金門，一個不起眼的海中蕞爾小島，在歷史漫卷的偶然機遇裡，被捲入了台海兩岸對峙、自由與共產陣營的冷戰衝突中，一躍成為世界知名的「戰地」。隨著世界冷戰的結束、國內民主運動的蓬勃發展，1992年11月7日金門解除戒嚴，褪下戰地的角色。尤其是1990年9月12日兩岸紅十字會簽定的《金門協議》，2001年實施的「小三通」，不但開啟了金門的新機運，亦成為兩岸由對抗、對峙走向和解的重要試點。 因此，本論文將針對兩岸關係演變中金門戰略價值之變遷作為研究的核心目的，內容分為三個部分論述： 一、認知與瞭解金門從兩岸武力對抗及停火對峙階段、終止動員戡亂時期後1995與1996年台海危機事件，以及2008年馬英九總統就任後，各個不同時期金門在軍事上所扮演的角色與價值。 二、探討「小三通」施行後在兩岸關係演變的中介角色、「小三通」與金門經濟價值之連結與擴張，尤其是兩岸簽訂「經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之後，金門主要經濟價值的展望。 三、藉由早期的「戰地政務實驗」階段與金門政治建設的關係、兩岸簽訂《金門協議》所突顯的政治戰略價值，以及金門在兩岸政治發展過程的見證，探究金門之政治價值。 爰此，經由以上的分析與論證，說明了長期以來金門在國際、兩岸的變局中所扮演的不同角色，而金門角色的蜕變，也相對見證了時代的變遷，與一部千曲百折的中國現代史。 / Quemoy is an inconspicuous island. In the long history stream, it was involved into Cold War between Taiwan and Mainland China, and also became a world famous battlefield. After Cold War was over and Taiwan Democracy Movement was vigorous development. On 7th November, 1992, Quemoy removed martial law, left the role of war. Especially, the Red Cross between Taiwan and Mainland China signed “Quemoy Agreement” on 12th September, 1990; in 2001, the government executed the “mini-three links” not only changed destiny of Quemoy, but also from hostility to reconciliation. Hence, the research of Quemoy strategy value is divided into three parts as below: First, Knowing and realizing Quemoy militarily against between cross-strait and Cold War, after Period of mobilization for the suppression of Communist rebellion, cross-strait crisis 1995 and 1996, and after President Ma sworn in, each different period has different values and roles in Quemoy military history. Secondly, Research the role between cross-strait relations developing after the “Mini-Three Links” was executed. The Quemoy economic value linkage and expending from that kind of links, especially after the ECFA, the forecast of Quemoy economic value. Thirdly, According to “civil-military government” period and some relevant political constructions, “Quemoy Agreement” strategy and political value, and the evidence of cross-strait political development, the essay focuses on the political value of Quemoy. Above all, after the analyzing and certificating, shows the Quemoy different roles between international and cross-strait relations. By following the development of Quemoy value, it also presents the theatrically modern China history.

作為世界經濟的全球化和區域化趨勢的一部分，哥倫比亞和台灣開始的優惠貿易協定的談判與各自的周邊大國 - 美國和中國。 / As part of the globalization of world economy and the growing regionalization trend, Colombia and Taiwan started the negotiation of Preferential Trade Agreements with their respective neighboring powers -the United States and China-, in a process in which individual and regional interests are at stake. This work argues that the will of creating a PTA is motivated by strategic interaction and strong political consideration under the logic of “politicized trade”from the US and China's side; while for Taiwan and Colombia it is the need of improving their economic ties with the rest of the world as well as their positions in the international order.

