Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第15417号 / 農博第1802号 / 新制||農||978(附属図書館) / 学位論文||H22||N4516(農学部図書室) / 27895 / 京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 末原 達郎, 教授 野田 公夫, 准教授 川村 誠 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当

本論文試圖探究多數具有宗教信仰的臺商，在管制宗教政策下的大陸移居地如何進行宗教活動、維持信仰需求；同時，在此處境下，宗教信仰是否會影響他們的身份認同，彼此間有何變化關係和意義。本論文根據2009年至2010年間在上海地區以半結構式深度訪談法，蒐集34位受訪臺商的訪談記錄及相關文獻與資料，並運用美國認同心理學家Erikson的宗教認同理論，與相關研究案例比較、分析之後，可提出以下四個主要的研究結果：(1)臺商為因應大陸管制宗教政策之環境，衍生其因應策略，發展出以定期集體運用私人籌措宗教資源為主的幾個宗教運作模式。(2)宗教信仰對臺商在移居地的工作與生活仍有影響力，不僅運用為企業倫理，也發展為產業項目。(3)縱使身處管制宗教與無神論意識形態的環境，臺商仍有其宗教本質層面的需求而皈依或改宗。(4)臺商原有的宗教信仰對其影響越大，越能維持對原居地的認同；相對地，臺商若對移居地認同漸增時，也會對當地宗教事務產生認同感，進而又增進對移居地的認同。本研究可證明宗教信仰與臺商的身份認同及其變化之間具有相關性，可補充學界對於臺商、移民與宗教等相關議題的研究成果與範圍。

少子化是目前台灣面臨的一大危機，從歷史脈絡來看，台灣屬於標準的移民社會，然而，因早年戒嚴等政治因素使我國對於入出境人流管制相當嚴格，同時亦不重視移民政策，直至近年來外籍配偶及大陸配偶人數大量增加，政府單位逐漸注意此一新興社會現象。 同時，台灣與新加坡皆為亞洲四小龍成員，在人口結構來講，同屬以華人為主體的多元族群國家，兩者皆面臨全球化衝擊，以及面臨國土資源不足、生育率逐年降低、人口老化等社會與人口結構改變的隱憂。而新加坡對移民政策的重視則遠超過我國，其相關法令的制定、多元的教育、豐富的獎勵刺激移民與生育都是值得我們所學習的。 回顧其發展過程，新加坡的移民政策與法令也讓社會產生程度不一的反彈，這些優缺利弊都是讓我國借鑒的範例，藉他山之石，檢視我國移民法令的侷限，為了有效刺激外來人口移入與降低不同文化產生的衝突，新加坡經驗是值得參考的對象。 / Low birth rate is one of the major challenges faced by Taiwanese government nowadays. Taiwan can be categorized as a typical immigrant society from the view of history. However, the immigration control was very strict during the early days due to political issues and the implementation of martial laws. The immigration policies have been ignored for long until the population of foreign and mainland spouse rose tremendously hence gradually caught the attention of Taiwanese government. Taiwan and Singapore are both viewed as the members of Four Asian Tigers. Both islandsare composed by multi-racial population and with Chinese as majority. Meanwhile, both nations face the challenges such as impact of globalization, relatively insufficient domestic resources, low birth rate, and aging population. Singapore government takes immigration policies more seriously than Taiwan, the regulations of laws, educational diversity, and abundant rewards for encouraging immigration and birth rate of Singapore are worth to learn from. Singapore’s immigration policies and regulations also aroused backlash from the public. The pros and cons of their policies should also be taken into considerations while making the proper policies for Taiwan. The experience of Singapore would benefit on the spurring of immigration to Taiwan and easing the conflicts result from cultural differences.

