This paper studies subjectivity in the Mail Online journalism with a focus on judgmental reporting from the male sphere. The Background research presents the current paradigm of what is acceptable when writing subjectively in journalism and concludes that it is acceptable and is no longer seen as the antithesis to objectivity. However, there remain rules as to what is too much subjectivity such as ‘falsehoods’. The background continues and discusses what the male sphere is, what it means to report from the male sphere, and how one must behave within this sphere to be a ‘true’ woman or ‘true’ man. The study located and categorised both Direct and Indirect Judgment from the male sphere in articles from the Mail Online. Articles about Shamima Begum and Mohammed Emwazi were chosen because of their similarities and because of the very different way reporters chose to present their stories. Locating and categorising Judgment using the framework Appraisal and Journalistic Discourse Theory worked well with the ideological focus of the male sphere. The theoretical framework allows for individual subjective utterances to be categorised as Direct Judgment as well as whole extracts to be analysed, and categorised as Indirect Judgment. The results show that in the case of Shamima Begum, negative Judgment was inferred from the male sphere in the form of Indirect Judgment which needed to be read in context. In the case of Mohammed Emwazi both positive and negative Judgment was inferred which was both Direct and Indirect. Both actor’s results directly correspond to Judgment of gendered characteristics from the ‘Male Sphere’ explained Background. This paper concludes with a discussion of the judgments from the male sphere of both actors with examples from the extracts, finishing with limitations of the study and future research considerations.

The invisible struggle for the purpose of leisure time pedagogy  - a study of discourses about leisure time pedagogy The aim of the study is to examine and highlight the discursive struggle about the main purpose of leisure time pedagogy in school in a democratic society. Thereby my aim is to deepen the discussion about what leisure time pedagogy is and should be. The examination of different purposes is based on Gert J.J. Biestas different educational concepts qualification, socialization and subjectification. The study is based on a webb survey answered by 71 leisure time pedagogues, and interviews answered by 6 leisure time pedagogues. Findings from the webb survey suggests that most of the respondents believe their administration think the most important duty of leisure time pedagogy is different from their own. Most of the respondents indicated socialisation or subjectification of students as their most important duty, while most of them think their administration designate the students qualification as most important. The interviews where recorded, transcribed, and later analysed in line with Ernesto Laclau ́s and Chantal Mouffe ́s discourse theory. From the interviews I was able to map out 3 different discourses about the main purpose of leisure time pedagogy according to leisure time pedagogues: the socially oriented discourse, the knowledge oriented discourse and the identity oriented discourse. I was also able to map out one discourse based on leisure time pedagogues views on how they think their administrations anticipation on leisure time pedagogy differ from their own beliefs. In conclusion most leisure time pedagogues believes their main purpose is to help students develop social skills and personal identity, while they believe their endeavor to do so, is interfered either by their administrations designated purpose with leisure time pedagogy or their anticipation on leisure time pedagogues to help teachers and to support pupils development of subject knowledge, rather than to plan and elaborate with leisure time pedagogy. The study suggests that the different discourses, while not properly articulated, may lead to misunderstandings and a false feeling of agreement when there is none. This is why there seems to be a need to really discuss and clarify different comprehensions of the meaning of the main concepts of leisure time pedagogy in order to articulate the discursive struggle. / Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka och lyfta den diskursiva kampen om fritidspedagogikens roll och syfte inom skolan i ett demokratiskt samhälle. Genom detta är min förhoppning att studien kan bidra till att fördjupa diskussionen om vad fritidspedagogiken är och bör vara. Fritidspedagogikens syfte undersöks utifrån Biestas utbildningsfunktionskategorier kvalificering, socialisation och subjektifiering. Studien baseras på en webbenkät som besvarats av 71 fritidspedagoger och intervjuer med 6 fritidspedagoger. Resultatet från webbenkäten visar att de flesta av fritidspedagogerna tror att skolledningens uppfattning om fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag skiljer sig från deras egen. De flesta menade att elevernas socialisation eller subjektifiering var fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag, men att de trodde att skolledningen menade att fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag var elevernas kvalificering. Intervjuerna spelades in med ljudupptagningsapparat, transkriberades och analyserades därefter med hjälp av Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori. Utifrån intervjuerna kunde tre diskurser om fritidspedagogers egen uppfattning om fritidspedagogikens viktigaste syften kartläggas: en socialt orienterad diskurs, en kunskapsorienterad diskurs och en identitetsorienterad diskurs. Utöver dessa tre diskurser kartlades en diskurs baserad på fritidspedagogers uttalanden om hur skolledningens förväntningar på fritidspedagogikens syfte skiljer sig från deras egen uppfattning. Sammanfattningsvis anser de flesta fritidspedagogerna att deras viktigaste uppdrag är att stötta elever i deras utveckling av sociala förmågor och personliga identitet, men att deras strävan mot detta hindras antingen av att skolledningen menar att fritidspedagogiken har ett annat syfte, eller att de förväntar sig att fritidspedagoger främst skall arbeta för att stötta klassläraren och elevernas kunskapsutveckling, snarare än att planera och utveckla fritidspedagogiken. Studien tyder på att de olika diskurserna om fritidspedagogikens syfte kan leda till missförstånd och en falsk känsla av samstämmighet när så inte är fallet. Detta pekar på behovet av att diskutera och tydliggöra olika uppfattningar och tolkningar av fritidspedagogikens centrala begrepp samverkan, kompletterande uppdrag och värdegrundsarbete för att tydligare artikulera den diskursiva kampen.