海峽兩岸自2008年6月恢復中斷近10年的制度化協商管道之後，迄2013年6月，兩岸兩會已舉行9次高層會談並簽署19項協議，以及達成2項共識，不僅建立了兩岸「機制對機制」、「官員對官員」的協商模式，亦創造兩岸在經貿、社會交流秩序等各項互動上的保障，為兩岸關係打造和平穩定之發展環境。在此氛圍下，已逐步奠定了兩岸互利互信之基礎，亦深化了雙方在政治、經濟、社會、文化等多層面之交流，也預示著兩岸未來之合作與發展將有無限可能。 在此特別值得一提的是，兩岸於2010年6月29日第5次江陳會談簽署「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之同時，亦簽署了「海峽兩岸智慧財產權保護合作協議」，復於2012年8月9日第8次江陳會談簽署了「海峽兩岸海關合作協議」。前揭協議之簽署為兩岸在「智慧財產權保護」以及「海關合作」兩議題建立了相互溝通之平臺。因此，研析與比較我國與中國大陸海關智慧財產權邊境保護相關措施及其異同點，對於兩岸海關未來在相關措施法制面與實務執行面之革新、發展與合作十分重要。 本文首先透過對於兩岸相關文獻之回顧、相關國際規範及其發展之認識，瞭解兩岸及國際間海關智慧財產權邊境措施之過去與現在，再分別針對我國與中國大陸海關智慧財產權邊境措施進行研究，以充分瞭解兩岸海關現行措施之法制面與實務執行情形，復透過對於兩岸之間海關關員之執法權力、海關緝獲之侵權貨物，以及智慧財產權邊境措施制度面之比較，研析雙方之異同，並提出改進意見，最後再綜合歸納以獲致研究成果。 / Since June 2008 when Taiwan and China resumed institutionalized negotiation that has been interrupted for nearly ten years till June 2013, the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) have held nine rounds of high-level talks, signed 19 agreements, and reached two consensuses. The resumption of bilateral talks has not only led to the establishment of “mechanism vs mechanism” and “official vs official” negotiation models, but has also safeguarded the security of economic and social activities in both sides and created a peaceful and stable environment for cross-strait relation. In this context, the two sides, which have gradually gained mutual trust, have deepened bilateral exchanges in political, economic, social and welfare aspects for mutual benefits. All of these forebode every possibility of future cooperation and development between the two sides. One thing worth our attention is the signing of the “Cross-Strait Agreement on Intellectual Property Rights Protection and Cooperation” on June 29th, 2010 when SEF and the ARATS officially signed the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement in the fifth round of Chiang-Chen talks. Furthermore, both sides signed the “Cross-Strait Customs Cooperation Agreement” on August 9th, 2012 in the eighth round of Chiang-Chen talks. The signing of the above agreements sets up a platform for both sides in implementing “IPR protection” and “Customs cooperation.” Therefore, the analysis and comparison of Cross-Strait Customs IPR protection border measures is very crucial to the innovation, improvement and cooperation of cross-strait Customs in terms of legal and practical aspects of relevant measures in the future. This study, through survey of cross-strait literature and knowledge of international standards and the development thereof, intends to comprehend the past and present of cross-strait Customs IPR border measures and international standards and then proceed to study IPR border measures of cross-strait Customs, so as to fully understand the legal and practical situation of current cross-strait Customs implementing IPR protection. Through comparing the legal authority of Customs officers, infringed commodities seized by Customs and IPR enforcement system of cross-strait Customs, this study also intends to analyze the discrepancies between the two Customs administrations and propose some personal opinions for improvement and present some conclusions as research results.