臺灣社會隨著新移民的逐年增加，根據內政部移民署統計，截至2016年2月以婚姻來台之東南亞新移民，女性約12萬人，這些新移民女性及新移民二代，是近年臺灣政府積極關心的對象。根據調查，多數新移民來台後生活會有許多考驗與不便，例如語言與生活適應，過去研究也顯示新移民嫁入的家庭多數較為貧窮或屬於農漁養殖業，新移民女性來台後的生活適應因此有許多困境，女性主義學者認為，「賦權」為一種改變弱勢、提升自我地位的手段與過程。 賦權過程有許多方式，本文透過實際訪談新移民女性，瞭解政治賦權對新移民女性有何影響，觀察實際的參與有何行動？本文主要探討問題有三；第一，新移民女性政治賦權之現況與類型為何？第二，比較不同政治參與程度的新移民女性，其參與行為的差異與影響參與的條件為何？第三，目前政治賦權可能扮演何種角色？與教育賦權、經濟賦權相互間的重要性為何？ 本研究經過與12位新移民以及1位非政府組織幹部進行訪談，發現政治參與確實可以改善新移民在社會上的弱勢地位或改善其生活困境，但非每個新移民皆認為其地位為弱勢，因此她們政治參與的類型會有所不同，而經濟與教育程度的差異並非影響政治參與的關鍵因素，所以本文認為新移民在台的政治社會化與自身經驗、個人特質，可能才是影響政治參與的關鍵。 / The number of New Female Immigrants is gradually increasing in Taiwan; according to the statistics of Taiwan Immigration Department indicates, the population of the New Female Immigrant is 120,000 as of February 2016. Previous research indicates these female immigrants had lots of difficulties, such as learning foreign language and adaptation to different culture. Past research also confirms these New Female Immigrants' tough situations because most of them married to those who live in poor villages or engage in agriculture and fishery industry. Some feminist scholars suggest that empowerment is a mean way to enable New Female Immigrant to take control of her own life and improve her social status. Empowerment consists of different dimensions, such as economic, education and political empowerment; this thesis will focus on the political empowerment and discuss its effect on the New Female Immigrant by observing their participation in politics practically. There are three main inquiries in this thesis: First, what are the present situation and type of the New Female Immigration's political empowerment in Taiwan? Second, what is the condition that influences the New Female immigrant's political participation? Last but not least, what kind of role that political empowerment features in the present, and what is the interaction among economic, education and political empowerment? Through the in-depth interview with 12 New Female Immigrants in Taiwan and a Non-Government Organization (NGO) supervisor, this thesis figures out that New Female Immigrants can overcome their difficulties in daily life and weak status by participating in politics. These New Female Immigrants’ different cognitions of their social status lead to various types of political participation. In other words, their economic and educational background are not the key factors in their political participation. To sum up, the core of the New Female Immigrant’s political participation is their personality, experience, and political socialization in Taiwan, regardless of their economic or educational background.

本博士学位論文は、宗主国スペインに対する独立戦争期であった19世紀後半のキューバにおいて、野球がクリオーリョ（キューバ人）のナショナリズムの高揚にいかに寄与したのかを明らかにした。また先行研究の空隙を埋めるために、その過程にアフリカ系の人びと（アフロキューバ人）や労働者階級の人びと、女性、アメリカ合衆国への亡命者らがどのように関与していたのか等についても論じた。スペイン発祥の闘牛と対照的に、野球は独立戦争期のキューバ人が憧憬のまなざしを向けていたアメリカ合衆国発祥であるがゆえに、反植民地主義を象徴する文化となりえたのである。 / 博士(文化史学) / Doctor of Philosophy in History / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

