馬克斯‧韋伯曾經表示儒家文化是阻礙儒家國家成為「現代化國家」的障礙，因為儒家思想要求安定的特性和現代化的條件正好衝突，所以即使在最有利的條件下，儒家社會也不能變成現代社會。然而發展起步較晚,屬于儒家文化圈一環的東亞國家如台灣、新加坡、香港，以及大韓民國卻仍舊表現出令人稱羨的經濟發展，更擠身於現代國家之列。就連信奉基督教的已故總統金大中也表示韓國的成功和韓國人的儒家特徵有重要關係。 但即便大韓民國是亞洲較早實現了現代化的一個國家，而且已經是世界第十三大經濟體，然而也必須承認這個國家的現代化之路歷經坎坷。在日本殖民和韓國內戰的影響下，一直到1962年開始才恢復經濟建設，並且因為資源的匱乏使得大韓民國的發展在初期不被任何人看好。可今天的大韓民國不僅在經濟上實現了突破，在儒家文化的傳承上也讓海峽兩岸炎黃子孫自嘆不如，它的成功經驗或者失敗教訓，對於兩岸來說都是一筆非常重要的財富，值得借鑑。 / Max Weber once stated that Confucian culture was the main drawback to the modernization of a country. Therefore, even under the most favorable conditions, the Confucian society is still unable to turn modern. However, in the East-Asian Confucian cultural circle, some of the late-developing countries, like Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong and South Korea, who are traditionally considered heavily influenced by the Confucian culture, show a tremendous development in their economy and are becoming one of the modern countries in the world. Just as President. Kim Dae Jung said although like South Korea is under the influence of the Confucianism, Confucian culture, undoubtedly, still makes positive contributions to the development. Typically, the success of South Korea is the most compelling evidence of the modernization of a Confucian country. Even though the Republic of Korea has become the most modern country and the 13th largest economic structure among the Asia country, they must also recognize that there are few fluctuations to achieve modernization. The influence of the Japanese colonial and the civil war in Korea have caused the recovery of economic started in year 1962. Besides that, people did not have a high expectation for this development because of the lack of resources. However, today, not only the economy of Republic of Korea to accomplish a breakthrough in the Confucian cultural heritage, but also to the Chinese people across the Taiwan Straits. Its success and failures, worth learning.

對於兩岸交流日益頻繁，本文提出一命題假設，認為「兩岸城市交流管理，臺灣政府尚未建立有效府際關係（intergovernmental relations）管理模式」。 本文透過以臺灣東部二線城市花蓮為研究對象，設定2011 至 2015 年為研究範圍，並以國際關係理論中的庶民現實主義觀點及新多邊主義及為研究途徑，佐以文獻探討、歷史資料蒐集、內容分析和個案深度訪談等方法, 以了解(1)臺灣中央政府赴陸城市外交管理模式與地方六都赴陸城市外交理念？ (2)花蓮地方政府、特色產業與民間組織如何運用兩岸城市外交，達成增加「柔性實力」（soft power）與大都會競爭？(3)其特殊突圍模式？期望此研究提供考察臺灣政府如何進行管理，以達成有效適時性、突破性的府際關係決策參考，洞察臺灣城市兩岸外交發展和局限性。 本研究發現，臺灣政府針對兩岸城市外交實質上並無建構完善整合管理及分權機制，使兩岸交流中央業務單位間各自為政，地方政府參與大陸事務迫於自立，彼此的互信度不高，溝通不良是府際運作關係的主要特徵，因此地方政府時常擁有自己桌面下的議程，成為爭鬥式各自為政型地方政府（coming apart and contentious local government）。 本文總結認為，唯有建構一個有效、突破性全臺城市外交兩岸交流藍圖，才有可能解決此一弊病，以「兩岸和平交流，城市分權治理」為主、「城市柔性實力，兩岸跨域發展」為輔，除了城市官方外交居於中心位置，民間公共外交更是最穩固的基礎，因此，才可望能讓臺灣的城市外交打頭陣，讓臺灣走出國際社會。 / In cross-strait exchanges, the central government plays the dominant role, while the role of local governments still misfunctioned. This paper examines the unique breakthrough of Taiwan local government on cross-strait city exchanges and the lack management of Taiwan central government on the issue. It arises the following question: For Hualian, a resourcelss second-tier city and located in remote eastern-part of Taiwan, its local government has brought considerable economic benefits through cross-strait exchanges; while it might also demage Taiwan national security and long-term development of cross-strait exchanges. What is the cause of this contradiction? The intergovernmental contradiction between central and local government is for