出調整，逐步放寬對陸資的限制，改善陸資投資環境。 / Taiwan has permitted Mainland China to make direct investment in the Island over seven years, and the relevant preliminary legal investment system has been formed. This thesis has made a research on the directly applicable laws for the direct mainland investment in Taiwan and other related laws and regulations, so as to give readers a clearer understanding of the law of direct investment in Taiwan. Considering that Taiwan has made different laws to manage mainland investment and overseas investment, firstly, this paper analyzes the connation of mainland investment and clarifies its meaning ranges. Secondly, combined with the part of contributions of shareholder stated on Taiwan company law, the paper also discussed what way the investors from mainland could choose to make direct investment in Taiwan.Finally, descriptions of all previous business categories that could be invested and investment patterns that could be chosen by mainland investors are also the important discussion points of the paper. After a research combining the practice with regulations, this thesis will make a further contrasting analysis of mainland investment with the foreign investment in Taiwan, as well as their treatment difference for aspects of opening investment projects, investment restrictions on the identity, application procedures and the subsequent verification mechanism. Although, the two sides have gradually reduced investment restrictions and promote to make agreements on investment facilitation, there are still obvious differences of Taiwan’s treatment on mainland investment and foreign investment. As mainland investment is gradually making positive effect on Taiwan’s development, Taiwan should also review the current policy on mainland investment and make timely adjustments, so as to slowly relieve its restrictions and improve the investment environment for mainland investors.

2008年7月政府開放第一類大陸人民來臺觀光， 復於2011年6月開放陸客來臺個人旅遊，霎時大陸旅客蜂湧來臺，然持續擴大開放政策之同時，陸客利用觀光來臺涉犯諸如竊盜、詐欺、賣淫等違法案件所在多有，不禁令人擔憂後遺症是否浮現？ 本文研究目的，即在分析政府開放陸客第一類來臺觀光以來，對臺灣治安有哪些影響，並探討其因應對策。文中採用文獻分析法、深入訪談法及次級資料分析法等，並援引「非法移民」、「理性選擇」、「跨境犯罪」等理論，探究該政策實施迄今對我社會治安影響為何？及分析各治安機關執行陸客來臺觀光審核、管理與查緝之問題與瓶頸？ 經研究發現，政府開放陸客第一類來臺觀光以來，衍生之治安現象如下：(1)先脫團、後犯案模式轉變；(2)審核不嚴方便『合法入境掩護非法活動』行為；(3)人蛇集團仲介色情賣淫及跨境重大竊盜案、詐騙犯罪問題；(4)違法模式隨政策持續改變。另執行安全管理問題如下：(1)法令受政策影響，有欠通盤考量；(2)陸客人流審核管理現隱憂；(3)安全與經濟、人權呈現拉扯；(4)法制不同影響打擊犯罪合作；(5)審核人力、專業性不足；(6)旅行社業務轉讓，危機意識欠缺；(7)電信犯罪偵查困境仍待突破。 經歸納後提出以下建議：(1)法律制定作長期性考量；(2)設置兩岸官方辦事處，強化源頭管理、促進打擊犯罪；(3)卡式入境許可證結合悠遊卡、電子錢包促銷觀光；(4)兩岸防治跨境犯罪相關規定法制化；(5)檢討移民署組織人力與需求；(6)加強查察旅行社違規接待或轉讓業務；(7)強化治安實務交流與訓練，建構兩岸犯罪資料庫。 / In July 2008, Taiwanese government passed a legislation allowing tour groups from Mainland China to travel into Taiwan. In June 2011, Taiwanese government first allowed travelers from Mainland China on an individual basis and soon generated tremendous numbers of Chinese tourists in Taiwan. Nevertheless, when the opening policy for individual tourists from Mainland China increased substantially, illegal activities such as larceny, fraudulence, prostitution and so on emerged at the same time. It’s worrying that Chinese tourists may have had negative impacts on Taiwan. The aim of this paper is to analyze the impacts on the public security in Taiwan and countermeasures since legislation allowing tour groups from Mainland China to travel to Taiwan. In this paper, research methods (such as literature review, in-depth interview and secondary data analysis) are applied to investigate the impacts of the opening policy for Chinese tourists on the public security in Taiwan. Theories about “illegal immigrants,” “rational choice theory,” “transnational crime,” and so on are cited. The research found that the following negative influences on public security brought by allowing tour groups from Mainland China to travel into Taiwan: (1) tourists from Mainland China leaving the tour group first and using the different modus operandi to do illegal activities, (2) lenient examination on tourists from Mainland