語言是人類重要的溝通工具，其目的是用來傳達思想、交流觀念和意見等，故語言除可傳承各民族特有的文化、教育和藝術資產外，完善的多語政策，更有利於各民族互相尊重以減少紛爭。歐盟於1973年至2007年歷經了6次擴大，自2007年加入羅馬尼亞和保加利亞後，會員國從6國增加至27國，語言的多樣性不僅包含23種官方語言，亦包括60多種區域與少數語言；本研究除探討歐盟東擴後所產生60多種區域與少數語言對歐盟的重要性外，並以此為例，研究歐盟多語政策下，如何有效保護境內區域與少數語言，以達最終整合目標。 / Language is an important tool for human communication, which aims to covey concepts, exchange ideas and opinions. In addition to passing down unique cultures, education and art assets, language can educate people to show mutual respect so as to reduce conflicts differences. From 1973 to 2007, the European Union experienced six expansions. Ever since Romania and Bulgaria joined EU in 2007, Member States have increased from six countries to twenty-seven countries. Linguistic diversity includes not only twenty-three official languages, but also sixty kinds of regional and minority languages. This study is to pinpoint the important influences these sixty regional and minority languages have brought to EU since the expansion. Take EU multilingualism policy as an example to better understand the ways to protect regional and minority languages in order to reach the goal of final integration.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Institute of Chinese Medical Sciences

論文的目的是想要了解羅馬尼亞自2007年成為歐盟成員後，在公共外交面對的主要挑戰。作者試圖從2007年以後，找出羅馬尼亞公共外交元素，理解該國在建立國家品牌的努力。 　　共產主義解體之後，羅馬尼亞不能夠建立自己的認同，無力面對歐洲聯盟的高期望。這兩個情況共同導致羅馬尼亞2007年之前的困境，加入歐盟之後這個困境更甚。看歐洲的環境及挑戰，羅馬尼亞爲克服挑戰努力以赴，但步履艱辛。 本論文參考資料主要是二手資料（例如：參考書，研究論文，報告，期刊文章等），但作者自信這些資料價值不容懷疑。 / The purpose of this thesis is to gain understanding of the main challenges of public diplomacy in the case of Romania after the 2007 European Union membership acceptance. The situation that presents itself after 2007 was only looked at in correlation to the country’s past attempts to create a national brand that includes elements of public diplomacy. Not being able to create an identity after the fall of communism and high expectations from the European community, together create the situation in which Romania finds itself not only before 2007 but more visible after the European Union membership. Looking at the European context and examples of the connectivity between challenges a set of possible recommendations are constructed to overcome the challenges. Both challenges are present before and after 2007 but once the European Union membership was granted they became even more visible. The information is based on secondary sources (e.g. reference books, research papers, reports, journals’ articles, etc.) from organizations, publishers, universities, research institutes, media outlets, individuals, etc.

柔性權力一詞已是大家耳熟能詳的名詞，透過公眾外交方式增進跨文化間的理解並培養國際化人才已逐漸成為時代潮流，公眾外交運用的途徑多元，但總不脫以柔性權力資源促進跨文化間理解的原則，歐盟2004年開始實施「伊拉斯莫斯世界」(Erasmus Mundus) 計畫，旨在提昇歐洲高等教育品質及促進與非會員國的合作、吸引更多第三國學生及學者赴歐交流，讓歐洲成為教育卓越中心的代表，該計畫的實施可看出歐盟從歐境內高等教育的整合、促進歐洲各國文化的理解到向全世界推廣其教育理念、文化資源的努力，本研究以伊拉斯莫斯世界計畫為例，探討歐盟如何憑藉此計畫發揮歐盟的柔性權力資源以吸引更多世界各地人民赴歐求學，進而達到歐洲認同的影響力。 / With the increasing influence and visibility of “soft power” over recent years, it becomes ever more important to understand how to exercise such power effectively. One of the key instruments of soft power is public diplomacy. In Europe, public diplomacy is viewed as the number one priority across a whole spectrum of issues; therefore, the European Union (EU) is regarded as a model of how to utilize soft power. Launched in 2004, the Erasmus Mundus programme is considered to be a part of the EU’s public diplomacy. Erasmus Mundus is a cooperation and mobility programme in the field of higher education. The aim of the programme is to promote European higher education, and to improve and enhance the career prospects of students. The programme also aims to promote intercultural understanding through cooperation with third countries, in order to contribute to the sustainable development of higher education in those countries, in accordance with EU external policy objectives. This study examines how the EU employs public diplomacy by means of the Erasmus Mundus Programme.