兩岸關係的研究者，除了將歷史的糾結、族群的認同、經濟的利益以及不對稱力量等等的因素，作為分析兩岸關係的重要變項之外，兩岸互動當中的「代理人結構」，也是兩岸關係當中學者所重視的一個重要變項。 「代理人結構」的產生原因，主要是由於大陸與台灣雙方政府均強調避免官方接觸，而採用透過民間單位對談互動的模式，而這種互動的模式除了以「委託」、「複委託」結構呈現出來， 兩岸文教交流事務當中我政府與非營利組織間的所有互動關係，也類似這樣的模式。而在這種政府與非政府組織間的互動結構當中，非營利組織在與政府互動時的行為態樣，相關理論歸納出幾種不同的模式，有與政府充分配合的「合作模式」、有利用政府資源遂行自己目的的「吸納模式」、有認同政府目標而分工併行的「互補模式」，也有與政府相互對抗的「衝突模式」（Najam,2000）。至於其效果，不同的理論對其效果有著不同的詮釋，例如：有研究談判的學者，認為如果非營利組織配合政府的官僚控制模式，則這種兩階段談判的結構，可以為政府爭取到談判的空間（Raiffa, 1996:15-16）；而主張社群主義的學者則認為這種結構可以透過互動，使非營利組織與政府產生合作的集體意識（Haeberle, 1987:180），進而與大陸方面相抗衡；但根據公共選擇理論的經濟人假設，理性的「代理人」透過「吸納」政府資源以達成自己目標的模式，是一種必然的現象，政府同理亦可提供資源來誘導非營利組織的行為（Dunleavy, P., and B. O'Leary,1987: 114-115）；當然，也有學者不斷強調非營利組織與政府之間的衝突對立關係（Kramer et al., 1993:123），而在對立狀況下，若非營利組織採取「疏離」的模式，反而可以減少彼此之間的衝突。由此可見，對於政府與非營利組織之間的互動樣態及其優劣，不同的學者有不同的看法，呈現「人言言殊、莫衷一是」的情況。 自民國86年起，筆者任職於主管兩岸事務的行政院大陸委員會，89年亦曾在辦理兩岸文教交流活動的非營利組織工作，在工作的過程當中，發現相較於其他政策領域，兩岸文教交流互動當中的政府與非營利組織的互動關係並非只有某一種固定的行為模式，而是呈現出更多元的關係，而上述不同理論所描繪的互動模式，均能在兩岸文教交流領域過程當中獲得實證的案例來佐證，並且各種互動模式似乎是非營利組織根據時空的變化而有意做出來的選擇行為。 正因為這些多元的選擇行為模式，筆者一直深受下面問題所困擾：「從實然面的角度來說，非營利組織與政府在互動的時候，在什麼情況下會選擇什麼模式?其原因為何?」，此一問題，便是吾人之所以欲進行本研究之初步動機。進一步來說，若能了解非營利組織如何選擇不同模式以及其原因，政府才能據此思考應該採取的因應之道，兩岸文教交流事務才有辦法順利推動。 而為能了解兩岸文教交流當中，非營利組織與政府在互動時模式選擇的問題，必須解決兩方面的問題，首先，由於此一領域當中的行為模式相當多元，因此筆者必須建立一個能夠具有窮盡性及互斥性的分類模式才足夠「描述」現實的各種狀態。其次，每個實際政策領域中影響政府與非營利組織的變數並不盡相同，因此，本研究必須找出影響實際互動的變數以及其原因，才能夠將變數與選擇模式的行為將結合。為達前項目標，本研究將整理中外文獻以彙整出一個具有描述功能的分類模式，為達後項目標，本研究亦將以實際觀察作為方法，歸納出影響選擇行為的變項。 / Due to the fact that Chinese and Taiwanese governments both put emphasis on avoiding official contacts while entrusting private organizations with cross-strait dialogues and interactions, a so-called “proxy structure” has been established. Meanwhile, the interactions between Taiwan’s government and non-profit organizations in dealing with cross-strait cultural and educational affairs also resemble this structure. However, the results of the “proxy structure,” when interpreted based on different theories, are roughly categorized into four modes, including “cooperation,” “co-optation,” “complementarity” and “confrontation.” Now that there are multiple modes to choose from, I have been perplexed all along by the following question: “From a pragmatic viewpoint, when non-profit organizations interact with Taiwan’s government, which mode will be chosen under what circumstances and why?” The core concept of this research lies in this very question. To be more accurate, only when the question how non-profit organizations choose from different modes and why is answered, can Taiwan’s government think, act and react accordingly and cross-strait cultural and educational affairs be handled smoothly. In order to find the answer to this question, first of all, a categorizing model with both exhaustivity and mutual exclusivity and capable of “describing” all kinds of scenarios in the real world was established. Following that, observations were conducted to pinpoint the variables that affect real-life interactions and their causes. Thirdly, information was obtained through in-depth interviews to evaluate the accuracy and applicability of the above-mentioned categorizing model. In-depth interviews has proven that the categorizing model established in the research has a predicting ability with a considerable degree of accuracy and can act as a reference for future researchers conducting quantitative studies.

