「台灣問題」關係到中共未來國家戰略發展的核心，並涉及民族尊嚴的維護。所以中共無論基於區域博弈、國家安全、利益、發展維護等戰略需求，「台灣問題」勢將為中共必須面對的重要議題。自1978年以來，中共領導人受到內外在安全戰略因素影響，其統一戰略思維與策略運用，不斷的進行調整，逐漸由武力解放轉變為和平統一。當前中共國家戰略雖以「國家發展」為優先，但發生對主權原則的挑戰，勢被迫將統一問題提前解決。中共迄今不願承諾放棄武力主因，即基於國家安全戰略考量，以確保對台政策的靈活性與主動性。 基於整體情勢，中共體認「談判會比透過戰爭獲益更多」的戰略思維。當前中共對台策略係採取「政經分離、先經後政」柔性作為。依國際情勢、綜合國力及軍事能量而言，整體優勢明顯傾斜於中共，故未來兩岸關係發展情況，勢將大部份取決中共的戰略走向。更值得重視的是，中共確實有武力犯台能力與決心。 中共當前對台的經貿策略，無論基於全球化需求，或是中共所佔有的戰略優勢，對於台灣而言，乃勢之所趨，與其採取「抗衡」策略，不如運用擁有的籌碼，積極與之建立依存關係，進而在未來無可避免的政治談判中，爭取國家最大的利益與安全保障。 / The Taiwan issue sits at the center of China’s national security. It involves both China’s national dignity and national interests. Therefore, no matter in terms of its development projects, regional arrangements, or national security strategies, everything related to China’s national security has to do with the Taiwan issue. This is the reason why we have to address the cross-Strait situation from the angle of China’s national security concerns. Since 1978, under the constraint of China’s economic and security conditions, its leaders have been adjusting constantly its strategy to unify Taiwan: from military liberation gradually moving towards peaceful co-optation. As a result, China can reserve more energy for its economic catch-up. But still, according to the findings of this study, once sovereignty being threatened or challenged, China will consider the use of force without any delay. And, this is exactly why China has always been reluctant to denounce the use of force against Taiwan. For the moment, however, China prefers the unification through peaceful means and this lead to a strategy of “separation of politics and economy, with economy gong first and politics being last.” But, gradually, as Taiwan becomes more dependent on China economically and loses its advantages to China militarily, according to the findings of the research, China would gain more confidence over unifying Taiwan. Such confidence, if backed up by its physical strength, would very likely lead to a military confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. Facing such circumstance, more challenges against China’s determination of defend its sovereignty would add to the likelihood of the above-mentioned scenario. Thus, according to the findings of the study, Taiwan’s best strategy might probably be avoiding “balancing/confrontation” for now and at the same time making be best use of our economic advantages and bargaining chips to build up the economic and social interdependence across the Strait, which shall be the most reliable guarantee of Taiwan’s national security.