reason that the central government in Taiwan is reluctant to the management on cross-strait exchanges between cities. This paper found that the conservative management of cross-strait city exchanges is featured that the lack of central coordination mechanism, local initatives and the intermediary support for local NGOs. As for Haulien, located in remote area with inufficiant subsidies from the central government, the strengtheness of Haulien ccompetitiveness serves as the priority for its urgent need on reconstruction and economic regeneration,. That is to say, Hualian seeks economic benefits in the cross-strait exchanges is synonymous with the trend of enterprising city governance in the era of globalization. In other words, it also features that in the context of cross-strait relationship, Hualian is forced to participate in independently due to the lack of intergovernmental mutual trust and poor communication and leads to Hualien local different agenda under the table, being a coming contentious government. This paper concludes that the management on cross-strait city exchanges may be difficult to completely dominant by the central or the locals alone, the whole conepts also relies on share responsibility except for centralization and decentralization. This concepts of new management may initates the local government to actively expand its interests, but not braggering the role of local government on the both side. While the central government should open the channel for the locals, especially the dispute of Six-cities in Taiwan has caused great challenges for domestic city governance in order to avoid intergovernmental tension on the topic of cross-strait city exchanges. In conclusion, it is suggested that local government can effectively play a mediating role between the central government and local non-governmental organizations on both sides of political or grass roots level exchanges for the sustainable development of cross-strait city exchanges.

臺灣與中國大陸加入WTO後，其貿易互動將更趨頻繁，此現象除了帶來兩岸經濟的活絡外，也將提高兩岸貿易糾紛發生的可能性，因此熟悉WTO爭端解決機制的運作是臺灣做為一個經貿小國必學的課題；又兩岸糾紛不同於一般國際經貿糾紛，牽涉到敏感的政治因素，臺灣面臨的是對我主權不尊重也不認同之國家，在這樣的情況下，臺灣必須學習如何訴諸WTO爭端解決機制的法律途徑以保障臺灣經貿。 WTO爭端解決機制包含諮商、斡旋等雙邊協商，協商不成則可提請爭端解決機構(DSB)成立爭端解決小組(panel)以為因應，透過小組對兩造意見之書面審查、口頭辯論等意見表達，及蒐集相關資訊蒐集後，最後由小組做成「期中報告」，若成員國無其他意見表述，則「期中報告」即為「最終報告」，DSB有權要求被控訴履行裁決。 在整個WTO爭端解決過程中，臺灣必須面臨的挑戰有：中國大陸認定臺灣無提請訴訟資格的主權抗議、國際現實的壓力、龐大的訴訟費用，以及曠日費時的訴訟期間等。倘最後中國拒絕履行義務，臺灣雖可請求DSB授權對中國大陸進行貿易制裁，但其亦將蒙受本身產業在貿易制裁過程中的損失。這些因素使得臺灣政府在對中國大陸發動WTO爭端解決程序時有所顧忌。 但將兩岸爭端訴諸WTO爭端解決程序有一好處，即使兩岸貿易 回歸到規則導向的互動，亦可嚇阻中國大陸不尊重我為WTO會員國之相關行動，使兩岸貿易走向法制化的互動。 / After Taiwan and China accession to the WTO, the activities of bilateral trade will be more frequent. Besides the busy business, the possibility of trade disputes between cross-strait parties will be arisen as well. Therefore Taiwan needs to have more intimate knowledge of WTO dispute settlement mechanism. On the other hand, the disputes between cross-strait is different to other international disputes. The opponent that Taiwan faces to is a country which doesn’t respect Taiwan’s state sovereign. In such a circumstances, Taiwan have to learn how to protect the benefits of domestic industries through resorting to the legal access of WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The procedures of WTO dispute settlement mechanism contains bilateral negotiation like