歐洲聯盟共有27個會員國，克羅埃西亞將於2013年成為第28個歐盟會員國，歐洲聯盟自1952年成立後，已替歐洲帶來了半世紀的和平、穩定及發展，並榮獲2012年度諾貝爾和平獎，在第二次世界大戰後的重建工作及在1989年柏林圍牆倒下後，長期擔任團結凝聚歐洲、促進和平、和解、民主及人權的角色，除發行歐洲單一貨幣歐元外，並逐步建立歐洲單一市場，撤除歐盟內部邊界，讓人員、商品、服務和資金能自由流動，卻也導致非法移民可利用其邊境管制的疏忽而進入歐盟境內，造成歐洲各國的社會治安問題。不論是合法移民或非法移民，「移民」對歐洲聯盟各國的社會治安、種族文化及民族融合確實帶來不可小覷的影響，隨著歐盟內部人員可以自由在各國間移動，歐洲聯盟各會員國開始重視移民政策，穩定歐盟內部安全、加強歐盟外部邊界管制及打擊非法移民也日益重要，移民已經不再只是單一國內的問題，它廣泛的牽涉到跨國移民問題的類型，歐盟各國除將移民問題提高到歐盟層次的議題上，共同協商統籌規劃更詳盡的移民政策外，並成立歐盟外部邊境巡防協調管理局，共同管理歐盟外部邊境安全，透過結合各國的警力，提高邊境管制和緝捕的效力，改善非法移民或難民所產生的問題（例如跨國犯罪、毒品、人口販賣等），以達遏止非法移民入境的效果。本文將透過瞭解歐盟移民政策制定的發展過程及因素，藉以窺探歐洲移民政策目前現況，並透過研析其政策內容及成立歐盟外部邊境巡防協調管理局之政策法源，探討歐盟外部邊境巡防協調管理局於歐盟移民政策實際執行面上扮演之角色、功能與其重要性，以了解歐盟外部邊境安全共同管理之成效。 / European Union is composed of 27 member states. Croatia will become the 28th of the Europe Union (EU) member state in 2013. The European Union established in 1952 has brought Europe peace, stability and development for fifty years, and was awarded the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize. During the period of the post-World War II reconstruction and the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the EU serves as an important role to bring Europe together and to promote peace, reconciliation, democracy and human rights. The creation of European single currency and the formation of single market develop the free flow of goods, services and capital around the EU. However, it raises security issues while illegal immigrants exploit freedom of movement within the EU. Whether legal immigrants or illegal immigrants do bring underestimated impact on security and cultural and ethical integration issues. With the free movement of people within the EU, the member states have started to focus on the immigration policy in order to stabilize the internal security, to enhance the control of the external border and to fight against illegal immigration. Immigration issues are no longer just single domestic problems, but it is widely involved in the type of transnational migration. The EU member states see immigration issues at the EU level and coordinate the planning of the immigration policy, and establish the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union (Frontex) to co-manage the EU external border security. The support of the national police force to improve the effectiveness of border control and the warrant of arrest ease the problem of illegal immigrants or refugees (such as transnational crime, drugs, human trafficking, etc.) to achieve the effect of curbing illegal immigration. This paper observes the current situation of the European immigration policy based on the study on the development of EU immigration policy-making process and factors. Through the analysis of policy and the law and treaties of founding the Frontex, this paper also examines the role and function of Frontex on the implementation of the EU immigration policy to understand the effectiveness of the co-management of the EU external border security.

近年來許多歐洲國家的極右派政黨打著反移民與反歐洲整合之主張，受到國內民眾的支持度越來越高。然而也有些國家如荷蘭的極右派政黨之表現卻正好相反，其支持率於2010年達到高峰後便逐年下降。本論文旨在探討荷蘭極右派政黨發展之歷史、荷蘭移民政策在「自由黨」於2006年創黨前後是否發生轉變，及其在創黨後至2014年年底為止中三次國會大選中所取得之成果，且勝選後又如何依其政見主導荷蘭移民政策之產出。 除了參考許多相關學術文獻，本論文亦以歷史研究途徑與文獻分析法對荷蘭近三次國會選舉結果與移民政策法規進行研究。研究結果顯示，荷蘭移民融合政策在自由黨成立前後之方向並無太大差異，其主要轉變在1980年代以後便開始逐漸醞釀，由起初對多元主義之嘗試走向90年代強調社會參與的整合主義，並在2000年後開始實施強調荷蘭單一國族認同與主流價值觀的同化主義至今。然而在自由黨於2010年成為國會第三大黨後，其藉由支持少數聯合內閣之方式，將其反移民之理念體現在2010年的政黨協議中，使移民接納政策在依親移民、申請獨立居留與享有社會福利的等待期、對非法居留外國人之待遇，以及境外移民整合考試等規定均漸趨嚴格。 / With their political ideologies strongly against immigrants and further integration of European Union, many far-right parties across Europe have been gaining more supports than ever in recent years, while the electoral outcomes for some far-right parties appear to be totally opposite. For instance, Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV) in the Netherlands only reached its peak of political success in 2010, after which less and less supports from the public have been shown. To know better of such an unusual circumstance, not only the development of the far-right parties in the Netherlands will be discussed, this thesis also aims to probe into the difference of Dutch migration policy before and after PVV was founded, its election results in three times of general election until the end of 2014, and how it once successfully influenced the making of Dutch migration policy. In addition to taking many related literatures into account, in this thesis the results of the recent three times of general election, migration policy, migration law and regulations in the Netherlands are also being analyzed with historical approach and document analysis. The finding shows that there has been no major changes to Dutch integration policy before and after PVV was founded, for they already started to change gradually from multiculturalism in 1980s to integrationism in 1990s, and ended in assimilationism in 2000s as of today. Futhermore, after PVV became the third biggest party in 2010, it also obtained the power to influence the making of Dutch migration policy by supporting the formation of minor coalition government of VVD and CDA, followed by writing its ideologies against immigrants and the EU in the coalition agreement. With such a power, PVV successfully tightened the law and regulations for immigrants, such as imposing stricter qualification for family reunion, harder cultural integration exam to pass, and longer period to enjoy social welfare and political rights.