由於地形多樣，氣候多變，生物種類繁耄，加上長年以來對於農業發展的投入，台灣農產品之美名，眾所周知。然而近年來由於工商業之發展，台灣農業逐漸沒落，為尋求新的發展市場，農企業紛紛前往大陸及東南亞等區域發展。尤其是大陸地區，由於其南部氣候與台灣相近，加之市場廣大，更是農企業投入之目標。然而由於對當地植物新品種保護之法規及風土民情不了解，許多農企業不僅無法在大陸地區取得先機，搶佔市場，反而造成既有優勢喪失，新品種被剽竊的後果。針對此現象，本研究試圖由植物特性、兩岸種苗產業發展歷史、植物新品種保護演變、國際植物新品種保護趨勢、兩岸植物新品種保護相關法規進行一系列之探討，同時訪談相關農企業，實際印證經營層面所面臨之問題，以歸結出農企業在台灣及大陸經營植物新品種時應留意之重點，以及政府可協助之項目，希望能對農企業之發展有所助益。在一系列的探討中，本研究發現台灣及大陸之植物新品種保護分別有以下之問題，在台灣方面：(一)個別品種之實質衍生品種界定方式未明，易使品種經營者無所適從；(二)品種權審查及田間試驗之執行皆非由專責機關實行，對於審查速度及審查經驗累積，及相關試驗準則訂定上，皆有不利之影響；(三)在品種權概念推廣上仍有待加強；(四) 台灣業餘育種者與企業經營者間缺乏溝通管道，無法將現有資源有效經營；(五)基因轉殖作物採片段式保護規範，不利於未來基因轉殖作物種植之管理。在大陸方面則是：(一)農民免責範圍廣、品種權保護範圍狹窄、及品種權保護年限短等問題影響育種者申請品種權意願；(二)法規定訂詳盡，但推廣不足，且執法不嚴，影響品種權效力；(三)大陸幅員廣大，通路及運輸問題易成為影響農企業發展之重要因素；(四)由於大陸品種權維權不易，經營模式及品種維護配套措施成為主宰成敗之關鍵。針對上述問題，本研究分別由政府及農企業角度出發，提出建議，以供未來植物新品種經營參考。 / The biological diversity resulted from varied climate and the long term investment in agricultural industry have made Taiwan's agricultural product well known for its good quality. However, recent progress of commerce has brought some changes to this situation. In order to find a new market and create more possibilities, agricultural enterprises tend to start their new business in mainland China and the southeastern Asia. Because of the similar climate in Taiwan and the southern China, and the large market, mainland China becomes a preferable choice. But with the lack of knowledge of plant variety protection act and sense of local customs and practices, many agricultural enterprises not only lose their advantages but also their new plant varieties. To solve this problem, we try to make a series of explorations of plant characteristics, seed industry development history of Taiwan and mainland China, the evolvement of new plant variety protection act, new trends of international new plant variety protection, and new plant variety protection related act in Taiwan and mainland China. And to find out if the real agricultural environment did reflect our explorations, we further visit two agricultural companies to acquire their experiences. Through these explorations, we hope we can find out the key points of agriculture management, and make some distributions to agricultural enterprises’ operating in Taiwan and mainland China. From our research, we find out some problems in Taiwan’s and mainland China’s new plant variety protection system and environment. Problems in Taiwan’s: 1. The method to classify essentially derived variety remains unknown, and it confused plant variety breeders. 2. We don’t have independent authority to execute the grant of new plant variety right and DUS test, and it has negative effects on examination speed, examination knowledge accumulation, and DUS test guideline development. 3. The education of new plant variety protection concepts still needs to be enhanced. 4. Lack of communication between nonprofessional breeders and agricultural enterprises causes waste of research resource. 5. The nonsystematic regulations of gene modified plants protection will bring some troubles to future management of gene modified plants. Problems in Mainland China’s : 1. The broad range of exceptions to the breeder’s right of farmers, the extremely restricted breeder’s right, and the shortness of plant variety protection years all affect breeders’ will to apply plant variety right. 2. Lack of plant variety protection concepts of farmers and the weak enforcement of the regulations decline the effect of plant variety right. 3. The broad land of mainland China makes the delivering channels and transportation become important factors to the development of agricultural business. 4. The hardness of enforcement of plant variety right makes business model and cooperation of other protection methods become the key factors of success. To solve the problems, we try to provide some suggestions to government and agricultural enterprises and hope these suggestions can benefit the management of plant variety in the future.