China leading to illegal activities covered by legal immigration, (3) criminal behaviors (e.g. trans-border larceny, prostitution, fraudulence, etc.) being conducted by people smuggling syndicates, (4) illegal activities appearing in different forms when the policy change happens. The following are problems of execution of safety control: (1) enactment of laws and orders being influenced by policies, not taking all things into consideration. (2) potential problems with the examination on tourists from Mainland China. (3) dilemma of choosing economy booting, safety control, or human right protection. (4) different legal systems influencing the cooperation of crime-fighting. (5) lack of manpower and insufficient professionalism. (6) travel agencies being lack of the awareness of crisis when transferring business. (7) the plight of the investigation on telephone fraud. Here are some suggestions inducted to solve the problems: (1) enacting the laws and orders with the long-run consideration. (2) establishing the official cross-strait office to enhance safety control and crime-fighting cooperation. (3) combining EasyCard and Visa Cash with entry permit to boost tourism. (4) enacting relating laws to prevent trans-border illegal activities. (5) reviewing the lack of manpower of National Immigration Agency. (6) enhancing the examination on travel agencies to check whether they accept tourists or convey business illegally or not. (7) intensifying the training courses of crime-fighting for police officers, sharing the practical experiences, and setting criminal databases.

中共與中華民國在台海維持對峙局面近四十年，從一九七九年起，兩岸的緊張關係已 轉趨緩和。本篇論文的研究動機在透過交涉理論分析以尋求下面問題的答案。從一九 七九至一九八九年之間，台海兩岸兩個政治實體之間的政策互動經過情形為何? 海峽 兩岸的互動情況如何轉變? 彼此之間敵對與妥協取向的起伏變化如何? 目前海峽兩岸 關係朝向那個方向發展? 全文共一冊，共分六章二十二節，凡七萬字，各章內容摘要 如下： 第一章 導論：主要分為研究動機及研究方法與範圍。 第二章 說明國共兩黨約七十年的發展史，由於歷史仍深刻影響兩岸的互動，筆者乃 提出幾項國共兩黨歷史發展的特徵。 第三章 敘述一九七九至一九八六年之間，海峽兩岸政策互動經過，並經由政策分析 說明兩岸政策形成的原因。 第四章 敘述一九八七至一九八九年之間，海峽兩岸政策互動的新發展，並注重分析 經濟與民間交流對兩岸互動的影響。 第五章 結論與展望。 中共與中華民國在這十一年來的互動，是延著兩條主軸而發展，即：國家必須統一及 兩岸關係必須改善。但是目前兩岸所進行的是一場「囚徒困境遊戲」的互動，所以如 何使雙方降低採取「對抗」而願意採取「合作」戰略，是展望未來最大的課題。

對中國大陸及相關問題的研究，在面對中國大陸以政治、經濟與武力威脅，並不時主張對台擁有主權的台灣而言，實在很難脫離「顯學」的地位；也就是因為中國大陸的威脅一直存在著，兩岸關係與台灣的生存就不得不緊密結合在一起，所以對中國大陸問題的研究，以兩岸關係作為研究結果的呈現，就成為學者所熱中的項目之一。當前，兩岸關係的研究已到汗牛充棟的地步，但對兩岸關係理論的建立卻明顯不足，這個不足對於已有的兩岸關係研究成果，常構成諸多不周延之處，經常被學者提及。 現有兩岸關係的研究，雖有外交史途徑(the diplomatic history approach)、分裂國家途徑(the divided nation approach)、理性選擇途徑(the rational choice approach)、菁英衝突途徑(the elite conflict approach)及不對稱政治過程途徑(the asymmetrical political approach)等五大類，但卻沒有任何一類將台灣國家認同分作制度認同、文化認同及族群認同三個環節加以討論，並依此討論作為研究兩岸關係的途徑者，但明顯的卻是台灣的國家認同內涵變化，對於兩岸關係具有決定性的影響力，因此，本論文在假設中共對台「併吞」態度長期不變的情況下，集中探討台灣民眾由兩蔣時代經李登輝時代，到陳水扁時代的國家認同轉變，及其對兩岸的影響，並意圖建構以台灣國家認同變遷作為自變相，以兩岸關係作為應變相的兩岸關係研究途徑（approach），甚至進一步建立國家認同變遷對兩岸關係影響的理論，至少也應補充現有兩岸關係的各類理論，讓各家理論或研究途徑在解釋、描繪與預測兩岸關係過程中，多加考慮台灣民眾對國家認同的主流意向，使得兩岸關係的相關理論或途徑因而更加周延與完備。 「國家認同」（national Identity）的含意眾說紛紜，國內學者江宜樺教授主張國家認同應該以「族群認同」、「文化認同」及「制度認同」三個主要層面來討論，只有三個層面的綜合表現，才得以稱為完整的國家認同內涵，本文就是借用此三個環節，進行國家認同的討論，本文中更指：「族群認同」是以認同中國人或認同台灣人為討論主軸，「文化認同」則指台灣經由本土化的推動後，台灣人民對於台灣文化或中國傳統文化認同的區隔，「制度認同」是在討論台灣人民認同中華民國政治體制運作，或認同中華人民共和國政治體制運作的區別；由兩蔣時期、李登輝時期及陳水扁時期，台灣在此三個環節中的整體表現，構結出當時特有的國家認同表現，從中以縱向比較的方式，討論台灣國家認同的變遷情形，並就當時的國家認同情形與當時的兩岸關係作相對應的探討，以建立自兩蔣以降台灣國家認同變遷與兩岸關係變化的因果關係，再從因果關係的確立中，推論出現階段及往後兩岸關係，在台灣領導人有意引導國家認同變遷方向，及中共僵硬的對台政策相互衝撞下，兩岸關係的可能發展方向，提供在此領域的研究者另一種值得深思的面向與空間，讓兩岸關係的理論建構更加完備。 / Researches of Mainland China and relative inquires can hardly be separated from the position of “Explicit Learning” in Taiwan, while facing political, economical as well as military threats from Mainland China, in addition to the constant declaration of its sovereign right on Taiwan. Due to the threats from Mainland Chain remain unchanged, cross-strait relations and the existence of Taiwan can’t help but tightly link together. Thus, presentations of research results concerning cross-strait relations have become one of the popular research topics for scholars. At present, numerous researches of cross-strait relations have been carried out, yet