本論文之主旨即在系統析述民國二十（一九三一）年冬在瑞金所建立之「江西蘇維埃 」諸般狀況，由而採討其所產生之影響。 本論文全十章，分三部綜論其建立，作為及崩潰。 本論文第編含三章，分別析述其建立背景、建立經過、及建立後之組織型態。 第二編論蘇維埃政權之主要作為，四、五兩章即分析其土地鬥爭及軍事鬥爭之實質。 第六章探討中共政權如何克服財政困難，如稅制、幣券、公債、及征糧工作等諸般作 為。第七章論「肅反」工作，蓋中共承受了俄共肅反鬥爭特質，對於黨內黨外固然經 常以「肅清反革命」排斥異己，即政務之推行亦以「紅色恐怖」為依恃，此種肅反工 作實為中共政權之主要特質。 第八章析論該時期中共重要黨務活動及黨內派系鬥爭。在江西時期，中共黨內派系之 爭，以留俄派與毛澤東集團為兩大陣營，幾乎無「時」不鬥，無「事」不鬥，爭端尤 其集中於「富農路線」、與「游擊主義」，至於反「羅明路線」鬥爭乃是具有代表性 的著名事例。 第三編論蘇維埃政權之崩潰，其中第九章說明崩潰經過，第十章分析其崩潰原因。第 五次圍勦歷時一年，國軍採用新戰略，配合經濟封鎖，政治動員及農村復興諸般方略 ，以雷霆萬鈞之勢向贛南步步進逼，國民政府是以組織民眾、動員民力、改善民生作 為最高作戰策略，由於國軍在軍事上的勝利，同時誘發了蘇區民眾長時期潛在的反共 意識轉而化為行動，乃更加速了共黨政權的潰敗，其間雖歷「閩變」，仍未能挽回紅 色政權之厄運，至民國二十三年（一九三四）年十月，紅朝乃終告全面崩潰。

關鍵字：行政權、內閣制、總統制、半總統制、總統、行政院院長、中國國民黨、民主進步黨 「行政權」在任何政治體制的運作中，都是一個無法令人忽略的中心，對我國來說亦正是相同，尤其是在談最高行政權的歸屬。而在我國的憲法中，與行政權牽涉最深的，莫過於總統與行政院，所以我國「行政權」的中心，究竟是在總統抑或是行政院長，就是憲法研究者不曾中斷的探討議題。是故本文就是將從理論基礎－民主國家主要中央最高行政權歸屬類型、我國相關規定以及我國實際運作狀況來研究我國中央最高行政權歸屬的問題。 在理論基礎的探討上，本文發現實行總統制的國家之中央最高行政權是歸屬於總統，也就是國家元首即最高行政首長；而實行議會內閣制的國家之中央最高行政權是歸屬於內閣首相或總理，也就是國家元首與行政首長分由兩人擔任；至於實行半總統制的國家，是由總統及總理二者來共同分享行政權，惟權力關係劃分不清，彼此的權力消長，是隨著議會席次的變化而決定的，所以其中央最高行政權歸屬是未定的，換句話說，任何半總統制的憲法，必須以某種方式，建立國家元首總統與政府首長內閣總理的兩頭政治體制。 在我國相關規定的探討上，本文從孫中山原始想法以及相關憲法條文著手，本文發現：第一、孫中山的原始想法是較傾向於我國應為總統制的政治制度，也就是我國中央最高行政權應是歸屬於總統；第二、五五憲草的政治制度與美國式的純粹總統制仍有不同，但其精神是較傾向於總統制的政治制度應是沒有疑問的，因此是中央最高行政權屬於總統的類型；第三、從憲法本文來看，我國中央最高行政權是屬於行政院長；第四、從臨時條款來看，我國中央最高行政權是歸屬於總統；第五、從增修條文來看，由於中央政府體制的若干變動，所以使得我國有法國第五共和「半總統制」取向，不過行政院院長是我國最高行政首長應還是確定的，畢竟最根本的憲法第五十三條並沒有任何變更；至於總統只會在所謂的大政方針上有其決策權，畢竟任何政策要落實還是得靠行政院來推行，而且責任政治仍是以行政院作為主角，因此這應該都是沒有疑問的。 在我國實際運作狀況的探討上，本文發現在中國國民黨執政時期，不論是動員戡亂時期或是增修條文時期，由於受到「以黨領政機制」這個關鍵性因素的影響，因此我國中央最高行政權幾乎部是歸屬於總統，除嚴家淦擔任總統、蔣經國先生擔任主席兼行政院院長時期除外；至於在民主進步黨執政時期，由於陳水扁總統是完全以總統制下的實權總統在操作著各種施政作為，包括人事、公共政策皆然，所以這段時間以來，我們清楚地看到，我國中央最高行政權是歸屬於總統的。 為了避免因認知不同而導致我國憲法條文規範與實際運作有差距的情形繼續存在，本文最後建議將來不論我國體制究竟要走向何方，都應再修憲。而相較於總統制與內閣制，本文雖然也不否認半總統制有些問題存在，但卻認為是我國現在必須應繼續遵循的制度，畢竟這樣一方面可以滿足人民要求總統是由直選產生，並至少其有部分實權的期待，另一方面又可讓立法院可像內閣制下的國會較有揮灑的空間，而且這樣的架構基本上還是屬於責任政治的機制，是與我國憲法本文的精神相近，因此這是本文支持繼續沿用此制的主要理由；進一步來說，本文會在三種制度中，會支持我國應繼續採行半總統制的理由，更重要是因為其完全符合下列三項原則：1.中央最高行政權的歸屬基本精神應是有權有責，2.中央最高行政權的歸屬設計應將我國傳統政治文化內涵納入考量，3.孫中山與最高行政權歸屬之相關想法，我們也應將之列為未來體制設計的考量範疇。本文希望，立委諸公們在下次修憲時，能真正拋開個人及黨派私利，以為國家提供一個非因人或因黨設事、可以真正長治久安的制度來思考，在一旦通過施行後要完全尊重且服從，如此我國中央行政權歸屬將不會再出現理論與實際的巨大落差，而所有因之紛紛擾擾的事情亦將不再，這才是國家人民之福。

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本篇論文研究的目的，即是以動態人文研究的方式，了解生活在國家公園情境中之太魯閣人的主體觀點，希望探究政權、觀光與原住民三者間的網絡關係。亦即，探討的焦點在於代表政權力量（相對於當地族群之外來支配力量）展現的太魯閣國家公園，其藉由保育及觀光等經營管理的理念和方式，與太魯閣人產生了什麼樣的互動關係？而太魯閣國家公園與太魯閣人對於雙方關係形成的認知及回應又是什麼？ 　　本論文分為六章：第一章緒言；第二章乃探討近代太魯閣人於太魯閣國家公園成立前在社會文化等層面上的變遷；第三章要就太魯閣國家公園的設置與運作，說明太魯閣國家公園設置的目的及其組織概況，並且了解其經營管理的方式及其對「泰雅」圖像塑造的情形；第四章是探討參與國家公園事務及觀光活動之太魯閣人所處的工作情境如何？並欲了解國家公園的設立如何影響族人生計方式的變遷與持續？第五章則論及《國家公園法》等相關法令的矛盾及雙重標準，導致太魯閣人與國家公園的對立，並嘗試了解造成太魯閣人認知解放的因素，以及族群動員的過程與結果；第六章結論，說明本論文的研究發現與心得。