國際貿易是經濟發展的重要手段之一，然而無論在開發中或已開發國家，貿易商皆面臨貿易流程的繁文縟節。隨著各國的關稅逐漸降低，業者進行國際貿易時的貿易成本甚至已超過關稅成本。因此，有望透過貿易便捷化來簡化貿易程序，降低貿易成本。 　近年來，兩岸貿易依存度日益提高，中國大陸更成為台灣最大的出口市場。兩岸各自推動的貿易便捷化皆獲得相當成效，然法規不透明為目前中國大陸對台最嚴重之非關稅障礙，而法規透明化又是貿易便捷化工作的其中一環，因此法規透明化為當前亟需進行之貿易便捷化工作。 由於兩岸皆為世界貿易組織會員，且貿易便捷化已納入WTO的談判架構，而GATT 1994第十條（貿易法令之公布與施行）亦揭示法規透明化乃世界貿易組織協定重要原則，因此本文檢視兩岸的法規公布、措施通知、提供草案評論、回覆諮詢、正當程序和司法救濟等透明化之世界貿易組織義務，作為兩岸法規透明化程度的衡量指標。 透明化雖然是內部即可進行之工作，但由於透明化的重要性不受中國大陸重視，因此其透明化成效有限。為解決此問題，有待建立法規透明化的兩岸合作機制，而該機制之完善將使兩岸業者受惠，雙方政府基於互惠立場，會使兩岸業者獲得更大幅公開的政府資訊，所適用行政程序中的相關權利更受到保障。 / International trade is important to economics, while there are plenty of red tape still existing in moving goods across borders, whether in developing or development countries. Following the decreasing of tariff barriers, trade costs to traders are much more than tariff costs. Therefore, it is necessary to cut down the trade cost by trade facilitation. Recently, cross-strait trade relationship is closer and Mainland China has become the biggest trade partner of Taiwan. The cross-strait development of trade facilitation is significant, but the greatest trade barrier between is non-transparency. Since transparency of trade policy is part of trade facilitation programs, the authorities have to improve the transparency of trade policies. China and Taiwan are the members of the WTO, and WTO Members agreed to launch negotiations on trade facilitation several years ago. Besides, Article X of the GATT 1994 provides that transparency is also the principle of the WTO Agreements. Transparency obligations in WTO include publication of trade policies, notification on measures, providing the opportunity for prior comments, responding to requests for information, due process of administrative procedures and ensuring the right of review and appeal. This article aims at assessing the compliance of China and Taiwan with WTO obligations in transparency. Because the importance of transparency, which can be improved unilaterally, is neglected by China, efforts paid to this transparency issue limited. To solve this problem, it is necessary to establish a cross-strait cooperation mechanism that benefits the traders in both China and Taiwan. Accordingly, the authorities would take reciprocal actions on opening information of the government and ensuring the rights of administrative procedures in a larger extent.

無 / The concept of “soft power” was popularized by Joseph Nye’s works in the 1990s. It is then often referred to the ability of a political body, such as a state, to indirectly influence the behavior or interests of other political bodies through cultural or ideological means. This paper seeks to apply this idea to the study of cross-Strait relations to see whether Taiwan might exert soft power against China. As we know, it is not just Taiwanese that are highly concerned with the 2008 election of Taiwan. We take this election and especially President Ma as an example to see whether Ma can help facilitate the image of Taiwan and democracy among Chinese. After interviews on several dozen Chinese college students, we found that Ma’s image, as the soft power, does make the difference. And if Taiwan can make best use of its soft power, we may not need so much military buildup to defend Taiwan.