本論文旨在探討歐洲聯盟與非加太國家集團間的關係。非加太國家大部份為歐洲國家的前殖民地，其範圍包括非洲、加勒比海以及太平洋國家。這些國家在獨立後，繼續與歐洲聯盟保持緊密的合作關係，歐洲聯盟也透過經濟援助與貿易優惠的實施，來維持這樣的特殊關係。本文試從歷史的角度及國際政治經濟學觀點，以及雙方簽訂之條約分析雙方關係的性質，並且就歐洲聯盟貿易優惠與經濟援助的效果予以評估，發現歐洲聯盟與非加太國家的關係，是奠基於不平等的關係之上。雙方雖然以簽訂國際條約的方式來發展合作，但其中之運作仍顯現歐洲聯盟站於一個優勢及主導的地位。非加太國家並且是歐洲聯盟歐洲利益的外環，保障歐洲聯盟的原料進口來源、成為歐洲聯盟的外銷市場，同時也是歐洲聯盟取得國際經濟重大議題優勢的重要協助伙伴。由於世界貿易自由化的發展，使歐洲聯盟給予非加太國家的貿易優惠在新世紀已不合時宜，而歐洲聯盟對於東歐國家的關切，又有分散歐洲聯盟對非加太國家援助之虞。在冷戰結束後，歐洲聯盟對於非加太國家的要求也有政治化的傾向，人權、民主成為非加太國家取得歐洲聯盟援助的必要條件。本論文的結論是，非加太國家於歐洲聯盟所扮演的角色已不若從前重要，但歐洲聯盟應本於國際責任，繼續給予非加太國家經濟援助，並在世界經濟體系許可的範圍內儘量給予非加太國家貿易優惠，以做為南北合作的典範，並協助非加太國家經濟發展以消除貧窮。

歐體當初被設計成為一個具有彈性及動力的組織，它只是一個開端，而並非為終極目標，所以從一九五七年至今，會員國由原創始的六個國家，擴增至今日之十五國，其創造之經濟及政治成就，不僅使歐洲從戰後的頹敗，變為今日之繁榮、先進，且由於歐洲國家之結合，而使其在國際舞台上之份量愈形吃重。而此等成就亦吸引同為歐洲國家，只是在過去五十年來一直實行共產主義的中、東歐國家希望加入。 在一九九○年代之前，有關於歐體成員國擴增的討論，僅僅止於有關於南歐或北歐國家加入的問題。但隨著以蘇聯為首的中、東歐共產集團的瓦解，一些有關歐盟未來發展的型式、範圍、整合速度以及歐盟現有成員國對於廣化之可欲性等，在近年來一一浮上檯面。本論文之主要研究目的即是在藉由對歐體歷次廣化經驗之研究及解析，瞭解歐體在每次擴大的過程中所遭遇之各項難題，並且瞭解歐體各成員國對於廣化所持之態度，以評估未來中、東歐國家加入歐盟的可行性，同時，亦瞭解歐盟在未來廣化成功之後，整個歐盟在機構及政策上，所將要面臨的改變與調整。 第一章、 緒論 第一節、 研究動機及研究目的 第二節、 研究方法 第三節、 名詞界定 第二章、 歐體的三次擴大經驗 第一節、 第一次擴大經驗：英國、丹麥、愛爾蘭 第二節、 第二次擴大經驗：希臘、西班牙、葡萄牙 第三節、 第三次擴大經驗：奧地利、瑞典、芬蘭 第三章、 歐體三次廣化經驗之啟發 第一節、 申請加入歐體之條件與程序及相關要素 第二節、 各國於加入歐體後之反應 第四章、 中東歐國家加入歐盟的背景 第一節、 中東歐國家申請加入歐盟的進程 第二節、 中東歐國家申請加入歐盟的經貿背景 第五章、 對中東歐國家加入歐盟的評估 第一節、 中東歐國家對於加入歐盟的態度 第二節、 歐盟對於東擴所作的準備 第六章、 結論 參考書目