本文之主要目的，在於探究國籍法第十條對於歸化國民參政權限制之合憲性，並引入平等公民權之理念作為切入的角度。憲法第三條規定，具有中華民國國籍者即為中華民國國民，基於國民平等之原則，歸化者既已取得我國國籍，成為我國國民，理論上國家應將之與因出生而取得國籍者等同視之，不應有所差別待遇，然我國法制實務中卻存有對於歸化國民參政權等權利限制之規定，形成國民分等之現象，無異是造就一群次等國民，與平等公民權「歸屬」、「涵納」與「反排拒」之理念相違。 本論文的第一章，將先就本文之研究動機、研究範圍及論文架構等作說明。第二章首先分析傳統基本權理論在實踐上對基本權保障所產生之不足之處，其次則介紹「平等公民權」理念之發展及內涵，並試圖探尋此一理念在我國之憲法基礎及其價值所在，以建構平等公民權在我國憲法中之基本意涵，提供我國法在形塑基本權利保護時另一個不同的思考路徑。第三章則以「國籍」概念的界定與「國民」身份之取得，剖析國家與國民身份之連結關係，進而探究歸化國民與原來國民是否具有如何之本質上不同，而可賦予不平等之法律地位。第四章將分析參政權之概念內涵，突顯參政權之保障在民主憲政國家之特殊性及重要性，同時檢視平等公民權在我國憲法實務之實踐狀況。最後，則就國籍法第十條限制之最主要目的－「公務員忠誠」，探討此概念之具體內涵，以釐清歸化國民是否因其歸化國民之身分而在此一要件有本質上的欠缺。第五章則以「原始國籍之歧視」、「參政權在民主國家所表彰之重要性」作為基本方向，並在相關探討中融入「平等公民權」之理念，以檢討國籍法第十條規定之合憲性。第六章結論部份，則歸結本文研究與分析結果，從「國家認同」、「多元文化」、「平等」等憲法基本價值的宏觀角度，指出平等公民權在我國未來之興格方向，期望透過平等公民權的理論，發揮憲法涵納、歸屬的功能，達到發揮集體力量、凝聚社會，健全民主發展的目標。 / Article 3 of the Constitution of the Republic of China stipulates that any individual who possesses the nationality of the Republic of China is inherently the citizens of the Republic of China. Naturalized nationals, on the basis of equal membership, should accordingly be treated as equal citizens as the natural-born citizens. However, Article 10 of the Nationality Act stipulates that nationalized foreigners are deemed ineligible to serve as some particular Civil Servants within 10 years of nationalization. The discrimination between nationalized nationals and the natural-born citizens violates the principle of equal citizenship, which encompasses notions such as “all-inclusiveness” and “affiliation”. To begin with, this dissertation elucidates and discusses the signification of the main theme in the first chapter. In Chapter 2, I will introduce and analyze the conception of “equal citizenship” in an effort to construct the core meaning of equal citizenship in our Constitution. In Chapter 3, from the nationality and nationalization point of view, this research defines whether there should be differences in legal status between natural-born citizens and nationalized nationals. Entering Chapter 4, I will revisit the conceptions of “rights to political participation” and “loyalty”, the latter of which epitomizes the purpose of the Article 10 of the Nationality Act. I will also review the practical cases of equal citizenship from the constitutional enactment in Taiwan. In Chapter 5, this research conducts an investigation into the constitutionality of the aforementioned statue constitution. Finally, in concluding the research, I will summarize the surveys while giving a detailed account of the results, and indicate the potential development of equal citizenship in Taiwan’s legal systems.

