This study was conducted by using a qualitative textual analysis on UNICEF Sweden’s website with the purpose of problematizing the role of UNICEF Sweden in today’s globalised society. This was done in the context of how organisations of civil society have gained influence. Following questions were answered: How does UNICEF Sweden legitimise its operation? Which strategies does UNICEF Sweden use to encourage involvement and donations? The study shows how UNICEF Sweden legitimises its work by promoting a unique influence, their unique methods of work and by showing how the organisation helps the most disadvantaged children. This is interpreted as strategies to establish donor trust. UNICEF Sweden encourages involvement and donations by packaging relief efforts into products that conveys a sensation of helping others, which can be understood in relation to the consumer society. UNICEF Sweden’s role in society appears to be significant. It is problematic though that the donor phenomenon tends to simplify the social problems and reduces aid efforts into commercialised products. / Denna studie genomfördes med kvalitativ textanalys av UNICEF Sveriges hemsida i syfte att problematisera den roll som UNICEF Sverige spelar i dagens globaliserade samhälle. Detta inom kontexten av att civilsamhällets organisationers inflytande har ökat. Följande frågeställningar besvarades: Hur legitimerar UNICEF Sverige sin verksamhet? Vilka strategier använder sig UNICEF Sverige av för att uppmana till engagemang och stöd? Studien visar att UNICEF Sverige legitimerar sin verksamhet genom att hävda sitt unika inflytandet, sin unika arbetsmetod samt genom att påvisa att organisationen hjälper de barn som är mest utsatta. Detta tolkas som strategier för att etablera givartillit. UNICEF Sverige uppmanar till engagemang och stöd genom att förpacka hjälpinsatser till produkter som förmedlar en upplevelse av att hjälpa, vilket kan förstås i relation till konsumtionssamhället. UNICEF Sveriges roll i samhället framstår som mycket betydelsefull. Emellertid är det problematiskt att givandefenomenet tenderar att förenkla sociala problem samt reducerar hjälpinsatserna till kommersialiserade produkter.

In a world where authoritarian states are taking a bigger place in the global arena, it’s important to learn from democracies and how a strong democracy can be upheld. The objective of this essay is to explain how Mongolia, a country with two giant authoritarian geographical neighbors in China and Russia still upholds a strong consolidated democracy. How did Mongolia develop from a history of communism to a free open country? This essay aims to explain Mongolia’s democratization after the collapse of the USSR in 1990 through the national internal factors of Larry Diamonds democratization theory; the development of authoritarian fragmentation and the development of civil society. The result illustrates that the development of authoritarian fragmentation led to competition between the elites, hard-liners vs soft-liners which in turn turned out in liberalization improvements. While the outcome of the development of civil society led to mobilization, protests and manifestations towards change and NGO’s got established which in turn lead to liberal reforms and economic improvement. The conclusion of the essay argues that the development of authoritarian fragmentation and civil society played a big role in Mongolia’s democratization in the 1990s.

No description available.

