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有限活化:中國黨國體制下的菁英流動,1978-2008 / Limited Renewal: Political Elite Mobility in Chinese Party-State, 1978-2008黃信豪, Huang,Hsin Hao Unknown Date (has links)
改革開放以來,哪些菁英受到中共高層的重用?菁英流動的特性為何?背後是否具有一致的運作邏輯?本論文主要目的在於探索與釐清中國大陸菁英流動演變的型態,以及背後運作的邏輯。
在理論上,本論文從共黨政權演變的視角出發,採用組織理論的脈絡建構中共的菁英甄補邏輯。在組織邏輯下,本文認為改革開放的「經濟發展」路線,是中共為維持「專政」生存的工具性目標。而由於江澤民、胡錦濤依序接班後仍依循鄧小平改革開放的基本路線,這使得改革開放至今中國大陸政治菁英甄補與流動模式具有相當一致性的邏輯:即彰顯「專政」生存目的與「發展」工具性目的的政權演變特性。中共將依外在環境與組織目標的改變來調整內部成員,但調整的幅度與廣度將不會危害其執政地位,使得菁英流動呈現「有限活化」(limited renewal)的特色。
為了檢驗中共「有限活化」菁英體制的研究假設,本研究針對1978年3月至2008年3月曾任黨政正省部級職務(含以上)政治菁英進行系統性的實證分析。實證結果發現中共黨政菁英在納入新甄補元素的過程裡,的確具有專政地位維持的生存考量,符合本研究的理論預期。另一方面,雖然近年來外界強調中國菁英技術官僚的特質,但本文發現能夠在黨政領導職務任職時間較長,以及較快晉升至領導人職務的政治菁英,大多是前一個層級出身或具有黨職領導經歷者。這表示中共透過各級黨職歷練的規範,來確保這些領導菁英與黨意識型態路線或利益一致性。值得注意的是如此的甄補邏輯,改革開放至今並無系統性的改變。
最後,本論文也嘗試以菁英途徑解釋中國大陸未來的政體發展走向。透過有限活化菁英體制的現象檢證,我們認為菁英甄補的組織邏輯,應是中國大陸自80年代以來之所以能在快速經濟發展下維持共黨專政的重要因素。以此,本文認為中共在發展出以「黨職經歷」為重要資格的更替與晉升遊戲規則,短期內高層領導人應不至出現菁英分裂與衝突。而本文透過菁英流動課題來釐清中共「專政」與「發展」目的之邏輯本質,或許也能作為外界進一步闡述中共推行政治改革措施的思路。 / What kinds of political elites have been recruited and promoted by the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the Reform Era? What are the characteristics of elite mobility in China? Is there a consistent inner-logic governing the selection and promotion of Chinese elites? To answer these questions, the thesis explores the continuity and change of political elite mobility in Mainland China, from 1978 to 2008.
Theoretically, the author reveals the inner-logic of elite recruitment throughout China’s reform era by using the explanatory framework of organizational theory against the background of communist regime transition. According to the organization logic, “economic development” is merely a functional tool serving the higher ends of “one-party dictatorship” - the survival prerequisite for the CCP. Therefore, due to Jiang and Hu’s succession of party courses set by Deng, China’s elite recruitment and mobility have consistently embodied this organizational logic: While balancing between the survival prerequisite of one-party dictatorship and the functional target of economic development, the CCP has, on the one hand, adjusted its membership configuration in response to changing environment and organizational goals; whereas on the other hand, controlled the adjustment to a degree posting no threat to its ruling position, hence produced the characteristics of limited renewal within China’s elite mobility.
To attest the theoretical hypothesis of limited renewal, the author conducts the systematic empirical studies on all the political elites who have worked on province and ministry level positions (and above) within the Chinese government and communist party from March, 1978 to March, 2008. As the empirical result shows, and consequently, confirms the hypothesis: the CCP did have assigned significant weight to the survival consideration in the process of elite recruitment. At the same time, despite the recent scholars focus on the rise of Chinese technocrats, the author however finds that, among the rising elites, those who worked longer in, or promoted faster to, the government and/or party positions, the crucial similarity they share lies not in the technocratic background but their party-position appointments on a lower level immediately before their promotions to leadership positions. This pattern of promotion demonstrated that the CCP has been using the party-positions experience as a required qualification for promotion, so as to ensure the elites’ alliance with party interest and loyalty to party ideology. Moreover, these recruiting and promoting principles have undergone no systematic changes throughout the period of the Reform Era.