the establishment of cross-strait relations theory is somehow obviously inadequate. Such insufficiency often results in a variety of negligence to the outcome of existed cross-strait relations researches and it is frequently brought up by scholars. Although present researches on cross-strait relations are categorized into five approaches; the diplomatic history approach, the divided nation approach, the rational choice approach, the elite conflict approach and the asymmetrical political approach. Nevertheless, there is none to categorize Taiwan national identity into three key aspects which are systematic identity, cultural identity and ethnic identity for further discussion, and nor is it discussed accordingly to include it as an approach of researching cross-strait relations. However, it is clearly that the connotation change of Taiwan’s national identity has decisive influence on cross-strait relations. As a result, this dissertation is based on the assumption that China’s attitude of swallowing up Taiwan by military force remains unchanged in the long run and concentrates on the discussion of national identity alteration of the Taiwan people starting from the era of Chiang Kai-Sheik and his son Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian , and its influence on Mainland China and Taiwan. It also means to build a research approach on cross-strait relations in this dissertation by setting the change of Taiwan‘s national identity as the independent variable and cross-strait relations as the dependent variable. It further establishes a theory of the influence of national identity alternation on cross-strait relations. Therefore, this dissertation at least provides additional information to assorted theories of cross-strait relations and allows scholars to take the main-stream national identity of the Taiwan People into deeper consideration while they are in the process of explaining, describing and predicting cross-strait relations; hence, it makes the related theories or approaches of cross-strait relations sounder and more complete. The meaning of national identity is rather confusing. Professor Chiang Yi-Hua thinks that national identity ought to be discussed from three aspects of ethnic identity, cultural identity and systematic identity. Without a combined performance of these three aspects complete national identity connotation can’t be existed. This research uses these three aspects to make discussions on national identity. In the research it clearly points out “national identity” is discussed mainly on identifying the Chinese or identifying Taiwan people and “cultural identity” means the identity division of the Taiwan people towards Taiwan culture or Chinese traditional culture after the movement of localization. “Systematic identity” is to discuss the identity difference of the Taiwan people in the political system operations of the Republic of China or People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s overall performance of these three aspects, from the era of Chiang, Kai-Sheik and Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian, created a specific national identity performance during those periods. Vertical comparison was applied to discuss the change of Taiwan’s national identity. Mutual discussions on national identity and cross-strait relations during that period are also completed to launch cause-result connection between Taiwan’s national identity and change of cross-strait relations since the two Chiang era, afterwards, present and future cross-strait relations are inferred from the certainty of cause-result connection and possible development of cross-strait relations under the impacts of Taiwan leader who intends to induce the alternation direction of national identity and Mainland China’s stiff Taiwan policy. It is to present another thinking path and space to researchers who are involved in this field and allow the theory structure of cross-strait relations better equipped.