皇帝（皇權）於人間至高無上之特性與公羊學大一統正統論其正統有我無彼之觀念互為論證，為帝者認己乃唯一正統代表，視並稱帝者作非滅不可之僭逆。元首俱稱帝之孫吳、蜀漢均視對方作僭偽；於官式互動場合中原則上卻採一措施：不觸正統課題，不用主觀性強之政治性用語，於實質上互認對方皇帝其正當性，以合抗曹魏。隱於該措施背後之理念可謂：務實正統觀，南、北朝互動模式類此。南北朝末，有皇帝乘敵國內亂之際立彼皇族為彼國「主」，為藩臣之主得於其國內稱帝，西魏則立以蕭梁皇族為帝之傀儡政權式藩屬：西梁。就正統論及皇權特性而言實悖，然此等乃務實正統觀其措施之活用，意在擾敵徐圖滅之，故活用型務實正統觀措施為實踐公羊學大一統正統論之手段。周隋利用西梁打擊陳朝：除國防層面外，使陳帝於正統爭奪戰中非僅面對北朝競爭者。後金朝立楚、齊兩帝國措施即類西梁模式。

國家是在一定的領域內所有權力集中的中心。長久以來，都市政治所關心的核心議題為國家機器等行動主體之權力結構為何、結盟的誘因及權力運用的機制與結果又為何等等，此皆攸關都市發展，而都市的發展則脫離不了土地政策的制定與實施，以土地的管理分配與土地利益的炒作，是透過政治運作而成，而政治的本質在於利益的追求，則都市政治與土地政策之政經關係為何，是值關切。本研究以都市政治的理論基礎為主軸，輔以權力三面向作為理論分析的架構，並以南科特定區開發案為例，論述都市政治與土地政策之政經結構，探究國家機器等行動主體之權力結構，並剖析我國土地政策之結構性問題及作進一步的反省。 研究發現，隨著政治民主化，地方與中央的權力關係面臨了轉變與調節，中央雖仍居關鍵地位，惟地方與中央已建構起「地方挑戰中央，中央仰賴地方」的巧妙關係。在南科特定區開發案中，誘發成長下土地利益為都市成長機器背後成長的基礎，地方、中央政府與資本利益團體之間已鏈結為利益共生的妥協性結盟，過程中雖然在地農民從被迫呈現「親開發」的無奈，到反成長聯盟為國家機器意識形態操弄下制度性的排除與嚇阻，惟卻點燃了對抗成長聯盟的火苗。而個案「三贏」的真相，不僅是地方與中央權力的較勁，更是政客與官僚自利心作祟下，挾持公共利益，游走法律邊緣，操弄文字為資本利益團體「圈地」、「養地」的野蠻遊戲。此不僅呼應成長機器論者所論述「Local Politics ＝ Land Politics」的鐵律，更驗證都市政權理論者所強調「power to」的權力關係，另地方的主要本質雖為成長機器，惟關鍵卻是「成長」的結果，所創造的利益並非為全民所共享。在土地政策為選票保證的關鍵舞台，政客選舉至上的習性，視民意為糞土，其經濟發展掛帥的結果，官僚不僅在名利束縛下盲目的迎合上意，邊陲部門更是自我矮化淪為附庸。以土地作為空間規劃的平台，位居關鍵地位，土地應承擔更多的使命，則土地政策結構性問題的解決應回歸制度面，以跳脫「金權城市」的枷鎖。而民意的覺醒，對抗成長的共識已凝聚成一股巨大的力量，反成長聯盟的聖戰終將迫使政經合流國家機器這異形巨獸無所遁形，且這股力量亦將促使大地的守護者—人民成為國家機器權力巨獸的領航者，帶領國家駛向康莊大道，共創社會福祉。 / In certain areas, a country is the concentrated center of all powers. Over the past few years, urban politics concern for the following core issues; what is the political structure of the state machinery and the other political actors? What are the incentives for alliances? And what is the functioning mechanism for using powers and what are their results etc.? These are euphemistically vital to urban development. In addition, urban development is inseparable from land policy formulation and its implementation. Land management, land allocation and land profit speculations are all made through a political operation. But the essence of politics is to pursue interests. Therefore, it is worthy of concerning and discussing the political relationship between urban politics and land policies.In this case study, the theoretical basis of urban politics is a main element for discussion, supported by a theoretical analysis framework of the power’s three dimensions, also taking Tainan Science-based Industrial Park Special District as an example to elaborate the political and economic structure of urban politics and land policies, to explore the power structure of state apparatus and other emergent political actors, to explore the structural problem of Taiwan’s land polices and other further reflections. According to the case study, accompanying Taiwan’s