自1980年代末期以來，政府宣佈開放大陸探親，並逐步解除外匯管制等相關限制，兩岸之「經貿互動」於焉展開。台商到中國大陸投資二十餘年，由克服地域障礙、轉移企業資源，進而遂行經營管理的當地化，其融合速度快得驚人。現今，隨著08年「520」馬政府的上任，兩會協商、包機直航、兩岸開放大三通、陸客來台觀光…，「常居對岸」或「兩岸流動」的人數，亦隨之持續攀升，兩岸之間的互動更加日益密切。大陸台商面對因文化與生活習慣的差距所產生的生活適應問題，也成為台商赴大陸投資管理或台商個人生涯規劃上的重大考驗。過往，針對此主題之經驗研究如鳳毛麟角。因此，本研究聚焦於大陸台商生活層面當地化的情形，以及生活適應之現況，務其爬梳出具學術價值之研究論述。 本研究採取深度訪談的方式，以大陸台資企業負責人或高階幹部為訪談對象，對其生活適應及當地化的情況進行研究。雖然台商當地化的進展速度很快，但在其「安居落戶」方面，未來似乎仍充滿了變化，此乃今日極敏感、極富爭議的議題，值得台灣官方與學界高度關切。冀望透過本研究，使吾人對於「大陸台商生活層面當地化」問題，得到較完整、確切的廓清。 / The economy and trade between Taiwan and China has been continuously expanding since Taiwan Government allowed people on the island to visit their family relatives in China and gradually relieved some restrictions on Foreign Exchange Control Regulations in 1980s. It has been over 20 years since the first wave of Taiwan business people overwhelmingly entered China and started their own business. Demonstrated by their way of how to overcome any geographic barriers, how to successfully transfer desired business resources and how to localize and globalize their business, the acceleration speed of emerging in China for Taiwan business people these years has been so amazing. After President Ma’s taking office on May 20, 2008, never in the past six decades have relations between Taiwan and China been as good as they are today. Furthermore, with the help from affair negotiations between Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) and Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS), cross-straits direct charter flight(s), direct transportation across the Taiwan Strait and the increasing number of China tourists in Taiwan, the population of Taiwan business people nowadays in China (either they are permanent residents in China or frequent flyers between Taiwan and China) has been growing drastically. Due to the cultural difference in business and life style between Taiwan and China, it has also become a great challenge for most Taiwan business people to figure out how to live, work or do business in China. In the past, the research or study for “The localization of Taiwan business people’s life in China” has been very rare in Taiwan. My research and study here will primarily focus on the localization and adaptation analysis for Taiwan business people’s life in China. This research analysis provides a thorough overview of in-depth interviewing of Taiwan business owners or upper management executives for their localization process in China. Also, a list of further readings that provide you with more detailed information on conducting interviews is included in this paper. Despite the fast pace of the localization process of today’s Taiwan business people in China, it is believed that the