歐洲政治合作(European Political Cooperation)為歐體自1970起實施之一制度，以便各成成員國討論及協調對外交事務之立場，並在適當之情勢下採取一致行動，以確保各國之共同利益並對抗來自外部之壓力，此種各會員國聯合模式之集體外交，迥異於傳統以個別國家為主體之外交行為，而其後續之演進--共同外交暨安全政策(Common Foreign and Security Policy)，更是研究歐洲統合不容忽視之重要範疇，故值得加以進一步之探討.歐洲政治合作係與共同體平行的行動，它溯自1970年迄至1993年，歐體藉此一架構採取共同外交政策之協調，並由其會員國制訂及實施. 本論文首先將當前歐洲政治合作文獻作一初步整理，隨後探討相關問題，包括歐洲政治合作理論之建構，其次為自其發展過程及個案研究評估歐洲政治合作的實際成效與影響. 綜合研究之初步成果，目前國際關係理論尚不能完全解釋歐洲政治合作此一現象，有待學界進一步之努力. 其次，歐洲政治合作此一政府間本質之架構，在實施上僅能達到有限之效果，檢視其以往記錄並無一項明確之共同外交政策存在，所謂歐洲政治合作的協調映象僅建立於次要的議題，包括共同宣言及部份的制裁與援助措施，但若與個別成員國利益衝突或面臨國際危機時，則其所能發揮之效用最小，因此歐體各國對個別的國家利益及國內政治的認知仍優於對共同體，而從歐洲政治合作演進至共同外交暨安全政策的發展過程來看，各國真正能讓渡主權而實施一項共同外交政策，仍有一段漫長的路途.

歐洲聯盟共有27個會員國，克羅埃西亞將於2013年成為第28個歐盟會員國，歐洲聯盟自1952年成立後，已替歐洲帶來了半世紀的和平、穩定及發展，並榮獲2012年度諾貝爾和平獎，在第二次世界大戰後的重建工作及在1989年柏林圍牆倒下後，長期擔任團結凝聚歐洲、促進和平、和解、民主及人權的角色，除發行歐洲單一貨幣歐元外，並逐步建立歐洲單一市場，撤除歐盟內部邊界，讓人員、商品、服務和資金能自由流動，卻也導致非法移民可利用其邊境管制的疏忽而進入歐盟境內，造成歐洲各國的社會治安問題。不論是合法移民或非法移民，「移民」對歐洲聯盟各國的社會治安、種族文化及民族融合確實帶來不可小覷的影響，隨著歐盟內部人員可以自由在各國間移動，歐洲聯盟各會員國開始重視移民政策，穩定歐盟內部安全、加強歐盟外部邊界管制及打擊非法移民也日益重要，移民已經不再只是單一國內的問題，它廣泛的牽涉到跨國移民問題的類型，歐盟各國除將移民問題提高到歐盟層次的議題上，共同協商統籌規劃更詳盡的移民政策外，並成立歐盟外部邊境巡防協調管理局，共同管理歐盟外部邊境安全，透過結合各國的警力，提高邊境管制和緝捕的效力，改善非法移民或難民所產生的問題（例如跨國犯罪、毒品、人口販賣等），以達遏止非法移民入境的效果。本文將透過瞭解歐盟移民政策制定的發展過程及因素，藉以窺探歐洲移民政策目前現況，並透過研析其政策內容及成立歐盟外部邊境巡防協調管理局之政策法源，探討歐盟外部邊境巡防協調管理局於歐盟移民政策實際執行面上扮演之角色、功能與其重要性，以了解歐盟外部邊境安全共同管理之成效。 / European Union is composed of 27 member states. Croatia will become the 28th of the Europe Union (EU) member state in 2013. The European Union established in 1952 has brought Europe peace, stability and development for fifty years, and was awarded the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize. During the period of the post-World War II reconstruction and the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the EU serves as an important role to bring Europe together and to promote peace, reconciliation, democracy and human rights. The creation of European single currency and the formation of single market develop the free flow of goods, services and capital around the EU. However, it raises security issues while illegal immigrants exploit freedom of movement within the EU. Whether legal immigrants or illegal immigrants do bring underestimated impact on security and cultural and ethical integration issues. With the free movement of people within the EU, the member states have started to focus on the immigration policy in order to stabilize the internal security, to enhance the control of the external border and to fight against illegal immigration. Immigration issues are no longer just single domestic problems, but it is widely involved in the type of transnational migration. The EU member states see immigration issues at the EU level and coordinate the planning of the immigration policy, and establish the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union (Frontex) to co-manage the EU external border security. The support of the national police force to improve the effectiveness of border control and the warrant of arrest ease the problem of illegal immigrants or refugees (such as transnational crime, drugs, human trafficking, etc.) to achieve the effect of curbing illegal immigration. This paper observes the current situation of the European immigration policy based on the study on the development of EU immigration policy-making process and factors. Through the analysis of policy and the law and treaties of founding the Frontex, this paper also examines the role and function of Frontex on the implementation of the EU immigration policy to understand the effectiveness of the co-management of the EU external border security.