This thesis aims to examine the importance of the organization Process Kedjan regarding youth’s termination of delinquency and drug abuse. It also aims to examine in which extent the organization helps the youths in different ways than authorities, as well as how the organization can function as a complement to authorities. The thesis is designed as a case study and is based on the perspective of the organization’s members. The study was performed by using qualitative interviews with five boys who have received or still are receiving help from the organization. Three of them are still receiving support and two of them are now working in the organization. They are all in the ages between 18 and 25, and has been active in delinquency and drug abuse in the ages between approximately 12 and 20. The theory of age-graded informal social control by Laub and Sampson was applied in the analysis. In the processing of the empirical material it emerged that Process Kedjan has been of great importance for the youths in their desistance of delinquency and drug abuse. Other factors of significance has been: close relationships, daily routines and activities and a sense of guilt for the harm they have caused other human beings. Another finding in the study was that Process Kedjan has qualities that cannot be found in authorities. These qualities are summarized in four different terms: identification, reliance, accessibility and fellowship. By the result we could find that Process Kedjan is an important complement to the authorities work regarding to prevent relapse in delinquency and drug abuse among youths, but collaboration between the organization and different authorities is required to be able to help a youth. The organization has contributed to a better view on authorities among the youths, they now understand the importance of dealing with for instance social services. / Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka vilken betydelse organisationen Process Kedjan har för ungdomars upphörande av kriminalitet och missbruk. Den syftar även till att undersöka i vilken utsträckning organisationen hjälper ungdomar på andra sätt än myndigheter samt hur organisationen kan fungera som ett komplement till myndigheter. Uppsatsen är utformad som en fallstudie och utgår från medlemmarna i Process Kedjans perspektiv. Empirin har insamlats genom kvalitativa intervjuer med fem unga män som får eller har fått hjälp av organisationen. Tre av dem tar fortfarande emot hjälp och två arbetar numera i organisationen. I analysen tillämpades Laub och Sampsons teori om upphörandeprocesser, vändpunkter och sociala band. Vid bearbetning av det empiriska materialet framkom det att Process Kedjan har varit av stor betydelse för att ungdomarna ska kunna upprätthålla ett liv utan brott och missbruk. Andra viktiga faktorer har varit: nära relationer framför allt med familj, dagliga rutiner och aktiviteter samt en skuldkänsla av att ha orsakat skada hos andra människor. Det framkom också att Process Kedjans verksamhet innehåller delar som inte går att finna hos myndigheter. Dessa har sammanfattats i fyra olika begrepp: identifikation, tillit, tillgänglighet och gemenskap. I resultatet går det att utläsa att Process Kedjan är ett viktigt komplement till det arbete som myndigheter utför angående att förebygga återfall i kriminalitet och missbruk bland ungdomar, men för att kunna hjälpa en ungdom krävs ett samarbete mellan organisationen och olika myndigheter. Med hjälp av stöd från organisationens personal har ungdomarna fått en förändrad syn på myndigheter och ser nu vikten av att ha en kontakt med exempelvis socialtjänsten.

Uppsatsen utgår ifrån hur socialarbetares vittnesmål problematiserar det sociala arbetets struktur gällande ekonomisk utsatthet bland barnfamiljer. Genom kvalitativa intervjuer undersöker studien hur barnfamiljer med svag ekonomi upplever att vardagen påverkas av deras ekonomiska situation, vad de tvingas avstå ifrån samt vilket stöd de erfarit från myndigheter och civilsamhälle. Studiens teoretiska ansats utgörs av Baumans teori om konsumtionssamhället, Goffmans Stigma, Bourdieus kapital samt Beckers stämplingsteori.  Uppsatsens resultat påvisar hur familjernas upplevelser av ekonomisk utsatthet i Sverige 2018 skiljer sig ifrån varandra samtidigt som beröringspunkter kan uttydas; föräldrarnas krympta valmöjligheter att samt deras kamp för att ge sina barn möjligheter att delta i samhället på samma villkor som andra. Familjernas upplevelser av att tvingas avstå från saker som andra har av ekonomiska skäl förklarar den ekonomiska utsatthetens skiftningar och hur deprivationens omfattning varierar mellan studiens deltagare. Familjernas erfarenheter av stöd genom statliga myndigheter i samband med ekonomiska problem kan sammanfattas genom deras negativa erfarenheter av socialtjänstens bemötande. De flesta föredrar att vända sig till civilsamhällets ideella organisationer när de behöver stöd: ekonomiskt såväl som känslomässigt. Innebörden av familjernas upplevelser av att avvika från normen i konsumtionssamhället kan ifrågasätta tanken bakom en skälig levnadsnivå och statliga myndigheters förhållningssätt gentemot ekonomiskt utsatta barnfamiljer.