consultation、good-offices etc. If the consultation is in vain, the complaining party could request the DSB to establish the panel. The panel has the rights to review the written requests、consider the rebuttal submissions、and seek concerning information, then the panel should issue an “interim report ”.If no other Member State has different requests, the “interim report ”shall be considered “ the final panel report “, and the DSB has the right to ask the defendant party to practice the recommendations. During the whole process of WTO dispute settlement, Taiwan has to face these challenges as follows: the sovereign protest from China、the pressure from international reality、huge expenses of the proceedings, long time in the proceedings etc....If China refuse the recommendations, Taiwan could request the authorization from the DSB to suspend the application to Taiwan concerned of trade sanction. But the sanction will also injury Taiwan’s own domestic industries. Those consideration make Taiwan feel fearful of operating the WTO dispute settlement procedures against China. There is an advantage of resorting to the WTO dispute settlement procedures against China, that is lead the trade activities between cross-strait to the operation of rule-oriented access ,and it also can stop China continue using the measures that will violate Taiwan’s sovereign. Those changes can legalize the trade activities between cross-strait.

本文係針對大陸台商的「當地化」現象進行探討。隨著兩岸經貿的開展，台商的當地化經營已成為一個不可避免的趨勢，而本文所欲探討之「當地化」，係從經濟的角度出發，亦即在經濟全球化之後，跨國公司（台商）的海外投資為求利益極大化，勢必將調整原本的經濟策略，以合乎當地市場的需求；而此一調整則可能包含其市場、原物料及進用人才等各個面相，筆者並運用價格要素均等及比較優勢建立本文之假說。 在此一前提下，本文利用深度訪談及半結構式問卷，針對大上海地區（上海、吳江、昆山）的台商企業之當地化經營現象進行研究，共計獲得三十份訪談紀錄及八十五份問卷，對於此一現象進行深入且廣泛的經驗分析。研究結果發現，台商企業不但認同當地化經營對於企業永續生存之重要，已在經營或用人方面進行大幅度的當地化，並強調此一趨勢將繼續進行。本文之研究結果驗證了先前之假說，但此一發現亦有例外之處，即對於攸關「信任」的職務，台商普遍不願輕言進行當地化。 / This thesis studies the progresses of localization in the Taiwanese businesses in Great Shanghai. It aims to make sense this process in a larger context of economic integration across the Strait and market competition around the world. Based on the findings, it is the economic forces, might be understood as factor price equalization or regional comparative advantages, that play the key role in bringing about the localization of these Taiwanese enterprises. Under the pressures to compete on global market and also to reap regional advantages, these Taiwanese enterprises are forces to give up their earlier import-processing-export pattern to produce from Chinese raw materials, for the Chinese market, and under the management of Chinese cadres. The empirical study of the thesis is based on two field trips in greater Shanghai, i.e., the Shanghai city, plus two other county –level cities, Wujiang and Kunshan. During the two-month field research, the author combines in-depth interviewing and semi-structured questionnaire on more than 100 Taiwanese entrepreneurs, with the result of 30 full-length transcripts and 85 questionnaires. The empirical data suggest that most Taiwanese entrepreneurs not just recognize the necessity of localization but also enjoy the profits brought by the advancements of localization. There is but one exception: localization can hardly go beyond the limit of personal trust. Thus, when deep trust is involved—say, managing financial matters—the principle of localization will be compromised.