冷戰結束後，全球化成為世界趨勢。全球化帶來經濟的繁榮與發展，但同時也便利了組織犯罪活動的擴張，升高了國際犯罪率，其中毒品走私即為最具代表性組織犯罪類型。毒品危害世界已有半世紀之久，儘管在國際組織及各國共同努力防制下，毒品問題卻仍持續升高，根據「聯合國毒品控制和犯罪預防辦公室」(United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime)2006年全球毒品報告指出，全球毒品濫用人數高達2億人，占世界15-64歲人口之5%。另據統計，國際間非法毒品走私日趨熱絡，其交易金額亦逐年上升，進入21世紀後全球毒品每年交易金額高達八千億至一兆美元，與全球武器交易金額相差無幾，顯見在全球化的趨勢下，毒品犯罪活動逐漸國際化、組織化、專業化、智慧化，並造成全球毒品泛濫的加遽。 在全球化時代下，亞洲毒品犯罪也更形嚴峻，其中以中國大陸毒品犯罪成長最快速，同樣我國毒害亦升高。臺灣地區毒品犯罪於90年代逐漸嚴重，主要濫用的毒品種類為海洛因及甲基安非他命，1993年臺灣因毒品犯罪進入高峰期而正式「向毒品宣戰」，之後毒品問題明顯下降，惟在反毒十餘年後，毒品犯罪又見升高，特別是近年來新興合成類毒品(搖頭丸、K他命、FM2等)的出現，使毒品種類更多元化，犯罪更複雜化，而毒品快速的泛濫已造成國家、社會安全重大危害。中國大陸自1996年起即成為台灣地區海洛因等毒品的主要來源地，隨著全球化的發展，大陸地區已成為毒品重要的生產、轉運及輸出國。而當今兩岸交流快速增加，人民往來日益密切，隨著兩岸加入WTO及開放小三通、觀光等措施，販毒集團更容易活動，致兩岸毒品犯罪也面臨更嚴厲的挑戰。 有鑒於毒品犯罪日益升高，臺灣地區復於2004年宣布，將2005年至2008年定為「全國反毒作戰年」，再次全面向毒品宣戰。儘管如此，以國內現行查緝毒品的制度、資源及相關法令等，能否與全球化下國際販毒趨勢潮流或者是販毒集團相抗衡，令人懷疑。特別是在我國毒品問題占有非常重要部分的兩岸毒品犯罪，迄今兩岸間尚未建立任何合作機制，致完全無法有效遏止日益升高的兩岸毒品走私活動，及剷除跨境販毒集團。鑒此；如何健全國內緝毒機制、整合資源、提昇緝毒技能等，以及如何強化國際及兩岸合作關係，積極發揮國內「拔根」、國際、兩岸「斷源」的相輔相成效果，以遏止國內毒品氾濫趨勢，實為當務之急。 關鍵字：全球化、毒品走私、毒品犯罪、合成毒品、緝毒工作、兩岸緝毒 合作、國際緝毒合作 / After the Cold War, globalization has become an international trend. Globalization brings economic prosperity and development. However, it also assists the expansion of organized crime and increases the international crime rate. Among all the different types of organized crime, drug smuggling is the most representative of this. Drugs have been a major problem in the world and have threatened society for more than half a century. Although international organizations and governments in different countries have worked together to prevent drug trafficking, the problem is still getting worse. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s report in 2006, up to 200 million people, which was about 5% of the world population aged between 15 and 64, abused drugs. According to a statistical data, the crime rate of illegal drug smuggling in the world has risen, and amount of drugs sold has increased year by year. In the 21st century, the total amount of drugs sold in the world is up to USD.800 billion to USD.1 trillion every year, which is not different than amount of the international trade of weapons. It is obvious that under the trend of globalization, drug trafficking has become more international, organized, professional and technical. In addition, the flooding of drugs internationally has become more and more serious. In the age of globalization, the problem of drug crime in Asia is getting more and more serious. Among all the Asian countries, the related crime rate in China has increased most rapidly. In Taiwan, the crime rate also has increased. The problem has been getting worse in Taiwan since the 1990s. Heroin and methamphetamine were the most commonly abused drugs in the 1990s. In 1993, the Taiwan government declared a war against drug trafficking because of the high peak in the crime rate. Afterwards, the problem improved noticeably. However, after a decade of the anti-drug campaign, the problem got serious again. Recently, the appearance of newly synthetic drugs (such as MDMA, ketamine and FM2) has caused a great diversity of drugs to spring up