political democratization, local and central governments were facing a shift and adjustment in their power relationship. In this case study’s period, the central government still led a key position. However, local and central governments had constructed a clever relationship as “local government challenging the central government”, and “central government relying on local government.”In the case of Tainan Science-based Industrial Park Special District, the induced growth of interests behind the land profits are laying the background growing foundation of the urban development. Between capital interest groups and local (including central) governments, both have links to a compromise alliance for their symbiotic interests. During the developmental process, local farmers were forced to show their helpless “pro-development” attitude. Under the institutional exclusion and deterrence, farmers were forced to join anti-growth coalition by the ideological manipulation of the state apparatus, but it also fired the flames against the growing alliances. The in-depth truth under the case “three win,” is not only describing the competition between local and central authorities, but also describing their self-serving hearts of politicians and bureaucrats to held hostage in terms of public interests, to walk a legal edge, and to manipulate the text for capital interest groups’ excuses of “land enclosure” and “land raised,” in a brutal game of earning profits.The case study is echoed growth machine commentators’ discussing the iron law of “Local Politics” equals “Land Politics.” It also verifies the urban regime theorists’ emphasizing “power to,” the relationship of power. The other main area is discussing the push for local growth, “although the nature of the growth machine.” However, the key is “growth results,” of which were not shared by all the people.It holds a key position to use spatial planning as a platform, among which the land policies should shoulder more of the mission. The land policies should return back to the systemic way and be institutionalized to escape the yoke of “money power rooted in the city.” The awakening of the public opinion against growth has been a consensus and condensed into a strong force. The anti-growth coalition jihad will eventually force the state apparatus, with political and economic convergence like a twisted-shaped monster, from the escape of detection. And this force will eventually be promoted as a guardian of the earth – therefore, the people will become the leader of the state machinery (power monster) to guide the country towards a broader road and create more social well-being.