Lärare, pedagoger, författare, forskare och myndigheter – i stort sett alla som har en yrkesmässig koppling till fritidshem – har olika tankar, idéer och tal om som formar och omformar diskurser gällande fritidshemmets didaktik. Fritidshemmet har numera ett skolnära uppdrag och ska komplettera skolan. Fritidshemmets pedagogiska verksamhet är dock något annat än skolans vilket även motiverar behovet av denna studie. En pedagogisk verksamhet som bidrar till att stimulera elevers lärande och utveckling av förmågor genom att ha fokus på deras intressen, behov, nyfikenhet och erfarenhet. Fritidshemmets unika verksamhet kan möjliggöra en större självständighet i såväl val av innehåll samt med andra medel och metoder än skolans generellt mer inrutade verksamhet. Syftet med studien är att ur ett diskursteoretiskt perspektiv undersöka hur diskursen gällande didaktik i fritidshem framställs i tolv lärosätens självvärderingar och Universitetskanslersämbetets tolv yttrande vid bedömning av kvaliteten på grundlärarutbildningar med inriktning mot arbete i fritidshem. Utifrån ett diskursteoretiskt perspektiv och en diskursanalytisk ansats studeras de diskursiva bilder som de olika institutionerna och myndigheten tilldelar begreppet didaktik i relation till undervisning i fritidshemmet och studenters blivande yrkesroll.Resultatet visar att det finns hegemoniska intentioner som riktas mot att förtydliga såväl didaktiken som den ämnesspecifika didaktiken i relation till fritidshemmets pedagogik. Examensmålet som uttalar att studenter specifikt ska visa förmåga att tillämpa sådan didaktik och ämnesdidaktik inklusive metodik som krävs för undervisning och lärande inom det fritidspedagogiska området och inom det eller de ämnen som utbildningen avser och för yrkesutövningen i övrigt blir en hegemonisk ekvivalenskedja i sig själv. Resultatet visar att begreppet didaktik beskrivs ur flera olika aspekter men vad som är fritidshemmets didaktik eller ämnesdidaktik redogörs inte mer än i ett fåtal antagonistiska exempel. Utifrån de analyserade texterna ger resultat ett den hegemoniska intentionen i att precisera didaktiken inte innebär att definiera begreppet utan snarare att beskriva på vilka sätt studenterna tillägnar sig denna didaktiska kompetens. / Teachers, educators, authors, researchers and authorities - virtually everyone who has a professional connection to School-Age Educare - have different thoughts, ideas and speeches that shape and reshape discourses regarding the didactics of the School-Age Educare. The School-Age Educare now has a school-based mission and will complement the school. The pedagogical activities are, however, something other than the school's needs, which also justifies the need for this study. An educational activity that helps to stimulate students' learning and development of abilities by focusing on their interests, needs, curiosity and experience. I believe that the School Age-Educare´s unique activities thus give children greater independence in both the choice of content and with other means and methods than the school's generally more structured activities do. The purpose of this study is to, from a discourse theoretical perspective, examine how the discourse regarding didactics in School-Age Educare is presented in twelve higher education institutions' self-evaluations and the University Chancellor's Office's twelve opinions when assessing the quality of primary teacher education with a focus on work in School-Age Educare. With a discourse theoretical approach, the discursive image that the various institutions and the authority give the concept of didactics in relation to teaching in School-Age Educare and students' future professional role is studied.The results show that there are hegemonic intentions aimed to clarify both the didactics and the subject-specific didactics in relation to the School-Age Educare pedagogy. The degree objective, which states that students must specifically demonstrate the ability to apply such didactics and subject didactics, including methodology required for teaching and learning in the School-Age Educare area and in the subject or subjects to which the education relates and for professional practice in general, becomes in itself a hegemonic chain of equivalence. The results show that the concept of didactics is described from several different aspects, but what the didactics of the School-Age Educare or subject didactics are, is not reported more than in a few antagonistic examples. The hegemonic intention of the University Chancellor's Office as an authority in specifying didactics does not mean defining the concept but rather describing the ways in which students acquire this didactic competence.