Finally, from the perspective of elite mobility, the author attempts to depict the potential direction of China’s regime development in the future. Having approved the pattern of limited renewal in China’s elite configuration and mobility, the author believes that the current recruiting criteria and the underlying organizational logic have significantly contributed to the success of the CCP in maintaining one-party dictatorship amid rapid economic development. Therefore, the author predicts that the likelihood for elite conflicts would remain fairly low, if the promotion requirement of party-position experience continues to function. But nevertheless, the research of elite mobility would uncover the inner logical relationship between the apparently-contradictory goals of dictatorship and development, which paved the way for the survival and the success of the CCP.
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喬治亞(2003)、烏克蘭(2004)與吉爾吉斯(2005)政權替換之研究 / A Study of Regime Change in Georgia(2003), Ukraine(2004) and Kyrgyzstan(2005)王正廷, Wang, Cheng Ting Unknown Date (has links)
本文目的在於探討喬治亞、烏克蘭與吉爾吉斯等三國,其政權替換的經過。政權替換為什麼會發生?這三個國家政權替換發生的情況有何不同?而反對勢力又是如何出現?一些共同的成功因素在個別國家有無程度上的不同?經由文獻回顧,作者指出這一波政權替換發生的主要因素:選舉競爭性的來源、反對勢力與政權正當性危機的出現、外國影響與獲得資訊能力。
本文認為這三個國家在面臨不同的背景條件與政治環境之下,透過選舉的舉行,使各個國家出現不同的反對勢力起源,形成對當權者的挑戰。而選舉舞弊造成統治者的正當性危機,加上在不同程度的資訊獲得能力影響下的群眾示威,導致政權危在旦夕。最後,示威群眾的策略與統治者的個人決斷,促成了政權替換。 / The purpose of this study is to explore the process of regime change in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. Why did regime change happen? What are the differences between these three cases? How did the opposition emerge? Did the common factors of successful regime change have varied degree in each country? Through a literature review, the author points out the main factors of this wave of regime change: the source of election competitiveness, the emergence of opposition vis-à-vis the regime legitimacy crisis, and foreign influence of information accessibility.
The thesis argues that the elections held in these three countries with different backgrounds and political environments contributed to various origins of opposition forces against the authorities. Electoral frauds led to the crisis of regime legitimacy. In addition, under the influence of different level of information accessibility, public demonstration put the ruling regime into an imminent crisis. Finally, the strategies of mass protest and the incumbents’ decisions resulted in regime change.
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普丁時期俄羅斯大眾傳播媒體與政權關係之研究 / A Study of the Relationship between the Mass Media and Regime under Putin趙瑋, Chao, Wei Unknown Date (has links)
在民主政治中,所謂「第四權」的大眾傳播媒體,具有監督國家的功能。大眾傳播媒體的自由與獨立的程度,乃是民主化的重要指標之一。本論文旨在探究普丁時期,俄羅斯大眾傳媒體與政權的關係。
俄羅斯大眾傳播媒體的功能與運作模式,隨著蘇聯解體與民主轉型,有著重大的改變。然而,普丁政權藉由「愛國主義」和「管理式民主」,對俄國傳媒進行控制,從新聞自由的角度來看,此舉造成了俄國民主的倒退。
普丁藉由國家控股公司、大眾傳播媒體法,以及限制國外媒體等手段,達成媒體國家化的目標。雖然電視深受俄國人民喜好與信賴,但是多屬國營電視台。作者分析了政治對大眾傳播媒體的影響,尤其是電視台在處理俄國總統大選及對於反恐怖行動的新聞及議題設定上,均可看出克里姆林宮高層所操作的痕跡。 / The mass media, the so-called fourth estate, have a function of oversight over the state in democratic politics. The extent of the mass media’s freedom and independence is one of the important criteria of democratization. The thesis aims to explore the relations between the mass media and regime in Putin’s Russia.