戒嚴時期的國民黨與當今的中國共產黨政權對於媒介的控制都放在一個高處管理，兩岸出發自類同的列寧式黨國體制之下，對於文化事業單位的管理方式看似又都嚴密控管，但為何台灣中影得以在1980年代衝撞國民黨黨國體制;而中國中影卻始終產出主旋律電影來為黨喉舌，而這種為黨服務的主旋律電影在市場化下的產量和品質又為何會忽高忽低? 本文藉由對兩岸中影的文獻與數據，來判別這兩種威權體制究竟有何差異，這種政權差異又會如何體現在台灣與中國大陸電影產業當中? 將兩岸中影放在政權性質架構下再做比較，看出黨國體制的對外關係、控制文化事業單位、菁英政策與箝制媒體的力道與方式的不同。 本文研究觀點是台灣中影歷經從硬威權時期轉向軟威權時期，這過渡的區段少有研究台灣民主化學者去關注當中變數，而是將重點放在軟威權時期研究，本文以中影公司案例作為這區段的變數研究;而中國中影則處在後極權發展型國家當中，黨的利益與部門利益形成兩股消長力量。本文再藉由體制的比較，發現台灣中影之所以能突破黨國鐵幕，軟威權政體除了提供政治社會風氣轉型背景之外，很大原因是來自於國民黨的扶持政策與人事決策誤判所導致。當今中國中影在媒介條塊管理與雙重領導體制下，文化事業單位不但無力抗拒上層，外界媒體也無法給予聲援。本文最後提供三種研究意涵:一是黨國體制下的電影產業對政權性質理論的回饋補充;二是台灣中影走向「新電影風潮」給中國電影民主化的啟示;三是發展中與落後國家的電影產業仍然需要有國家的大力扶持，而台灣脫離黨國體制後，缺乏黨國給予的持續補貼，最後禁不起商業的競爭而走向落寞。對照當今中國中影集團，雖有中共黨國的持續保護而壯大，但卻壓抑了電影創作者與整個電影市場的更快發展。 / This thesis study how the KMT under martial law and the Chinese Communist Party today control their cultural institutions ,and the domestication and resistance of the Central Motion Picture Corporation(CMPC) and the China Film Group Corporation(CFGC) controlled by the two parties. Due to people's ideology could influenced by movies, the two authoritarian parties always control their film institutions by funding, personnel and administration affairs. However, the CMPC were still able to publish some radical movies when the parties cannot prevent the managers of culture institutions to ally with non-state-owned film institutions.