ever-changing challenges of how to live and settle in China for them are still increasing. Some sensitive and controversial issues addressed in this paper will be definitely worth the close attention of government officials and academic scholars in Taiwan. Hopefully, this research paper will also provide us a complete understanding of how to help sweep away some barriers to the localization of Taiwan business people’s life in China.

美國可稱為新現實主義的實踐者。在1970年代美國藉由透過拉攏中華人民共和國(中共)形成戰略三角來維持國家安全的最佳位置。蘇聯解體後，中共成為威脅美國的新興強權。約翰•米爾斯海默(John J. Mearsheimer)於1990年代提出了攻勢現實主義(Offensive Realism)，米氏認為在無政府的國際體制下，權力極大化才能確保國家安全，中共勢必也將會為了國家安全，擴張其軍事實力，成為具區域影響力的強權，掌握亞太區域事務的主導權。 歐巴馬(Barack Obama)政府在2009年順利執政後，其任命的國務卿希拉蕊•柯林頓(Hillary Clinton)於Foreign Policy發表了一篇《America’s Pacific Century》，文中定調亞太地區為未來美國政府在外交政策、國際政治經營以及全球戰略的核心，為歐巴馬的亞太政策鋪路，隨後歐巴馬在2012年公佈《維繫美國全球領導地位：21 世紀國防優先事項》(Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century)的戰略報告，正式宣告將全球戰略佈局重心移至亞太地區，即是現今國際間熟知的亞太再平衡(Asia Pacific Rebalancing)戰略，而此一戰略的目標就是對中共在亞太地區進行新世紀的區域圍堵。中共與美國競合的過程中，中華民國(臺灣)扮演著關鍵第三者，臺灣執政當局在歐巴馬推動「亞太再平衡」戰略期間所扮演的角色與立場，也將會影響兩岸關係的現狀與未來發展。 / The United States can be called Neo-Realism practitioners, and in the 1970s the United States was the best place to maintain national security by forming a strategic triangle with the People's Republic of China (PRC). After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the PRC became an emerging power threatening the United States. John J. Mearsheimer, who introduced Offensive Realism in the 1990s, argues that state’s power should be maximized, in order to ensure national security in the anarchistic international relationship. PRC is also seeking its own safety position at the national security level. Therefore, PRC has to expand its military strength and have the capability to influence regional affairs. The end state of PRC, is to master the Asia-Pacific regional affairs of the initiative. After the Barack Obama administration took office in 2009, his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, published an article “America’s Pacific Century” on Foreign Policy website. This article elaborates center of gravity of U.S.’s foreign policy, management of international politics and global strategy in the near future. Obama administration had an announcement “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century” in 2012. And it became a well-known strategy “Asia-Pacific Rebalance”, and the goal of this strategy is to create a strategic containment for PRC in a new era of global competition. The Republic of China (Taiwan) plays a key role during Sino-American competition. Roles and behaviors of Taiwan's administration will affect Cross-Strait relationship when Obama’s administration execute the strategy of “Asia-Pacific Rebalancing”