The functions and operational mode of Russian mass media have changed significantly after the collapse of the Soviet Union and during democratic transition. However, the mass media have been under regime’s control through “patriotism” and “managed democracy” in the Putin era, and that has caused Russia’s democratic setbacks from the perspective of press freedom.
The Putin regime used state holding companies, laws on the mass media, and limitations on foreign media to achieve the goal of nationalizing the mass media. Television is popular and trusted by Russian people, but most of Russia’s TV stations are under state control. The author analyzes the political effects of the Kremlin-controlled mass media, especially the impact of television broadcast on presidential elections and anti-terrorism campaign.
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大陸自然災害與中國政權建設之研究—以2008年雪災、川震為案例伍尚龍 Unknown Date (has links)
中國大陸是世界自然災害發生、災情最嚴重的國家之一,具有災害種類多、發生頻率高、分佈地域廣、造成損失大等特點,對中國的經濟建設與社會發展,造成多方的嚴重破壞與影響。
目前中國大陸的災害管理主要是縱向的災害管理模式,即在中共中央「統一領導」下,主導災害管理,並堅持「政府集體領導、上下分級管理、部門分工負責、以地方為主、中央為輔」的災害管理體制,劃分為國家級減災管理、省級減災管理與地方級(城鄉社區)減災管理等三個層次,凸顯中國災害管理體制出現不少問題,也暴露出中國應急救援工作存在薄弱環節。
因此近年來,中國逐步形成自然災害的管理處置體系,災害危機管理工作也有一定程度的進展,但2008年發生的雪災、川震,是中國在「SARS」危機結束後,所遇到最為嚴重的危機事件,對中國「統一領導、分級負責、條塊結合、屬地管理」的處置體系,進行一次全面性的檢驗。同時,也對中國政權建設在政治、經濟、軍事、社會以及兩岸關係上,產生決定性的影響。所以,中國政府在面對自然災害格外謹慎,深怕直接影響其政府形象及認可度。
儘管中國因著災害事件接踵而來,在管理應處上逐步學習改善,但評估中國在2008年自然災害的應對中,災害管理仍落後於經濟的增長和社會的發展,與中共中央的要求還是有很大的差距,所以中國未來在應對自然災害管理組織、制度、能力和作為等,還需許多改進和完善的地方。 / Mainland China, having many features of disaster such as various species, high happening frequency, extensive distribution, great damage etc., is one of the countries with the most serious natural disaster situation experience in the world. These features also cause serious destruction to the economic construction and social development of China.
Presently, Mainland China takes the vertical disaster administration mode to handle the situation. The government directly leads the disaster administration and insists forming a system of central collective leading, classifying administration , responsibility divided and giving region the priority. It is divided into three levels:national, provincial and regional disaster administration. It reveals many problems in disaster administration of China and exposes insufficient ability of China in dealing with emergency and rescuing sufferers.
Therefore, in recent years, China gradually forms a administration system in dealing with natural disasters and makes a certain progress. However the snow disaster and the earthquake of Sichuan, occurred in 2008, were the most serious accidents we ever met in China after the SARS crisis, These contingencies urge China to entirely check the processing system of integrated leading, classified responsibility and possession administration. Simultaneously, these experiences also make a decisive influence to the China political power construction on political affairs, economy, military, society and cross-Strait relations. Thus, the China government carefully confront natural disasters and afraid it influences the image and approve of the government.
Although China gradually learn and improves the measures in dealing with the continued accidents, but assessing that China in 2008 in response to natural disasters, disaster management is still lagging behind the economic growth and social development. Also it is still a large gap to conform with the requirements of the CPC Central Committee. Therefore in the future, for China it is still needed to be improved and perfected in response to natural disaster management organizations, systems, capabilities, and actions etc.