SammanfattningBakgrund: Ensamhet är ett folkhälsoproblem. Civilsamhället är en arena som är skild från staten, marknaden och det enskilda hushållet som har som syfte att lyfta människor, grupper och organisationers gemensamma intressen. Det civila samhällets organisationer bidrar både till samhällsutvecklingen och välfärden och spelar en central roll i att ta fram insatser som motverkar ensamhet. Syfte: Utveckla en förståelse för hur det civila samhällets organisationer kan bidra med att motverka ensamhet hos äldre personer i Sverige. Metod: En kvalitativ intervjustudie av åtta organisationer och datan analyserades med tematisk analys. Resultat: Resultatet visar fyra teman: 1) Socialt umgänge, 2) Samverkan mellan olika aktörer, 3) Altruism, 4) Hinder för att bryta ensamhet. Socialt umgänge uppstod genom att genomföra insatser i form av exempelvis sociala aktiviteter och telefonsamtal. Civilsamhället samverkar med, och kompletterar, den offentliga sektorn för att på bästa sätt motverka ensamhet. Altruism är en viktig funktion som civilsamhället har. Att träffa en person som är där frivilligt och inte som en del av sitt arbete kan bidra positivt till de äldres egenvärde och självkänsla. Exempel på hinder som civilsamhället stöter på för att kunna motverka ensamhet är svårigheten i att nå ut till de som är väldigt ensamma, isolerade och inte har någon kontakt med omvärlden. Slutsats: Civilsamhället kan bidra med att motverka ensamhet genom att stärka egenvärde och självkänsla hos äldre personer, samt skapa utrymme för socialt umgänge. Detta sker genom att samarbeta med och komplettera andra aktörer, både inom civilsamhället men även med den offentliga sektorn, för att på bästa sätt lösa de hinder som finns för att bryta ensamhet.

Rapporten syftar till att beskriva och problematisera kvalitet i idéburen, social välfärd. Ansatsen är att utmana antagandet att idéburen verksamhet drivs av goda intentioner och därför levererar omsorgstjänster av god kvalitet. Resultatet visar att idéburna organisationer erbjuds en särställning i välfärden tack vare sina särdrag. Genom Idéburna Offentliga Partnerskap (IOP) kan de undgå ordinarie kvalitetskrav, samtidigt som det saknas empiriska belägg för att särdragen leder till kvalitet. Idéburen omsorg är av god kvalitet enligt människors uppfattningar, men inte alltid enligt dess faktiska kvalitetsarbete. Rapporten är en teoretisk dokumentstudie och behandlar tidigare forskning, politiska skrivelser och partnerskapsdokument från IOP i en kommun. Resultatet har analyserats med stöd av Webers idealtyper. Författaren utgår från en kritisk rationalistisk grund och rapporten har två inriktningar. Dels är den en förberedande undersökning om kvalitet i idéburen välfärd, och dels är den en vetenskapsteoretisk reflektion och modellutveckling av Webers idealtyper. Rapporten kan därför läsas utifrån ett intresse för idéburen välfärdsverksamhet men även utifrån ett intresse för vetenskapsteori och metodologi.

Sweden's welfare system has for many years been seen as the absolute safety net in the country, where every person who gets into social difficulties can fall back on the welfare system. Over the past many years, Sweden's welfare system has changed, and more and more people are applying to civil society and its organizations for financial help. One of the organizations that has served as the extended arm of social services is the Church of Sweden and its deacons. The purpose of this study is to create an understanding of how deacons experience the responsibility they take socially and economically in society. At the same time, we want to take a closer look at their thoughts and feelings in the role created by increased responsibility on civil society.In this study, eight qualitative interviews were conducted with deacons who work with people in social vulnerability in Sweden and who, for various reasons, have had to seek financial and material help in the Church of Sweden. In the study, we were able to see how all deacons carry out work that is far beyond their responsibilities, the contributions they make are grants collected through voluntary contributions and taxes paid by their members. Here we have a clear picture of how this actually affects the emotional work of deacons both behind and in front of the stage. The job gets tougher and there is a common feeling amongst the deacons, that they’re not enough for all those who don’t have what many people take for granted, the most basic things, like food or money to pay their bills. The role, responsibility and shortcomings that the deacons have been able to see in social services is also something they feel have affected the relationship between the two. In order to answer our questions, in addition to our qualitative interviews, we have enlisted the help of neoliberalism, concepts from Goffman's dramaturgical theory and Hochschild's emotional work.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>