民進黨自成立以來，向來被公認是屬於派系共治、多元決策的政黨，黨內的派系政治（factionalism）型態與派系權力鬥爭的程度，影響了黨的政策路線走向，更進而決定了民進黨未來的發展，因此長期以來民進黨各個時期中國政策路線的走向，亦深受著黨內派系勢力消長及各派系合縱連橫的影響。 事實上，民進黨創黨之初其中國政策主要是以「開放、和緩、接觸」爲基調，因此在1986年通過的「自決黨綱」，即主張台灣前途應交由人民來決定，而未設定統、獨的方向，然而隨著國內政治環境的重大改變及兩岸交流日益熱絡的狀況，早期所提出的積極主張已不再佔有優勢，其中國政策路線趨於謹慎、保守化的立場，而重心也開始移轉至「台灣主權獨立運動」，相對地主張「激進台獨」的泛新潮流系則日漸成為黨內主流，並相繼通過了「四一七決議文」、「一００七決議文」、「公投台獨黨綱」等，而這也導致後來泛美麗島系與泛新潮流系二大派系，對於中國政策主張「務實台獨」路線與主張「激進台獨」路線的論爭。直至1998年為尋求黨內各派系共識所舉辦的「中國政策研討會」後，民進黨的中國政策才正式轉趨為較開放的階段，並為未來執政作準備，而脫離早期激進的極獨路線進入較為務實的台獨路線，並於1999年5月通過「台灣前途決議文」，表明了民進黨對台灣前途的看法與主張，首度接受了「中華民國」的國號，承認了中華民國的合法性，並間接處理了民進黨「台獨黨綱」的問題，成為民進黨追求事實獨立的綱領性文件。 2000年3月18日第十屆總統大選民進黨獲勝並順利取得執政權，其執政前期陳水扁總統在基於「穩定大於一切」的基調下，相繼提出了「四不一沒有」、「九二精神」、「兩岸統合論」、「鬆邦戒急用忍」等柔軟路線的政策，然而在中共無善意回應又惡意打壓下，在執政後期陳水扁總統則態度轉趨強硬，並提出強調以「台灣主權認同」為主體的「一邊一國論」、「正名」、「公投」、「制憲」等政策。而綜觀民進黨執政四年來的決策運作模式，可以發現執政後的民進黨，因決策中心已經轉移到政府相關部門，而中國政策也主要是以陳水扁總統對外的兩岸政策宣示或談話為主，因此黨只是扮演「以黨輔政」、「以黨強政」的角色，相對的派系對於中國政策的影響力已逐漸弱化，取而代之的則是陳水扁總統「一人決策」的運作模式；而另一方面，隨著四年來兩岸之間因「一個中國」問題始終無法得到共識，及中共對於民進黨政府的極度不信任，兩岸關係也停滯不進、持續陷入僵局，尤其是在陳水扁總統又再度連任第十一屆總統後，未來在「台灣正名」、「公投」及「制憲」等議題上，也將會使兩岸關係及美「中」台關係三方都面臨極嚴重的考驗。

以戰爭法規的發展為主軸，探討武裝衝突法與國際人道法二法系的沿革與關係，逐一檢視各相關公約訂定的源由，規範之目的，改進的部分及難以進行執行的部分原因。 從使用武力方法，即作戰行為的規範、手段與限制，更深入探討對平民的保護，對人類文化歷史的保障，對戰爭受難者的尊重，及違反武裝衝突法與國際人道法後之可能犯罪懲治，自1919年《凡爾賽和約》始，依序簡介紐倫堡審判、東京審判、南斯拉夫及盧安達特別法庭的特徵與國際實踐，以至於國際刑事法庭的設立，以明戰爭罪責的國際審判機構。 另一方面，新形式的戰爭武器研發，也造成例如，資訊戰在武裝衝突法的許多規則提出了新的問題，表現了資訊戰將對武裝衝突法產生衝擊的一面。另關於暗殺是否符合國際公約的議題，其餘如影響環境的武器、小型核武器、新生化武器均殊值討論。 國際法院關於以核武器相威脅或使用核武器是否合法的諮詢意見中，列出了「構成人道法制度的核心原則」，即「區分原則」，「禁止使用不區分武器」，「禁止對戰鬥員造成不必要的痛苦」，以及「國家在使用武器方面並非具有無限制的選擇手段」。都在本論文中次第探討。

本研究旨在比較兩岸民辦幼教發展及其相關法規，透過比較法、文件分析法及實地訪談法，以增進對兩岸幼教環境之瞭解與認識。本研究之目的包括：壹、探究台灣地區與大陸民辦幼教之發展歷程及現況。貳、了解台灣地區與大陸民辦幼教相關法規之歷史源流與規範。參、綜合研究結果增進對兩岸幼教環境之瞭解與認識，並提出建議。 本研究之結論有如下三點：壹、幼兒教育之定位受政治型態影響而有所不同。貳、國家對民辦教育的開放與管理態度影響幼稚園經營方式。參、幼兒教育之工作本質來自於人們就業後之需求，仰賴經濟環境支撐發展。 同時根據研究發現，本研究對於台灣民辦（私立）幼教發展提出建議如下：壹、法規頒佈前可先以試行方式前測，視適應情形再正式頒佈；貳、幼兒教育應設置教育行政專責單位，以促進幼教發展之整體規劃；參、教育與社福機關權責需劃分清楚，幼教相關事務應由教育部主管；肆、對民辦(私立)學校不得營利之限制需酌情調整，提供合理回報及辦學誘因；伍、審思私幼設置財團法人意義，避免因法人資格造成法規適用限制；陸、對幼教相關法規內涵之重新思考> / This study intends to compare the development and relevant law about the minban（i.e. private sector）system in early childhood education through documentary analysis, comparative and interview methodologies in order to comprehend the early childhood education environments between Taiwan and Mainland China. Furthermore, the purpose of the study is to explore the minban system’s progress and current situation, and to understand the origin and regulation of the relevant law for both. It concludes the research results and then to provide the policy recommendations. Based on the findings, the results of the study are as follows. First, the public’s perception of the importance of early