90年代起，德國再統一後躍上全球政治舞臺，從過去歐洲安全的顧慮之國，轉型成為今日歐洲政治、經濟與軍事穩定力量。但是在後冷戰時期，過去許多次級威脅因子失去了壓抑力量後，成為後冷戰時期新形態的安全議題，威脅全球政治與經濟的穩定與安全。面對這些紛踵沓至的威脅，德國一方面必須鞏固與維護自身冷戰期間所累積的經貿成就，另一方面則積極配合聯合國、北大西洋公約組織與歐洲聯盟的決策，派遣聯邦國防軍遠赴海外，從事維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，追求自身外交正常化的目標。 本文研究發現，1991年至2009年為止，聯邦國防軍在過去19年來的71項海外維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，都嚴格限定在聯合國、北約與歐盟憲章的框架下，恪遵既有的國際秩序與國內憲法規範，實踐身為聯合國、北約與歐盟成員國的義務，成為上述三大國際組織最倚賴的軍事力量。 雖然歷年來德國政府已透過具體的立法與釋憲過程，排除《基本法》限制德國海外派兵政策的規範，但是行政部門的決策過程中仍須面臨國內外輿論對於德國海外派兵政策的反對與疑慮；加上德國政府每年投入國防建軍的經費有限，聯邦國防軍的軟硬體設備未必能夠負擔高頻率與海外派兵任務，眾多因素都使聯邦國防軍多年來的派兵成效有限。 德國再統一後雖於積極參與三大國際組織框架行動，配合自身的外交折衝談判與軍事影響力，欲積極重塑其國家的地位。面對諸多主客觀的限制與未臻成熟的條件，德國重返正常化國家的過程仍將艱辛無比。 / Since the re-unification in 90’s, Germany has leaped upon the stage of the global politics. With much effort, Germany has successfully rendered itself from “a nation of grave concern to European security” into “a stable political, economic and military power in modern Europe.” However, during the post-Cold War era, those probable and minor threats, which were suppressed by the huge atmosphere of U.S.-Soviet confrontation, will appear to became the new forms of security issues in the 21st century, and further to jeopardize the global political and economic security and stability. Dealing with these countless and non-stopping new forms of threat, Germany, on the one hand, must secure its existent accomplishment in trade and the miracle of economic development, and also, on the other hand, actively accommodate the decisions and charters of the United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union, to pursue Germany’s “normalized diplomacy ”by deploying its Federal Defense Army, Bundeswehr, into the overseas hostile spots, to implement the peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations. From 1991 to 2009, Bundeswehr has participated in 71 international peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations, which were all implemented strictly under the framework and the charters of the UN, NATO and EU. Over the past 19 years, Germany has obediently complied with the existent regulations of the international laws and the German constitution, Grundgestez, and fulfilled the compulsory obligations as the member of the 3 institutions stated above. For this matter of fact, Bundeswehr has become the reliable military force in these institutions. This thesis has drawn the humble conclusions that although the German executive branches has overruled the legal obstacles and set new paths of deploying Bundeswehr overseas by the legislative move and the explication of the Grundgestez, the executive branches will always tackle the domestic criticism and the international skepticism; meanwhile, the executive branches have never allocated even more sufficient annual budget for the military branches to maintain its readiness-rate, therefore the training of personnel, software, equipment and facilities may not genuinely satisfy the needs for actual battles and afford the frequent and distant operations. The combination of these problem has compromised the actual consequence and the efficiency of Germany’s overseas military deployments in the past two decades. Having endeavored so hard to comply with the operations under the framework of the three major institutions, accompanying its maneuvering of diplomacy and military significance, Germany will still have to give much toil and labor to re-shape its international status. Nevertheless, being obstructed by the immature subjective and objective conditions, Germany’ road returning to its Normalcy of the state will still be long and difficult.