This thesis investigates the continuance of the MeToo movement in the Swedish context via the digitalplatform Instagram, collective action and feminist organizations that are engaged to end sexual violence.It illuminates how the sisterhood impacted by the practice of challenging the rape script a conceptused to describe the discourse on how sexual violence should be like, and how victim-survivors should behave, how the engagement is made among the activists that engage to challenge the rape script and lastly, how since the MeToo movement started a discourse of rightlessness have been exposed through the sharing of experiences that the MeToo movement initiated. The ethnographic study is based on participant observation of feminist actions in real life and on Instagram as well as interviews with 13 activists from feminist organizations and with background as organisers of collective actions. It is found that the MeToo movement in Sweden is commonly practiced through an engagement in Feminist organizations that serve to keep the movement alive through continuous work to keep sexual violence on the agenda by keeping it visible, and that the engagement is driven by an experience of anger towards the societal discourse that sets the discourse on rape which affects the possibility to be recognized by the legal system. The thesis will overall suggest that there is a sisterhood built on a collective identity, and that the shared identity and oppression between non-men with an aspiration to support one another in the experience of oppression as well as organize safety nets for those who are sentenced for defamation as a consequence of speaking out.

Following thesis investigates the intertwined relationship between the rise of gang-violenceand right-wing populist parties, more specifically the True Finns and the Sweden Democrats. The purpose of this essay being, how the True Finns and the Sweden Democrats usegang-violence to legitimize xenophobia. Analysis are done by using a CDA-approach, the threedimensional model by Norman Fairclough. Materials used in this discourse analysis are material from the parliament, material from the parties websites and public media prior to the general elections in 2022 and 2023. The theoretical tools for analyses in this thesis rely oncombined theories from previous studies in Trygghet as issue ownership and discourses used by the Swedish Democrats and True Finns to legitimize their ideological standpoints. Through combining the theoretical framework and Fairclough’s threedimensional analysis,the empirical findings were analyzed to find which discourses are used when referring to gang violence to legitimize xenophobia. Main results of the analysis found that the parties use similar discourses when talking about gang violence, related to safety, a promised fullness to come and a feared doomsday to legitimize xenophobia. However there were also some culturally bound differences in how the parties legitimized xenophobia when discussing gangviolence. The main conclusion of the study was that some of the findings matched the theoretical framework, while some did not.

This is a qualitative actions research study of pre school teachers’ reflections about their choices and actions. The qualitative actions research study is combined with semistructured interviews, mind map-conversations and a videocamera in order to bring awareness about the pedagogs actions. The theory i use to analys the results is poststructural discourse. The aim is to understand and investigate how and if teachers in preschool change their analyses and reflections practice, during their action research process. Another purpose, during this process, is to understand how the pre school teachers reflect and value their knowledge in the context of their profession and practice. The questions i aim to answer are:1. In which ways does the action research process change the pre school teachers reflectionspractice?2. How do the pre school teachers reflect upon and value their knowledge about their profession within their practice?The conclusion is that action research, semistructured interviews, mind map- conversations and the observered material from the videocamera led the preschool teachers to develop at their own pace, and from their own problemed based questions and thoughts. They go from a structure view on the pedagogical practice to a subjective self evaluation view, where change is possible and their own knowledge about their profession becomes visible.

Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) localization is a growing concept in environmentalgovernance, with a focus on transferring global goals to local governments. A process underlyinga decentralized and multi-governance approach by involving local stakeholders in the policycycle. According to recent studies, localization has the potential of accelerating Agenda 2030 inthree steps; awareness-raising, implementation, and monitoring. Yet, after more than two years ofliving in a global Covid-19 pandemic, societies have changed, and foremost politics. New policyinstruments (lockdowns, masks, social distancing), economic decline, and new political prioritieshave all emerged from the pandemic. The question remaining is: How has the pandemic affectedlocalization and ultimately Agenda 2030? What are the institutional changes deriving fromCovid-19? And is it a positive or negative development for achieving Agenda 2030?On the 9th of February, 2022, the national Covid-19 restrictions in Sweden were uplifted and theaim of this research is to analyze the research puzzle of localization and the pandemic byconducting ten in-depth interviews with policy-practitioners in Swedish municipalities. Theresearch will derive from a critical fantasy theory encapturing rule-following and social practicesamong the practitioners, the forces and factors contributing to the maintainence, reformation, andcontestation of political discourses. The “inside perspective” of SDG localization offered aglimpse of routinized social pracitices and political discourses characterized by politicaltraditionalism, departmental silos, and “island solutions”. New emerging governance innovationsshowcase a step towards E-governance and centralized models for cross-municipal cooperation.Ultimately, offering a glimpse of what the future of SDG localization in Sweden could look like