and the result has been a corresponding increase in the complexity of related crimes. The flooding of drugs at a fast pace has already endangered the country and the society as a whole tremendously. Since 1996, Mainland China has become the main supplier of heroin to Taiwan. Owing to the trend of globalization, China has also become the main country producing, transporting and exporting drugs in the world. At present, dealings and contacts between Taiwan and China have become more frequent, and has led to some significant changes across the strait. Some of these changes include membership in the WTO, the development of trade links (the mini three links), and the development of tourism between Taiwan and China. These factors have made it easier for drug gangs to smuggle drugs back and forth between the two countries. This has made it more challenging for authorities in dealing with the rise in drug trafficking. Respecting the fact that drug trafficking is getting more and more serious in Taiwan in recent years, the Taiwan Government announced in 2004 that from 2005 to 2008 would be the “Years to fight drugs nationally”. It also declared a war against drugs once again. Still, whether or not the current drug inspecting system, resources, and related laws in Taiwan can match against international drug smuggling trend is still questionable. Especially when it comes to the issues of drug smuggling between China and Taiwan, which is an important part of the drug problem in Taiwan, there is still no cooperative mechanism across the strait. Therefore, there is still no effective way to stop the crime rate from rising and to eradicate cross-border drug gangs. In lieu of this, how to improve the anti-drug mechanism is a serious issue. Some suggestions have been to combine different resources, and enhance skills of the drug enforcement units in Taiwan, as well as to promote international cooperation between Taiwan and China are necessary so that the drug trafficking problem can be solved and the supply of drugs from other countries can be stopped at the same time. Key words: Globalization, drug smuggling, drug trafficking, drug gangs, synthetic drugs, drug enforcement, drug enforcement cooperation across the strait, international drug enforcement cooperation

在2014年，向日葵運動是一個轉折點，台灣的政治發展。這是第一次在台灣的立法院被學生佔領的歷史。匈牙利社會學家卡爾·曼海姆的理論認為，不穩定的事件可能會導致新的政治世代的出現。本文試圖探討的向日葵運動是否能夠被視為一個政治產生的催化劑。報告還分析了政治價值觀和態度對那些參與研究的學生無論是否成為一個政治一代的宗旨兩岸關係。如果我們知道這些學生的政治行為，可以預見兩岸關係的未來。 / In 2014, the Sunflower Movement was a turning point for the political development of Taiwan. It was the first time in the history of Taiwan that the Legislative Yuan was occupied by students. The Hungarian sociologist Karl Mannheim theorized that destabilizing events can lead to the emergence of new political generations. This thesis attempts to examine whether or not the Sunflower Movement can be considered as a catalyst of a political generation. It also analyzes the political values and attitudes towards Cross-Strait relations of those involved with the aim of studying whether or not those students became a political generation. If we know the political behavior of these students, it is possible to foresee the future of Cross-Strait relations.