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本論文共分成五章，各章重點如下：第一章「緒論」中，主要是討論本論文的研究動機與目的、研究方法、概念界定、論文架構、以及研究範圍及限制。其中，除了對於「主體」、「意識」、「台灣主體意識」等概念先作一番詳細界定外，也將「台灣主意識」分為政治、民族、文化三個面向，並依此二餾面向的認同進行討論。第二章「台灣意識之歷史回顧」，依照台灣政治地位的轉變，依序分成史前時期、荷據時期、鄭氏王朝時期、滿清時期、日據時期，討論台灣島上的住民的台灣意識發展情形。研究中發現，首度出現台灣主體意識的是在鄭氏王朝時期的鄭經身上，他想以「東寧」（台灣）作為延續明朝王國、漢族主義、華夏文化的正統所在地，以有別於大清帝國、滿族主義、夷狄文化；也開始將儒家文化開始輸入台灣。滿清時期，則是大量輸入儒家文化，使台灣社會逐漸與中國大陸趨同，稱為「內地化」；另方面，則因為移民的定居、世代的繁衍，也逐漸形成「土著化」現象。馬關割台後出現的「台灣民主國」，則是一個欲藉列強之力使台灣重回中國的外交設計，本身並不具備台灣主體意識。日據時期，在「共產國際」指導下成立的台灣共產黨，在其政治綱領中，明白揭示以「台灣共和國」與「台灣民族」來推翻日本殖民政權；此乃台灣主體意識第二度出現。第三章「戰後影響台灣意識發展的內、外在因素」，則是將戰後台灣意識的發展，放在一個台灣、國際關係與兩岸關係的三角互動環境中來觀察。在外在因素方面，則分成二二八事件、國民黨的「中國意識」統治與灌輸、政治反對運動與社會運動的勃興四方面來討論。第四章「台灣主體意識發展與對兩岸關係的影響」中，第一節討論戰後海外與島內的台灣主體理論發展與建構情形。在海外台灣主體理論建構方面，主要可分成「民族論」與「國家論」二種典範。而島內方面，則是在「高雄事件」之後的八○年代，才有政治界、學術界、文化界共同匯聚成一股台灣主體建構運動。八○年代末，李登輝繼任總統，也於九○年代開始大力推動國民黨的「本土化」以及「實用主義的台灣主體意識」建構運動。第二節則由九一年制訂「國統綱領」與終止「動員戡亂時期a臨時條款」之後的各種政治現象與民意調查資料，歸納出「封閉性敘事系統」與「進化式敘事系統」，並將此視方台灣主體意識對兩岸關係的主要。第五章「結論」中，分成研究發現與檢討與建議二部分。在研究發現中，筆者分成五點進行說明：戰後台灣主體意識是一種「建構」運動、台灣政治反對運動是一種自由主義精神的展現、台灣民族主體性在建構一個「台灣想向共同體」、‘悒x灣歷史建構中得出台灣「海洋文化」的特質、以及台北主體意識對兩岸關係的影響主要在於「封閉式敘事系統」與「進化式敘事系統」的形成。在檢討與建議中，筆者提出日本的影響、媒體的角色等，作為給未來研究者的建議；並且提出勿凸顯出族群問題、改進二個敘事系統的缺失，作為提供執政者的建議。

本研究的主要目的在以歷史與政策研究法來探討冷戰後華府－臺北－北京的三邊關係，並檢驗三角關係連結的變化；另一方面，對於「北京與華府的關係穩定亦會對華府與臺北關係有正面的影響」此一推論，做一驗證的工作。 　　本論文共計六章，分別介紹如下： 　　第一章是對於本文研究動機、目的，方法與架構做通盤性的概述，並做整篇論文模式的定義和限制因素的闡述。 　　第二章則是以歷史研究法探討三角關係的歷史變遷與回顧，分別由三方的立場觀點來探究，時間則是以一九四九年中共政權的成立，正式形成三角關係為起始點，而時間的迄點則是冷戰後期，也就是一九八八年。 　　第三章乃是探究冷戰後的北京與華盛頓的關係，其中以雙邊關係的結構做為序幕，探討雙邊關係的起伏、雙邊現存的歧見，例如：大規模毀滅武器的限制問題、人權問題、貿易問題，以及臺灣問題在兩者間所產生的影響為何。 　　第四章則是探討華府與臺北之間的關係，這一部分明顯的把北京的因素考量進去。除了雙邊關係的結構外，特別地討論冷戰後華府在臺北的利益、美國對臺的軍售以及雙方現存的經貿問題等。 　　第五章討論的是兩岸關係，以「國統綱領」、「一國兩制」與「臺獨」揭開兩岸關係的深層結構，按著討論冷戰後兩岸的經貿關係、安全互動，最後則是以辜汪會談以及中共發表「臺灣問題與中國的統一」白皮書後的兩岸關係做一整體性評估，並就美國在兩岸統台中所扮演的角色做一分析。 　　結論是試著展望未來三角關係的發展，並對先前的假設做出解答；最後以未來的展望做為終結。

一九八七年十一月二日政府開放一般民眾赴大陸探親, 阻絕將近四十 的 台海兩岸人民打破以往的限制, 開始展開正式的交往, 兩岸關係邁入民間 交流的階段。但是, 由於台海兩岸處於長期的分裂狀態, 加上彼此的歷史 恩怨和意識型態上的差異, 雙方在政治、經濟、社會制度也朝不同的方向 發展, 在這種情況下, 民間交流是消弭雙方認知差距、形成共識的首要工 作, 更是岸邁向未來統一的必經階段; 易言之, 在目前兩岸官方仍處於敵 對的狀態, 民間所展開的經貿、文教各項交流如果能產生良好的互動情 形, 將形未來兩岸政治統合的助力, 亦就是西方學者所說的「擴散」( spill-over效果。本論文即是在探討近五年來民間所展開之各項交流是否 已產生上述之「擴散」功用, 亦就是說, 民間交流對兩岸關係的發展產生 何種程度的響。並且加以檢討民間交流之各項問題與限制, 藉以了解兩岸 民間在交流中所扮演之角色、地位, 及其所能發揮之空間。因此, 本論文 將透過近五年來兩岸民間之經貿、社會文教各項交流之際概況及官方所制 定之相關政策與措施之歸納整理, 以便對於上述問題有所了解。本論文共 分為五章十六節及結論, 共十餘萬字。第一章為緒論, 主要是就研究動機 、目的、研究方法、研究範疇及研究資料做一描述。第二章: 分別從國際 外環境、台海兩岸政治態度與立場的轉變、民間方面的衝擊等三方面去探 討促成兩岸民間交流之背景因素。第三章: 主要是歸納整理近五年來兩岸 經貿交流之相關政策、措施及實際交流情形, 並探討其相關問題及限制。 第四章: 主要是歸納整理近五年來兩岸社會文教交流之相關政策、措施及 實際交流情形, 並探討其相關問題。第五章: 將近五年來之民間交流正負 面問題做一省思, 並探討其和兩岸關係發展之互動情形。結論: 將本論文 之研究所得做一歸納整理, 並對兩岸關係未來發展提出建議與展望。