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土魯番政權研究(十四世紀末葉~十七世紀末葉) / A Research for Turfan Polity(the late 14th century-the late 17th century)章華正, Chang, Hwa-Jeng Unknown Date (has links)
本論文的土魯番政權研究,旨在剖析以察合台裔蒙古統治者為領導的土魯番政治勢力,是如何形成為十四至十七世紀期間活動力甚強的區域政權? 因此,本文研究架構分為: 緒論,為研究動機、路徑的鋪陳敘述。第一章,為剖述其政權興起的時空背景。第二章,針對土魯番政權結構的變化等政治特徵之描述。第三章,分析其政權涉外之關係特色。第四章,著重於政權所處空間領域面的變化,及其社會文 化的變遷。第五章,為綜合探索土魯番政權興起所呈現之時代意義和影響。筆者最後於結論部份,綜述了土魯番政權史之縱(時間)、橫(空間)面向下政治社會的探討。其反映於新疆史中,更代表了當時全疆社會文化轉型至伊斯蘭化的一關鍵期和例證等諸多意義與影響。 / This thesis is to deal with A Research for Turfan Polity from the late 14th century to the late 17th century. From this thesis it follows that topic will be discussed as follows: In connection with analyzing the background when Turfan political power rose abruptly, a change of Turfan polity, and arguing the relations between Turfan and other nations and a change of political territory. And besides, it is put much emphasis on the transformation of Turfan society and culture from primary Buddhistical life to Islamization finally. At the end, it general summaries the meanings and affection of Turfan polity.
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小布希政府的美國國家安全戰略- 以伊拉克戰爭為例 / A study of the national security strategy of Bush’s Administration:analyzing from the Iraq War呂學宗 Unknown Date (has links)
「國家安全戰略」是美國國家政策的核心,在冷戰時期,面對蘇聯及其共產集團對美國安全的威脅,美國的「國家安全戰略」的基本態勢是「圍堵加嚇阻」。冷戰結束後,美國的國家安全進入一個調整的時期。一方面,冷戰在全球層面的終結及其在區域安全引起的反應,動搖著40年來支撐美國「國家安全戰略」的基本原則,美國必須用新的理念來指導其國家安全;另一方面,全球化的影響及911恐怖攻擊事件的發展也給美國帶來了新的挑戰。
2001年911恐怖攻擊事件發生之前,美國國安機構就已開始研究在新環境下的國家安全戰略。從波斯灣戰爭及柯索沃危機,或是北約東擴,在在顯示出美國已將戰略重點放在遏制地區性挑戰及國際體系多極化的形成上。911恐怖攻擊事件發生之後,小布希政府重新審視國際環境,強調本土防禦的安全政策。美國調整全球戰略的根本出發點是加強世界上的領導地位,反恐及安全則是美國國家安全戰略的首要目標。
由於911事件造成美國國內保守主義情緒的上升,促使小布希的安全觀趨向更保守方向發展,並提出以「政權更替」、「先制攻擊」、「單邊主義」及「絕對安全」等戰略為要點的「布希主義」(the Bush Doctrine),而「伊拉克戰爭」正是小布希政府貫徹上述安全戰略的試驗。然而,當美軍於2003年3月以海珊政權構成大規模毀滅性武器威脅為由出兵伊拉克,在歷經徹底搜索上述武器未果後,才發現小布希政府所聲稱之伊拉克威脅似為空穴來風,而伊拉克戰爭之正當性遭受到嚴厲抨擊。
2003年以前,國際各國普遍都還十分信任美國所作所為,然而,就在小布希政府不顧國際社會甚至盟友的反對,採取預防性戰爭的先制戰略的軍事行動,出兵攻擊伊拉克,美國單邊作為的反恐戰略證明不得人心,整個中東地區的局勢動盪,伊拉克的重建過程障礙重重,國際範圍內的恐怖主義愈加猖獗,大規模殺傷性武器的擴散並未獲得有效抑制,加上美軍虐俘事件曝光等,使得美國國際地位嚴重受損。
本論文主要探討小布希政府時期美國國家安全戰略的發展,特別是在美國遭逢911恐怖攻擊事件後,面對國家安全情勢的巨變,安全威脅的增加,以及不確定因素提高而所提出的安全戰略的調整特點,並以伊拉克戰爭作為個案研究,小布希在採取單邊行動、先制攻擊、政權更替等戰略作為對伊拉克發動戰爭,對國際關係及美國在國際體系的領導地位造成之影響。
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多種類型的威權主義:中國政權性質的探討 / Varieties of Authoritarianism: Post-Mao China's Regime Type In Focus高頡, Kao, Chieh Unknown Date (has links)
當前中國的政權性質為何?在非民主政體的分類當中,當前中國的位置可能在那裡?這個威權政體在政治、經濟和社會領域方面,究竟表現出那些整體性的特徵?本文將以Linz and Stepan(1996)對非民主政體的分類為基礎,在不捨棄原始分類中任何一個分類標準的前提下,修正並濃縮成一個結合政治領域、經濟領域和社會領域的分析框架。接著,本文根據這個分析框架帶入相關的文獻議題,透過大量具有代表性的二手文獻,從學者們對特定議題的研究成果中抽離出政權的部分特徵,最終歸納整理出對當前中國政權性質的總體評估。