本論文分為四章，各章重點如下： 第一章「農技外交的開展」。1960年代初期，我國仍是接受美援資助的國家，根本稱不上有外匯，於此之時，農技為何成為外交爭取之工具？當時的動機與思考為何？與美國之間的關連又為何？ 第二章「援非技術合作的運作」。農技既為我外交工具，必然有其操作思維，本章試圖自農耕隊的派遣、運作來觀察其操作。外交部的策略為何？而1960年代最大之外交危機莫過於1964年的中法斷交，此一被稱為「外交核爆」的重大外交事件，對我對非外交策略有何影響？我國與中共在非洲之競奪中，外交部又如何將農技援助作為對抗中共「銀彈攻勢」的利器？ 第三章「輔助工具與管理」。農技援助作為我對非爭取的主要工具，仍須與其他輔助工具相互搭配，方能徹底展現其成果。我如何培訓與管理農耕隊員？如何掌握農耕隊的狀況？如何以「禮尚往來」的方式，邀請非洲國家派員來台接受訓練？我如何宣傳農耕隊的成果，使其廣受世人矚目？ 第四章「援非技術合作的成果」。本章可說是對非援助的「總檢討」，從各方觀點及統計數據上觀察我農耕隊在非洲之成績與影響，以及農技援助是否真使非洲各國心向我國？而既然我對非援助之目的乃是保住聯合國中之「中國代表權」，非洲各受援國在聯合國大會中的表現又是如何？我退出聯合國後，國際人格橫遭消滅，至此，農技援助的角色跟任務有著怎樣的改變？ 結論之中，筆者將試圖擬出以農技援助為主要工具的策略思考以及佈局。綜合上述種種史實，以及外交部支持農技援外的輔助工具，窺探我國在1960年代對非外交之思維。以之作為觀察我國在六零年代的國際局勢，以及兩岸外交競爭的情況下，爭取非洲國家之全盤佈局的起點。本研究更是進一步觀察1960年代，我國外交佈局不可或缺的一角，也是觀察1970年代我國外交崩解的重要部份。 我國在退出聯合國後，在國際社會上漸形孤立，這不僅是一個政治議題，更是一個歷史問題，若不回到歷史中尋求其起點與源頭，將不能洞悉其來龍去脈，更無法尋出解套良方。本研究由外交史的觀察入手，俾能為戰後我國國際關係之研究略盡綿薄之力。

近年來台灣製造業委外代工至大陸已是十分普遍的現象。從國外購買中間財貨、到國外設立跨國公司、購買國外製成品以國內的品牌進行銷售、或到國外找尋特殊投資關係合夥人等，都包含在委外代工的定義內。委外代工帶來了二個值得探討的議題：第一是委外代工對勞動市場的影響，包括失業問題和相對薪資的變化；第二，委外代工和經濟邊緣化問題之間存在尚未澄清的關聯，例如委外代工是不是會導致台灣經濟邊緣化、產業空洞化？因此，本論文分成兩大獨立的結構分別討論上述問題。 關於委外代工對勞動市場的影響，文獻上大多觀察下列現象（Feenstra and Hanson, 1995; Wood,1995）：製造業的就業規模是否縮減、整體製造業的技術勞動就業比例是否逐漸增加、整體製造業的非技術勞動就業比例是否逐漸下降、以及技術勞動和非技術勞動之間的薪資差距是否也逐漸擴大（反應出就業比例的改變）。本文對台灣的勞動市場進行研究，的確發現上述現象的產生。根據研究結果顯示，政府沒有理由限制傳統產業外移到大陸，反而要創造更好的高科技環境，積極地留住台灣的高科技產業。亦即，不同的產業需要不同的產業政策加以因應，雙向產業政策將是需要的。例如傳統產業，政府可以將政策提升到「委外代工國」的立場考量，讓獲利率低、生產不效率的產業委由大陸製造；對高科技產業政策政府則可試著採取「被委外代工國」的立場，積極創造更科技的產業環境，留住台灣科技產業和保住台灣科技產業代工王國的版圖。 對委外代工與台灣邊緣化議題的探討，主要源起於泛藍和泛綠在兩次總統大選中的兩岸政策的爭議─是否要「三通」。事實上，針對台灣是否會被邊緣化兩大陣營均尚未整理出一個完整的說明。透過Krugman and Venables（1995）模型闡述可以清楚地了解：邊緣化只是運輸成本下降的一個過程，不會是最終的結果。同時，運輸成本的下降並不是會造成邊緣化的唯一決定因子。產業關聯性和產品之間的替代程度都扮演相當重要的角色。因此，對不同產業設定特定政策才能達到抗邊緣化的效果。 / Outsourcing is the current trend between Taiwan and Mainland China in recent decade. Inclusive of importing intermediate inputs, setting up multinational firms, purchasing final goods produced abroad, outsourcing brings two topics worthy to discuss. My thesis is structured into two independent projects: one is to discuss the effects of outsourcing on unemployment and changes in relative wages, and the other focuses on the issue of whether outsourcing leads to Taiwan deindustrialization. The main findings in the first project are consistent with the major conclusions suggested by several studies（Feenstra and Hanson, 1995; Wood,1995）that: declining share of manufacturing employment in total employment, increasing share of skilled workers’ in total manufacturing employment and in total wage bill, while the converse in unskilled workers. Therefore, we have no reasons to limit the unprofitable and traditional industries to move out. What we should do is to develop and expand the higher-skilled sector and to encourage high-technology industries to upgrade the production with the most comparative advantage. Different industrial policies applicable to different features of each industry are necessary. To announce a rough and uniform policy will probably do more harms than goods. What unearthed from the second project is that concerns of economic periphery voiced by Pan-KMT and Pan-DPP alliances did not tell the full story. Krugman and Venables（1995）can be applied to show that economic periphery is just one of the points in the process of a dynamic development with reducing transportation cost. Besides, transportation cost is not the only contributor to “core and periphery” pattern. Share of intermediate input and elasticity of substitution for manufactured goods are also playing important roles. Therefore, different industries should be applicable for different policy arrangement.