本論文的研究動機始於有感民族陣線在當今法國政壇的影響力不容小覷，「勒班效應」也使得1980年代中期後極右主義的風潮在西歐蔓延開來，因此吾人在研究歐洲整合的過程時，似應考慮到會員國國內這些反歐洲化的政治現象的發展。然而，主流的國際關係理論認為國際體系構成單位的層次分析並不重要。雖然國際關係體系論的建立被視為是本學門邁向「科學化」的重要嘗試，惟其亦使得學者在研究區域整合時面臨了見林不見樹的困境，本文的研究目的也就在試圖證明會員國國內政治不能被歐洲整合研究所忽視。 本論文以法國極右主義與歐盟移民政策之關聯為例，透過二重賽局的分析架構進行實證研究，研究結果顯示法國右派政府為了爭取極右派選民的票源而吸納民族陣線的反移民訴求，不僅反映在該國自1980年代中期以降的移民政策對非歐盟國家移民的趨於排斥，亦顯現於法國政府在歐盟移民政策共同體化之前與其他會員國協調移民政策時的保守立場。本研究指出，法國極右派在國內層次的影響能夠經由政府的利益匯集過程而到達歐盟層次，從而說明學者不宜貿然分割國內與國際政治研究。另一方面，案例亦顯示政府領袖的偏好在形成後仍有可能發生轉變，因此做為跨層次分析工具的二重賽局尚有修正其架構的必要性，如何發展有效連結國內政治與國際關係的理論途徑與分析架構，對於區域研究學者實屬緊要。