2008年馬英九總統上任後，遵行「先經後政」的兩岸政策方針，積極與中國大陸簽訂了多項協議，但我國民眾對此出現許多疑慮。2013年6月，海基會與海協會於中國大陸上海簽署《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》，並對外公布兩岸的開放清單，此舉引發我國民眾不滿，認為政府單位未做到與民間充分協調的工作，並憂心將使臺灣在經濟與政治上更依賴中國大陸，造成社會不安，其後，我國於2014年3月，爆發了國內大規模的「太陽花學運」抗爭活動。 近年來，中國大陸已成為臺灣最大的貿易夥伴，但基於臺灣與中國大陸的特殊關係，兩岸間的經貿發展一直是台灣民眾相當關心的問題。本研究的主要目的為，在兩岸經貿互動非常密切與民意優先的今日，了解民眾對於兩岸經貿的認知與立場，試圖了解哪些因素會使民眾對於兩岸經貿的態度改變，並在過往研究的基礎上，洞悉影響民眾兩岸經貿態度的內在及外在因素如何相互作用，使民眾的兩岸經貿認知產生變化，並使用國立政治大學選舉研究中心「線上調查實驗室」於2015年4月，所進行的網路民調資料來分析。 根據前述架構，本研究將內在因素歸類為人口變項、心理認同、經濟考量以及政治考量四個部分；外在因素則藉由當今兩岸經貿交流互動中所遭遇到的問題點作為設計，涵蓋經濟利益、談判過程與安全因素等三部分，並提出政府可實行政策之方向，以條件問句來看民眾在情況下的態度變化。 資料檢測的結果發現，民眾對於各項條件句的接受程度不一，甚至加入條件句後，對於兩岸經貿的態度有轉向負向的情況，顯見不同的背景的民眾，將藉由相異的思考面向來形塑其對於兩岸經貿認知。而其中，安全因素的條件，將最有助於扭轉原先不贊成兩岸經貿的民眾意見。 研究發現，影響民眾對於兩岸經貿態度的變數中，除過去較常討論的內在因素外，外在因素同時具有影響力。臺灣民眾看待兩岸經貿不全然受到感性因素影響，當政府適時的給予政策上的幫助時，民眾仍會改變態度，以理性作為思考。希冀藉由本研究的討論，對於民眾兩岸經貿立場認知有更全面性的了解，並提供實質上的政策意涵。

離岸金融市場，早期主要是以非居民為對象提供非本幣交易金融服務的國際金融市場。近幾十年來，國際金融市場規模快速成長，同時國際金融功能也不斷擴大，而離岸市場也隨著它的功能不斷調整、擴充，發展出了許多不同的面貌。許多國際貨幣如美元、日圓、歐元也在倫敦、東京、紐約、香港、新加坡這些國際金融城市頻繁且大量的交易。 　　人民幣目前還不是主要國際貨幣，國際化程度不若這些國際貨幣高，在境外使用也較主要國際貨幣來的少，較具規模的人民幣離岸市場從2010年後在香港漸具雛型。由於中國近年來一系列推動人民幣向境外流動的政策，讓人民幣在全球貨幣的地位逐漸提升，而隨著人民幣在境外流動數量的增加，使得近年來人民幣離岸市場引起國際金融城市的關注，有些地區也加入爭取發展人民幣離岸市場的行列。 　　由於香港不但是第一個發展人民幣離岸市場的案例，在現今的發展規模上也是最大的境外人民幣中心，因此本研究透過香港發展的條件及路徑，從既有文獻的檢閱、數據的蒐集，並結合對相關人士的訪談，整理歸納國際貨幣離岸市場的發展經驗與香港發展人民幣離岸市場的優劣條件，希望台灣在開放人民幣業務之後，能借鏡當初其他國際貨幣離岸市場與香港發展的一些經驗來做為台灣發展的參考，並結合自身擁有的條件，發揮自身優勢，改善原有劣勢，把握面臨的機會，積極地克服外在的威脅。 / In the early period, offshore financial markets provided non-local currency transaction services to non- residents. In recent decades, as the international financial market grows and expands rapidly, the offshore market and its function also constantly adjust, expand, and develop many different aspects.Many international currencies such as the dollar, the yen, and the euro are also hugely demanded and used in those international financial centers such as London, Tokyo, New York, Hong Kong, and Singapore. RMB is still not a major international currency nowadays. Its degree of internationalization and frequency of usage outside China are not high as other international currencies, but Hong Kong already develops as an offshore financial market after 2010. Due to China government’s series policies to promote the internationalization of RMB, the international position of RMB is rising. As RMB’s offshore flow increases rapidly, it gets the attention of many international financial cities, and some regions even join to develop as RMB offshore financial markets. 　　Since Hong Kong is the first offshore financial market and the biggest offshore center of RMB, this study examines its development through reviewing the existing literature, analyzing data, and combining the interviews of stakeholders to sum up the merits of Hong Kong and other international monetary markets. We hope that after opening RMB’s business, Taiwan can actively learn from Hong Kong and these markets, promotes our strengths, improve the weaknesses, seize the opportunities, and overcome external threats.