2003年，喬治亞民眾因不滿政府選舉舞弊而爆發玫瑰革命，翌年，烏克蘭同樣因民眾不滿選舉舞弊而爆發橙色革命，兩者革命性質成因相同，且都成功推翻舊有領導人，被學者認為是第三波民主化浪潮之一，稱為顏色革命；2010年，中東國家突尼西亞爆發茉莉花革命，翌年，這把革命之火延燒到臨近國家埃及，造成原有領導人下台。兩波革命發生的時間、地點和成因都不同，但兩波革命發生過程中，大眾媒介皆扮演了重要角色，本文先探討大眾媒介跟政權更替的關聯性，從而探討大眾媒介如何對政權更替造成影響。 　　顏色革命國家跟阿拉伯之春國家的政權體制、文化、宗教等背景等全然不同，但同樣發生民眾不滿現況而上街抗議，最後促成執政者下台，本文認為，革命之所以成功，大眾媒介是重要推手，因其傳播速度快、無時效性、無地域性，特別是社群媒體，透過社群媒體，民眾動員更迅速，消息的傳播也更為快速。 / This thesis focus on the role of media in the series of revolutions in 2003-2004, which are called “Color Revolution” and the Arab Spring, which had had been broke out from 2010. Some scholars call the revolution in Georgia is “Rose Revolution”, in Ukraine – Orange Revolution, those people successfully overthrow their leader, for this reason, most of them deeply believe that to be the one of the Third Waves of Democratization. 　　In 2010, Tunisia burst into a revolution and the fire spreads Egypt, the regime also had been overthrow by people. Although the causes of these revolutions are totally different, they have a common point – mass media. 　　This thesis argues that mass media play an important role in these revolutions, first of all interpret the relationship between mass media and regime, and then analyze that the mass media how to lead to regime change.

Since 1980, a wave of new regulatory reform policies washed over the world, tightly controlled industries shrugged off their chains, and public institutions were privatized. The wellspring of regulatory reform is the global trend towards liberalization and privatization. Even so, the scope of government regulation is still wide, but the processes of this type of control changed and the administrative acts diversified. Among these administrative acts, the administrative contract is much more special than others. First of all, unlike other legal concepts that were important from German or Japan, it is a unique system in French administrative law. Secondly, the special mission of administrative contracts merits attention. Although we called it an administrative "contracts", some government privileges are attached to realize the administrative object. After the enactment of Administrative Procedures Law in 1998, the administrative contract has been recognized as a formal act in Taiwan, and it is important to know how to use it. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to find the solutions given to problems arising in our administrative law through understanding how administrative contracts work in France. To understand the notion clearly and correctly, we shall find the source of administrative contracts and then study the definition. The two basic criteria of the former are that the contract relates to a public service and the contract reserves exceptional powers to the administration (the clauses exorbitantes du droit commun). In Taiwan, the definition of administrative contracts is similar, but the criteria are quite different. To learn French experience in this regard for the purpose of the improvement of our system is the topic issue in the chapter second. However, the definition is just a basis to develop my issue in this thesis. This thesis focuses on the effect and execution of administrative contracts. At the third and the fourth chapter, I will devote more space to discuss how an administrative contract is made and the value of the intentions of the parties. Because of the France has always regarded an administrative contract as essentially an arrangement between unequal parties, public authorities have powers to redefine the character of the service to performed or the work to be done in order to meet the changing needs of the public interest. How about the administrative contracts work in Taiwan? Do we admit exceptional powers to the administration? What are the differences between the regulations in France and Taiwan? After an initial research, I find that the underlying foundations of administrative contracts in two countries are quite different, so the systems appear differently. However, identifying foreign precedents on similar problems and their possible solutions will certainly provide useful insights for local consumption. In addition, of course, I deal with a review of the concept of administrative contract in the Supreme Court Justices' decisions in the Judicial Yuan to figure out the main change of our jurisprudence. Then try to organize the judgments in the Administrative Court from 1999 when the Administrative Procedure Law and Administrative Litigation Law were significant legislated. Based on the research in this study, I examine the main categories of existing contract -B.O.T.- with the comparison between Taiwan and France. So what could we do more and learn from the experience in France is the topic issues in the fifth chapter. The final chapter is the general observations. As we know, our law on administration is far less developed than that in France. Much of it remains in the realm of practice rather than law. Nevertheless, there are increasing pressures for our law in this field to develop：changes are being made by significant legislations of the Administrative Procedure Law and Administrative Litigation Law. Our scholars as well as judges work very hard to build a modern system of administrative law .As a result, the French systematization in this area will provide a much-needed guide when we facing the same problems in the future, which will be encountered as our law develops.