childhood education was affected by the political situation of the country. Second, the openness and managerial attitude of the authorities affected the operating mode of the kindergartens. Third, the existence of early childhood education depends on parental demands based on their career needs; it depends on the economic environment to support its development. The study offers some suggestions to Taiwan’s minban system of early childhood educators: (1)Before the enactment of a law, a pretest of its effects should be conducted; (2) Government should provide a responsible and regular regimen for Kindergartens in order to promote their development.; (3) Government should separate the duties of education and social welfare clearly according to their abilities and functions; early childhood education should be managed by the Ministry of Education; (4) Government should offer reasonable opportunities for the minban school investor rather than limit them in school generated profits; (5)Government should redefine the role of consortia in the kindergarten, and avoid the resulting limitations of the relevant law; (6) Generally, we need to re-evaluate the intent of relevant laws about early childhood education.

本文研究動機緣於台灣早期的「反共必勝、暴政必亡」到廿世紀晚期的「中國崩潰論」，其預測及論述與現實的「中國崛起論」並不相符，且對緩解「台海衝突論」毫無意義。社會科學研究總是反應時代現實，因此本文的研究目的是理論層面的探討以及時代精神的反省。本文以辜汪會談為切入點並研究九○年代以來「台海衝突論」的癥結「一個中國爭議」，論述台灣政策氛圍的集體心態調整與柔水哲學的生存觀點。本文探討兩岸潛在衝突性的解決之道並理性化台灣的最大國家利益。本文理論基礎的「柔水哲學/Habeeb理論」的實質內涵有兩層，一是集體心態上的不與強國爭勝，寧願「裡子」甚於「面子」或「裡子」與「面子」的平衡，二是政策面向的彈性與柔軟，總括其為柔性策略或彈性策略的中心概念。這在突顯其與九○年代以來，台灣面對兩岸關係的僵持無解與「鎖國心態」形成兩者之間在理念上的鮮明對比。本章以三個節項（本文結論的型模分析、柔水哲學/Habeeb理論的理念闡述、理論主張檢驗）來鋪陳本文結論與相關論述。 / This dissertation mainly study Cross-strait relation of Taiwan.When Taiwan faces rising-China,it may renew the thinking,policy and collective spirit against the old one that is a survival way for Taiwan.So, this dissertation assert Taiwan may assume some soft-power and soft manner to deal rising-China.For the purpose of survival way of Taiwan,this dissertation address a case-study to research the resolution of conflict existed Cross-strait presently.In fact,Cross-strait conflict mainly result from one-China dispute.So,the survival way for Taiwan mainly strive the issue of one-China.Under the context of that spirit,Taiwan may develop some strategies and adapt attitude for accommodation the rising-China.Along the approach of case-study,this dissertation discourse the negotiation strategy in Koo-Wang talk in 1993.Additionally,soft-power and soft manner for Taiwan to treat China is a normative prescription so that this dissertation develop some statements compatible the principle of one-China.That must be a new norm for Taiwan in the new era.