藉由回顧和評析學者們的觀點,本文主張當前中國政權揉合後極權特性(政治領域和社會領域)和典型威權特性(經濟領域),因此在威權主義的概念系譜裡,既不是完全的後極權主義,也不是完全的典型威權主義,而是游離在兩者之間的政權類型。這種帶有混合性質的政權類型,反映出當前中國在脫離毛澤東極權統治時期的過程當中,「政經社」三個領域各自有不同的偏離幅度,即在政治、社會領域的偏離幅度較小,而在經濟領域的偏離幅度較大。不過,這不表示有必要在非民主政體的分類中再增加一個次類型。相反地,本文僅僅是想強調當前中國在「政經社」展現出不同的政權特性,是一種混合、介於、擺盪在後極權主義和典型威權主義之間的威權國家,表現出「多種類型的威權主義」。
本文的研究發現提供兩個研究意涵。第一、中國政權的混合性質可以為非民主政體的分類帶來重要啟示,學界應該重視長期被忽略的經濟因素對政體分類可能的影響力。此外,當一個威權政體並非在各個領域的發展方向皆是一致的時候,學界應該要如何判斷其政權性質。第二、本文從「民主轉型及其鞏固」與「國企改革」兩個議題,討論政權類型對於理解經驗事實的貢獻。從當前中國的政權性質來看,我們仍不宜對中國在短期內出現政治民主化抱持過高的期望。
第一章是緒論,揭開本文的研究問題、回顧研究問題的既有文獻、說明研究方法和研究侷限。第二章至第四章正式進入文章主軸,分別探討政治領域(黨國體制本身的運作)、經濟領域(黨國體制下的國家市場關係)和社會領域(黨國體制下的國家社會關係)。第五章是結論,包括重整本文的研究發現、釐清本文的研究發現與其他學者的不同之處、當前中國在非民主政體分類中的位置、中國政權性質對非民主政體分類的啟示、政權類型對理解經驗事實的貢獻。
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都市更新權利變換制度實施之研究-以台北市更新重建個案為例林美娟, Lin,Mei-Chuan Unknown Date (has links)
本論文由都市政權理論觀點切入,並連結台灣政治經濟環境及結構變遷過程,探討都市更新權利變換制度建置之政治經濟背景、實際執行狀況及面臨的課題。由於推動更新的最大的困難仍在於取得更新地區內土地及合法建築物所有權人之同意,因此都市更新條例規定強制參與更新之權利變換制度,以多數決的同意門檻並透過鑑價方式查估更新地區內各權利人之權利價值後,循法定程序據以執行更新。經研究發現權利變換制度的設計係賦予實施者具有關鍵的決定權,以作為協調的中介機制,進而調合各方利益及衝突。結論並指出由於權利變換制度係將價值分配予以檯面化,因此各權利人間對於價值的認知差異及利益的分配產生之爭議,仍造成該制度在法令及實際執行上的困難。因此,尚需仰賴政府適時挹注公有土地資源,以促使更新順利推動。嗣後並據以提出對於都市更新權利變換制度的後續執行方向之建議。 / In this research, I approach the subject from an urban regime perspective and connect it with the transition process in the political and economic environment and structure.Then, I examine the political and economic background, the actual implementation and the issues faced in the establishment of a property rights exchange system during urban renewal. The most difficult part in promoting redevelopment is to obtain the agreement from the owners of the land and of legally built structures on the areas slated for redevelopment, thus the regulations for urban renewal provide for forced participation in the property rights exchange system, with the threshold for agreement fixed at a majority rule and the value of the rights for each right-holder in the redeveloped area determined by appraisal; legal procedures are then used to implement the redevelopment. This study reveals that the property rights exchange system as it is designed endows those implementing it with crucial decision powers as an intermediary system for mediation and then for harmonizing the interests of each side and preventing conflicts. The conclusion shows that the open nature of the value distribution in the property rights exchange system leads to controversies due to the perceived differences and benefits in the apportioned value to each right-holder, creating legal and practical difficulties in the implementation of this system. Thus it is dependent on the government allotting enough funding at the necessary time for public land resources so that the renewal project can process smoothly. Finally, I offer some suggestions on the direction for the follow-up to the implementation of a property rights exchange system during urban renewal.