This study takes a deeper look into the apologies the Dutch state made in 2021 for the role of The Netherlands in the history of slavery. This was done by the presentation of seven speeches by seven members of the Dutch government in the national archives in the European and the Caribbean part of the Dutch Kingdom. By means of a critical discourse analysis with a discourse-historical approach, we examined the different discourses in the speeches and the power relations that are hidden in them. The aim of the study is therefore to map out the different discourses within the seven apology speeches of the Dutch government and to track the power relations that are present in them. This is done by answering the following research questions: Q1. What are the dominant discourses in the seven apology speeches of the Dutch government for the state's role in the history of slavery?; Q1.1 What power relations can be found in the dominant discourses of the seven apology speeches of the Dutch government for the state's role in the history of slavery? Taken as a whole, the speeches show a willingness to take responsibility, but they also point towards the former colonization and the power relations that stand until this day.

Syftet med studien är att lyfta hur förskollärare talar om våldsrepresentativa lekar och populärkulturen på förskolan genom fokusgrupper. Vi vill synliggöra och bidra med kunskap om på vilket sätt förskollärare talar om och därigenom ger uttryck för hur de tolkar och upplever våldsrepresentativa lekar på förskolan. Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgörs av socialkonstruktionism och diskursteori, enligt vilken förståelse skapas i sociala interaktioner där diskurser uppkommer i den sociala världen. Insamling av data har skett genom fokusgrupper med sammanlagt sex förskollärare. Det insamlade materialet bearbetades sedan med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys med syftet att identifiera vilka diskurser som framträder i talet mellan förskollärarna. Diskurserna som identifierades genom den kritiska diskursanalysen var: Leken som bearbetning, Populärkultur som pedagogisk potential, De yngsta oförstörda barnen, Leken inom de kontrollerade ramarna, Förbud som balansakt, Leken som indikator på när förskollärare bör agera. Slutsatsen för studien är att våldsrepresentativ lek alltid kommer finnas på förskolan trots att den förbjuds eller inte. Som förskollärarna själva talar om så tar barnen med populärkulturen in i leken och det är därför upp till pedagogerna själva att bestämma vilken betydelse leken får för barnen. / The purpose of this study is to visualize how preschool teachers discuss violence-representative play and popular culture in preschools through focus groups. We aim to provide visibility and contribute knowledge on how preschool teachers discuss and express their interpretations and experiences of violence-representative play in preschools. The theoretical framework of the study is based on social constructionism and discourse theory, which suggests that understanding is developed through social interactions where discourses emerge in the social world. Data collection was carried out through focus groups with a total of six preschool teachers. The collected material was then processed using critical discourse analysis to identify the discourses that emerge in the teacher’s language. The discourse identified through the critical discourse analysis were: Play as processing, Popular culture as pedagogical potential, The youngest and most innocent children, Play within controlled boundaries, Prohibition as a balancing act, Play as an indicator of when preschool teachers need to take action. The conclusion of the study is that violence-representative play will always exist in preschools, regardless of whether it is prohibited or not. As the teachers themselves discuss, children bring popular culture into their play, and it is there for up to educators to determine the significance of play for children.

Anglo-Scottish relations have become a major topic in British political debate in recent years. In 2014, Scottish officials who supported a separate, independent Scotland finally convinced the UK government into having a Scottish independence referendum. However, a majority made the decision to support the continued union with England, and the question of Scottish independence was supposedly ‘settled for a generation’ (Cameron, 2014). Yet, now in 2022 it appears that a second independence referendum on the horizon. How has the first independence referendum result been nullified in less than a decade? This study shows how the UK’s exit from the EU (Brexit) has affected the Scottish separatist movement. It maps out how the discourse has changed, and how the EU (European Union) is now a dominant subject in separatist argumentation. In addition, the relationship between England and Scotland has changed since the introduction of the EU to the separatist independence debate. A discourse theory analysis is used to help understand how subject constructions and their positions in discourse effects calls for Scottish independence. This paper finds that the introduction of the EU is the major change to Scottish separatist discourse since 2016, and this has served to bring the independence debate back into the forefront.