我國早年已與中國簽署《金融監管合作備忘錄》和《海峽兩岸經濟合作框架協議》，這標誌著兩岸經貿往來和金融合作進入制度化軌道，開啟了兩岸經貿關係的新紀元。自《海峽兩岸經濟合作框架協議》ECFA簽署以來，經貿聯繫及金融合作愈來愈緊密，兩岸金融機構及商貿企業信用業務大幅增長，信用管理將呈現跨地域、多層次、多元化的態勢。這時，徵信作為信用管理的起點和其基礎地位的重要性日益突顯，徵信領域廣泛且深入的交流合作愈發頻繁，兩岸徵信平台的彼此互相聯通將有助於形成良好的金融信用環境，而彼此徵信的聯通有賴於彼此對於對岸徵信業管理制度之瞭解。 本論文共分五章，第一章緒論;第二章針對徵信起源、定義、特徵、功能、分類及相關概念作說明，並介紹近代中西方徵信演進發展之概況;第三章以徵信機構體制為方向，說明徵信機構的定義、角色、分類、監管及設立退出條件，並對公共徵信機構與私營徵信機構進行比較。接著介紹世界上主要國家徵信機構發展之過程，並以此為基礎，對我國與中國徵信機構體制進行比較;第四章先點出隱私權與徵信間的衝突後，再介紹隱私權的內涵、發展，最後由隱私權衍生出信息隱私權之概念，並進而對徵信業務規則進行討論並比較我國與中國對於信息隱私權保護的差異性;第五章，總結兩岸徵信業之差異，期以之能作為兩岸共建聯合信息平台之基礎，並對兩岸信息共享提供未來發展方向之建議。 / Taiwan has signed "Financial Regulatory Cooperation" and "Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement" with China in the early years, which marks that the cross-strait economics, trade exchanges and financial cooperation has been in the orbit, which opens up a new era of cross-strait economics and trade relations. Since the "cross-strait economic cooperation framework agreement" ECFA was signed, economic ties and financial cooperation are more closely. Substantial growth in cross-strait financial institutions, commercial enterprise type, and credit management will present cross-regional, multi-level and diversified trend. At this time, credit management between Taiwan and China can be as a basis to highlight the growing of more frequent exchanges and Cross-Strait economic cooperation. The establishment of Unicom credit information exchange platform between Taiwan and China will help create a good financial credit environment .For the goal, realization of the credit industry management system difference between Taiwan and China is a must. The paper is divided into five chapters: the first chapter is an introduction; the second chapter introduces credit origin, definition, features, functions, classification and related concepts, and makes an overview of the evolution and development of modern Western and Eastern countries; the third chapter discusses credit institution, indicating that the definition of credit institutions, the role of classification, the establishment of entrance and exit conditions, and the comparison between public credit institutions and private credit bureaus . Then, the paper introduces the world's major national development process of the credit bureaus, and on this basis, compare credit institution between Taiwan and China; the fourth chapter points out the conflict between privacy and credit, and then introduces privacy connotation, development, and finally privacy of information is derived from the concept of privacy. Then discuss the rules for the credit industry. Finally, make a comparison of Taiwan and China Information Privacy differences; the fifth chapter summarizes the differences between the two sides of the credit industry, in order that it can build a basis for cross-strait joint platform of credit information, sharing of credit information of Taiwan and China. Finally, the paper provides the future direction of the sharing of credit information between Taiwan and China.

本研究係利用經濟部投資審議委員會2007年「華僑及外國人投資事業營運狀況調查表（非服務業）」問卷資料，以1,013家僑外資在台非服務業廠商為分析對象，運用Probit Model進行實證分析，由廠商規模、行業分類、廠商成立年數、國際化程度、技術來源、在台設立區域營運總部、業務種類多樣化、兩岸經貿政策進一步鬆綁及降低關稅，儘速與他國簽署FTA等各個面向，探討兩岸經貿關係更加緊密後，影響僑外商在台子公司運籌中心地位之決定因素為何。經實證結果發現，國際化程度、技術來源、在台設立區域營運總部、業務種類多樣化及兩岸經貿政策進一步鬆綁等變數為影響僑外商在台子公司運籌中心地位之決定因素，除技術來源為在台自行研發之變數呈負向關係，傾向於採行降低及不變之營運策略外，其他變數皆與僑外商在台子公司運籌中心地位呈正向關係，傾向採提升之營運策略。 / This research made use of the 2007 Ministry of Economic Affairs Investment Commission survey entitled "Chinese and Foreign Investment Enterprises Operating Conditions Survey (non-service)" and targeted 1,013 non-service industry overseas foreign manufacturers in Taiwan as research subjects. The Probit model was used to carry out an empirical analysis based on the firm size, industry classification, the year the manufacturer was established, the degree of internationalization, technology source, established regional operational headquarters in Taiwan, business type diversity, steps taken to relax and lower tariffs and promptness in signing FTA and other oriented documents, with other countries. This study discusses why there were influencing factors in the decisions of overseas foreign investment subsidiaries in Taiwan logistics center positions after cross-strait economic and trade relations became closer. The empirical results show that the degree of internationalization, sources of technology, the establishment of the regional operational headquarters in Taiwan, business type diversity and further relaxation of cross-strait trade policy variables are the impacts of overseas subsidiary of foreign logistics center’s factors in determining status. In addition to the fact that the variables of technology sources developing on their own in Taiwan showed a negative relationship and tend to adopt reduced and unchanged operation strategies, other variables are compatible with overseas business subsidiaries in Taiwan logistics center position and showed a positive relationship and tend to enhance the operational strategies adopted.