在台灣的外國人對兩岸關係的看法 / The focus of this study is to shed light on what foreign residents in Taiwan think about the cross-strait situation and what factors influence the way they think. The study is motivated by what the author sees as a scarcity of information on foreigners in Taiwan, coupled by a spectacular local interest on identity as it relates to the unfolding of cross-strait politics. The author would like to call attention to the distinct voices of foreigners in Taiwan, their plight and what they see as an ideal way to resolve the current impasse. In this light, the study’s approach is exploratory in nature, employing a survey, to solicit foreigners’ opinions regarding the cross-strait situation. The study also contextualizes the social, political and economic space occupied by foreigners in Taiwan with leading intellectual theories that have been used to analyze the idea of diaspora as it occurs worldwide. It tries to single out the most potent forces that shape foreigners’ political inclinations in Taiwan. The study explores such topics as the impact of one’s country of origin, socioeconomic status, mobility, language abilities, and newspaper preferences, on foreigners’ political inclinations.

自1949年國民黨政府播遷來臺，兩岸分治從軍事對立與衝突時期（1949-1978）至相互對峙互不往來（1979-1987），直到1987年我宣布解除戒嚴令，基於人道及親情考量，開放民眾赴大陸探親，方開啟我方與大陸之交流。並於2002年1月1日起，開放大陸地區人民來臺觀光，2008年新政府規劃將從7月4日開始，陸續擴大開放大陸人民來臺觀光，預估每年將有110萬人次。就國家安全觀點，尤其有無情報人員藉此來臺滲透、蒐情？實值深入研究與探討。 由於中共至今並未放棄以武力犯臺的意圖，其中來臺觀光對象中之特殊人員，在入出境審核作業上，亦以國家安全為主要考量，為謹慎評估威脅國家及其利益的範圍，在確定威脅之後，下一步驟是發展應變，並保護國家利益的政策設計。致本文在研究方法上，採用文獻分析法、歷史研究法及個案研究法來分析相關資料，並就已查獲之共諜案例研究分析。 本文希望藉由研究結論建議政府相關單位，在規劃擴大開放大陸來臺觀光，更應防範大陸人士假藉觀光名義來臺從事「交通」或滲透之實，並提出更有效國家安全管理機制。 / Since the Kuomintang government withdrew to Taiwan in 1949, Taiwan and Mainland China are divided ruled from the period of military conflict (1949-1978) to the period of non-mutual contact(1979-1987). Until 1987, our government based on the considerations of humanitarian and family ties and announced lifting the Martial Law, then opened residents to the mainland to visit their relatives. And since January 1, 2002, our government opened more mainland people to Taiwan for sightseeing, in 2008, the Kuomintang government won the Presidential Election and plan to continuously open wider to the mainland people to Taiwan for sightseeing by the estimation of annual 1.1 million. From the view point of national security, particularly the Intelligence personnel may infiltrate to Taiwan to make intelligence collection. So,it is worth profound study and discussion. As the Mainland China has not given up the intention to armed invasion of Taiwan, The Intelligence personnel pretended tourists are the main targets in the entry and exit audit operations. For cautious assessment of the scope of threats to national interests and for the protection of national interests to develop contingency plans and the policy Planning, this study take the use of Literature analysis , historical research and case studies ,especially focus on a total of the seized spy case study analysis. We hope that the conclusion of the study would be taken into account by the relevant government units in the planning of further opening up the mainland to Taiwan for sightseeing. in the meanwhile, the relevant units should guard against the guise of mainland tourists to Taiwan in the name of "traffic" but clandestine communication or infiltration in reality, and make more effective national security management mechanism.