儘管民主政治是一種不夠完美的制度，但仍係人類社會迄今為止最能尊重與保障個人平等自由生活方式的一種政治制度，故而在廿世紀下半葉廣獲世界各國青睞。透過政治文化的觀點，我們瞭解到民主政治的建立與發展，一般人民是否具有民主的精神與素養，往往要比政治制度或典則是否完善，更具有決定性的影響。因此，本研究將「民主」定義為一種生活方式，希望從人們對民主內涵之覺察與認識，從蘊含於其日常行為價值觀中的表現，探討民主價值成為個人生活方式的可能影響。 東亞大陸上的華人社會，不論是中國大陸或台灣都肯定民主的價值，也都朝民主的方向邁進，然而二者選擇之路徑不同，歷經之階段亦不相同。台灣已成功地從威權體制轉型為民主政治，大陸則在改革開放的驅動下，著手施行有中國特色的社會主義民主建設。民主轉型能否成為兩岸未來和平對話的契機？值得我們關注。 兩岸青年雖然生活於不同的教育環境，但是資訊時代為他（她）們的成長提供了日益趨同的國際舞台。在現代化民主潮流的衝激下，他（她）們習得怎樣的民主內涵，對兩岸關係未來的發展，勢必會有重要的影響。因而本研究關切兩岸大學生政治學習的內容如何，其民主意識的內涵有何異同，兩岸大學生會有怎樣的政治參與意向，以及社會化媒介對其民主意識和政治參與意向所可能的影響。 經由內容分析法比較兩岸大學生高中時期政治學習的內容，發現兩岸的教育重心都在強化政治知識和政治策略，但本質意涵仍有顯著差異：其中各自對「政治社群」的認同對象不同、「政治知識」的來源不同、「政治策略」的性質不同，猶有甚者，彼此教科書對「民主價值」的認知與詮釋差異甚大。大陸方面的政治教科書對意識形態的強調與堅持比台灣遠甚。 本研究同時以態度量表進行經驗調查，以立意取樣的方式，在兩岸選取政治大學、成功大學、東吳大學和北京大學、人民大學、（廣州）中山大學等六所學校共1100餘位學生作為對比分析。經過冗長的統計分析與論證，本研究所提出的各項假設獲得了部分的驗證。 根據本研究發現，兩岸大學生影響其民主意識與政治參與意向的原因容或有所不同，但從調查結果可知，雖然兩岸在政治、經濟體制上分離了五十餘年，但本研究所調查的兩岸大學生在許多方面都呈現了相同之處，並且對於民主仍充滿了肯定，甚至大陸大學生對於民主的渴望猶勝生活在自由風氣中的台灣大學生。筆者認為，這樣的共識讓兩岸有了對話的平台，在未來的兩岸關係中，這群政治與社會的菁英勢必能由此發展出新的出路。 / Democratic political system which has been widely accepted in the second half of the 20th century all over the world has played the best role in respecting and guaranteeing individuals’ equal and liberal lifestyle so far, though it might not be the most perfect. Though the view of political culture, we acknowledge that in the establishment and development of democratic politics, whether the ordinary people have democratic spirits usually has more crucial effects than whether the political regimes and norms are flawless. Therefore in this research, the writer defines ‘democracy’ as ‘a lifestyle’ and tries to discuss the possible effect of democratic lifestyle through people’s awareness and understanding of democratic connotation and their daily behavior reflecting their values. In the Chinese society on the Eastern Asia continent, both the Mainland China and Taiwan approve the democratic value and move toward the democracy. But they chose different ways, either the developing stages. Taiwan has successfully changed from the authoritarian system to democratic politics while the Mainland China has been performing the China Style Socialist Democracy Construction in the motivation of the market-oriented Reformation. Can the democratic transition create a peacefully conversational opportunity? It’s worth paying attention. The youth of both sides are living in the different educational environment, but the Information Age provides them an international stage more and more similar. By the wash of democratic wave, what democratic connotation they have learned will make a big impact on the cross-straight relationship in the future. So this research concerns on the undergraduates’ political study contents, the differences between their democratic connotation, their political participation wills and the probably effects of socialization media on their democratic conscious and political participation wills. After comparing the political study contents in high school by content analysis method, it is found that the educational cores of both sides are political knowledge and political policy, but they have distinct essences in who the political community identifies, where the political knowledge comes, what the political policy means, and the most different, how the democratic value is explained. The political textbook of the Mainland China enhances the ideology more often than Taiwan. Meanwhile, in this research the scaling method was adopted to execute the experience survey. With the purpose-sampling method, more than 1100 students of National Cheng Chi University, National Cheng Kung University and Soochow University in Taiwan and Peking University, Renmin University and Sun Yet-san University in the Mainland China are chosen. Through the tough statistic analysis and demonstration, the hypotheses of this research have been large partly proved. According to the research founds, in both sides the factors which effect the undergraduates’ democratic conscious and political participation wills are different. This survey also tells us that the undergraduates in both sides has a lot in common although have been politically and economically separated for more than 50 years. They both feel very positive towards democracy, further more, the Mainland China undergraduates are more eager to democracy than Taiwan undergraduates who are living the liberal atmosphere. The author believes that this common opinion constructs the talk bridge between the Straights. In the future, these political and social elites will develop a new peaceful path to change the present vague relationship between both sides through the democratic way.