本研究旨在探討國中新移民子女父母親管教態度、人際關係及學業成就之相關情形，就研究結果加以統整，並據以歸納結論，最後提出建議，以供有關教育相關人員瞭解及改善現況或未來研究之參考。 本研究主要結論如下： 一、新移民子女的父親管教態度、母親管教態度在要求上，對於七年級子女有顯著差異。 二、新移民子女父母親教育程度程度為研究所與大學或大專，在父母親管教態度的反應上有顯著差異。 三、新移民子女家中經濟狀況良好及富裕，其父母管教態度在反應及要求上有顯著差異。 四、新移民子女的人際關係與同儕的互動、兄弟姐妹的互動，在性別部份有顯著差異。 五、新 移民子女的人際關係與父母的部份，在七年級部份有顯著差異。 六、新移民子女家中經濟狀況良好及富裕，其人際關係與父母部份有顯著差異。 七、新移民子女其學業成就在不同性別方面，國文及英文學習有顯著差異。 八、新移民子女其學業成就因家中子女人數不同，在八年級的英文學業成就有顯著差異。 九、新移民子女父親教育程度不同，在七年級的國文、英文、數學學業成就具顯著差異。 十、新移民子女家中經濟狀況不同在學業成就上具顯著差異。 十一、新移民子女父母管教態度對人際關係具有正向的預測作用。 十二、新移民子女父母管教態度在國文、英文、數學的學習具正向的有預測作用。 十三、新移民子女的人際關係在學業成就部份具正向的預測作用。 十四、新移民子女父母管教態度、人際關係對學業成就具正向的預測作用。 最後，本研究根據研究結果，提出各項建議，以為家長親職教育、學校教學與輔導、學校行政管理及未來研究提出建議。 關鍵字：新移民子女、父母管教態度、人際關係、學業成就 / The purpose of this research aims to study the correlations among parents discipline attitude, interpersonal relationships and academic achievement of foreign spouses’ children. This study adops the methods of literature review and questionnaire, aided with literature explore to collect information. I hope to provide references for the educational administration authorities. The conclusions obtained from this study are summarized as follows: 一、Foreign spouses’ children’s parents discipline on attitude require, have significant difference to the children of grade seventh. 二、Foreign spouses’ children’s parents' education degree is research institute and the university or junior college, there is significant difference of in parents discipline the response of the attitude. 三、Foreign spouses’ children have good rich economic situation, parents its discipline attitude in react and have difference of significant on requiring. 四、Interpersonal related to and the siblings of the same generation of foreign spouses children, there is difference of significant in the sex part. 五、Foreign spouses’ children interpersonal part related to and parents, there is difference of significant in the parts of grade seventh. 六、The economic situation is good and rich in the foreign spouses’ children's family, there is difference of significant between its interpersonal relationships and parents' part. 七、Study difference of significant in Chinese and English in different sex in eighth, their study achievements of foreign spouses’ children. 八、Their study achievement, children of foreign spouses’, children number different in house, have difference of significant in the English study achievement of grade eighth. 九、Foreign spouses’ children father's education degree is different, have difference of significant in Chinese, English, mathematics study achievement of grade seventh. 十、The economic situation has difference of significant differently on the study achievement in the foreign spouses’ children. 十一、Foreign spouses’ children parents discipline attitude have to interpersonal relationships to prediction function. 十二、Foreign spouses’ children parents discipline attitude have at Chinese, English, studies of mathematics to function of predicting. 十三、Foreign spouses’ children at study been new for interpersonal relationships of immigrant children achievement part have to prediction function. 十四、Foreign spouses’ children’s parents discipline attitude, interpersonal relationships have to study achievement to prediction function. Finally, this research proposes every suggestion according to the result of study, think parents home education, school education and guidance, school administration and research and propose the suggestion in the future. Key word: Foreign spouses’ children, parents discipline attitude, interpersonal relationships, academic achievement

本論文以歐盟防制人口販運之實踐做為實例，驗證全球治理下聯合國及歐盟等領導性的國際行為者，對於國際人權發展與人權保障除正面的發展外，亦可能造成負面之影響，國際人權規範擴散面臨一定之侷限性與挑戰。全球治理下之國際人權規範擴散，對於人權的保障有時是種助力也是種阻力。 歐盟雖然倡導針對防制人口販運議題之合作應當採取一個包括查緝起訴、保護以及預防三大面向的全面性解決途徑，但實際上，歐盟防制人口販運之合作制度架構初期仍是以維持境內安全的安全途徑為主軸，而非關注受害者人權之保障；幸而歐盟於2011年通過「預防及打擊人口販運與保護受害者指令」後，防制人口販運的政策更加強調必須以人口販運受害者為核心。然而，在將以受害者為核心的人權規範擴散至成員國方面，卻仍受到極大的挑戰，蓋歐盟成員國多將人口販運視為非法移民議題，故其防制人口販運之作為實仍環繞著以打擊犯罪為主的思維，人口販運受害者時常被視為非法移民而使其人權遭到侵害。 全球治理下，歐盟等人權法律規範相對完備之國際行為者，其人權規範與建制的推廣與擴散，確實有其值得肯定的正面意義。然而，當歐盟等全球治理行為者不能有效地實現其宗旨，或是其行為違背其理當服膺之價值而削弱其公正、客觀及道德性角色時，其規範性權威亦會受到挑戰。