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一九八九年大陸學生民主運動之研究全哉垣, QUAN,ZAI-YUAN Unknown Date (has links)
本文旨在探討一九八九年大陸學生民主運動,試 透過對一九八九年大陸學生運動的
深入探討,藉以瞭解學生運動的原因,並評估其影響,最後對未來大陸學生運動的展
望也作一預測。
全文分為六章,約十二萬言,各章大要如下:
第一章:緒論。主在說明研究動機與目的、研究方法範圍以及資料來源與限制。
第二章:本章首先探討學生運動之意義,其中包括學生運動的定義、形成因素、類型
,以及特色與功能分析。其次,說明中共當局與大陸學生對民主觀念之差異。最後,
為了掌握歷次學運的脈絡及其意義,對大陸學生運動之淵源和中共政權建立以後學生
運動之演變概括性的論述。
第三章:本章在於分析「八九學運」的原因與背景,即針對大陸知識份子的覺醒與在
「八九學運」中的角色、當前大陸大學生之心態、「現代化建設」的併發症(改革開
放政策的影響),以及客觀環境因素(蘇聯與東歐改革之衝擊及臺灣經驗的啟示),
分別作進一步的分析,以瞭解這次學運的產生原因與背景。
第四章:本章的重點在於探討「八九學運」的導因與發展過程、與學運相關之政治因
素,以及中共對學運的處理方式。
第五章:旨在探討「八九學運」對中共意識形態、中共政治權力結構變動、中共經濟
及對外關係之影響。最後則對學運的海外發展作一討論。
第六章:結論。則為對以上各章的分析作一總結,並試以預測大陸學生運動未來可能
發展之方向。
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主從關係結構與台灣地方派系之研究李忠義, LI,ZHONG-YI Unknown Date (has links)
在進入九十年代的今天,政治民主化是許多國人關切的題目之一,選舉的重要性也因
此遞增。回顧過去台灣所舉辦的許多次選舉,地方派系的影響力幾乎上下左右,無所
不在,而且其力量還隨著政治民主化,經濟自由化、社會多元化等過程逐漸加大。過
去許多學者認為地方派系的是由於民眾的偏狹心態與社會的封閉所造成的,是國家現
代化的障礙之一;換言之,現代化的程度與地方派系的影響力是互斥的,但是,在台
灣昂首邁入現代化之時,地方派系的力量不僅未曾削減,反而有日漸增強之勢,因此
,引起學生研究之興趣。
本論文共分五章,依次如下:第一章:研究動機與目的,共10頁;第二章,主從關
係的理論建構,包括ヾ主從關係的定義;ゝ主從關係的結構特徵;ゞ主從關係的新舊
型式。共30頁;第三章地方派系與資源交換,包括ヾ外來政權與政治支持;ゝ一黨
權威體制的壟斷性支配;ゞ領主的中間人角色;々扈從與選舉競爭;共計40頁。第
四章地方派系在政治發展中的角色,包括ヾ地方派系與黨國;ゝ地方派系與反對者;
ゞ地方派系與國家自主性;共計40頁。第五章結論,共計10頁。以上各章節合計
約一百五十頁左右。
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