The thesis topic is the cooperation between the Czech and German far-right. The author focuses on the cooperation of Czech and German extreme-right parties from 1989 to 2019. The thesis aims not only to describe the contacts of the respective parties but also to explore the logic of the relations between the Czech and German extreme right. Adopting the theoretical framework of the Discursive theory of Essex school, the author proceeds to a detailed analysis of the discourses of Czech extreme-right parties about Germans and Germany; she traces back the transformations of the original anti-German discourses and the origins of these changes. Against the background of these processes, she explores the transformations of the "conditions of possibility" that make Czech-German cooperation "conceivable" for both Czech and German extreme-right parties. The author explores the changes in the discursive conditions that allow Czech-German friendship to be "rationalised" and justified despite the contradictory positions on the issues of the Czech-German past. The author analyses the anti-German discourse of the SPR-RSČ in the 1990s and examines the circumstances of the SPR-RSČ's alleged contacts with the German Die Republikaner. Further parts of the thesis are devoted to the relations between Dělnická strana...

This essay aims to investigate what discourses and what forms of exercise of power that can appear in the description of intercultural work in the book Interkulturellt arbete i förskolan med läroplanen som grund (2019) by Jonas Stier & Bim Riddersporre. The entrance to the essay is a wonder about which discourses are actualized and whether they can be seen to contribute to the categorization of individuals being constructed and to norms being anchored on the basis of these categorizations. We also wonder how power relations emerge in relation to these discourses. Our research questions: 1. What discourses appear in the descriptions of intercultural work in the book Interkulturellt arbete i förskolan by Stier & Riddersporre? 2. What forms of power can be seen in these discourses that appear in the intercultural work in the book by Stier & Riddersporre?  The theoretical starting point for our analysis is discourse theory as it focuses on how the creation of discourses contributes to the design of different types of categorizations, power, and norms. This starting point becomes, when we analyze parts of Stier & Riddersporre's book, relevant to how and what positions individuals are attributed through the language used by the authors and educators. In the analysis, we also use Foucault's forms of power to highlight how the text's description of intercultural work through various forms of power imputes other individuals to an identity through the construction of discourses on ethnicity, gender and religion. Our results show inequalities in positions of power through categorizations, norms and values and that it’s difficult to know what really characterizes intercultural work.

本研究的目的是探討大陸網路媒體如何建構知識產權，而此一建構又對人構成什麼樣的張力，並由此進一步反思知識經濟時代下的身體政治學。研究途徑是文化研究，並利用論述理論進行分析。 著作權、專利權、商標權是知識產權三大主要內涵，本研究選擇了王同億現象作為著作權的案例；漢芯晶片造假事件作為專利權的案例；爽歪歪爭議事件作為商標權的案例，經由解構上述案例的網路文本，以見建構它們、評價它們價值的論述立場為何。 而這些論述立場，可分為由黨國體制主導的主流立場與作為他者的非主立場。主流立場是由黨國主導，包括了追求黨國為公、民族先進、經濟規範、知識創新等論述，它是一套中國知識經濟追趕戰略；非主流立場則是相對於主流立場的黨國貪腐、民族落後、經濟無序、知識造假等論述。在國家介入，以及知識經濟與網路媒體促使資訊快速流通、議題快速汰換等因素作用下，這兩個立場是討論知識產權事件的限制性框架。 知識產權與網路審查是國家機器為適應知識經濟潮流的自我調適，並利用它們將知識創意活動侷限在以經濟發展、民族主義為目標等無關黨國體制的範疇上，以免創意活動危及黨國。國家機器利用掌握知識產權的法律力量與網路媒體的宣傳力量，吸引與主導了主流立場的結盟。在威權政治透過法律與宣傳加緊催化下，主流立場加緊活動，同時也就激發了非主流立場的反作用力，正反勢力互相拉抬、互相證成以致知識經濟時代下大陸的文化圖像呈現出威權政治引導下的眾聲喧嘩之景。 在此眾聲喧嘩下產生的知識產權生產活動，或相應而生的偽劣假冒活動，均會被收編，以有助國家主導的主流價值再生產。基於民族國家和公民身體的辯證統一的現代國家權力形態，以及知識經濟代表意識為身體服務的邏輯，主流價值的再生產亦即身體得到照顧與伸展。雖然威權體制致國家較身體享有更大能動性，但在威權體制集中施力的情況下，也將驅動主流、非主流雙方互動更形熱烈，提高了人遊走在從屬性、能動性、與解放性的機會與速率。因此，知識經濟的環境，創造了一個國家與身體在知識產權論述中介下，緊密鑲嵌，相依並存的關係。而知識經濟下的身體政治學，是國家提取身體力量之學，也是國家滿足身體須要之學，也是身體在從屬中取得能動性與解放之學。 / The aim of the dissertation is to discuss how online media of Mainland China construct intellectual property, and what kind of tension does the construction set up to human being. Furthermore, I can introspect body politics in time of knowledge economy. I use cultural studies as methodology and analyses by discourse theory. Copyrights, patent rights and trademark rights are three mainly components of intellectual property. The dissertation selected the phenomena of tong-yi wang as case of copyrights, hanxin fake event as case of patent rights, and shuang wai wai as case of trademark rights. I construct and evaluate their value of discourse position by way of deconstruct cybertext of the three cases. The discourse positions can be divided mainstream position dominated by party-state system and the position of non-mainstream as the other. Mainstream position means dominated by party-state. The discourses contain pursuit of whole interests of party-state, advancement of nation, norms of economy and innovation of knowledge. It’s a catch-up strategy of knowledge economy of Mainland China. The discourses of non-mainstream position, as opposite of mainstream,contain party-state corruption, failure of nation, disorder of economy and fake of knowledge. The two positions are limited frameworks in discussing events of intellectual property because of the interactions of factors such as state intervention, rapid flow information by knowledge economy and online media, rapid issue update, etc. Intellectual property and cyber examination is self adjustment of state mechanism for the purpose of adaptation of knowledge economy. Activities of knowledge innovation should be limited in economic development and nationalism that without any connection of category of party-state system. So the activities of innovation won’t be hazardous to party-state. State mechanism used the legal power of controlling intellectual property and propaganda of cyber media and attracted and dominated the alliance of mainstream position. Mainstream position accelerated activities under catalysis of law and propaganda in authoritarian regime. And it stimulated the power of counter-operation of non-mainstream position. The mutual promotion and mutual confirm lead to phenomena of heteroglossia that constructing cultural image of time of knowledge economy in Mainland China. The production activities of intellectual property under heteroglossia, or the fake and copy activities accompany with them will be all recruited and helpful reproduction of main value that dominated by state. Based on the form of state power of dialection and unification of nation state and civil body, and the logic of consciousness served for body, the reproduction of main value means the body can be took after and extension. Although state owns greater autonomous than body under authoritarian regime, but under the condition of concentration of power of authoritarian regime, the interaction of mainstream and non-mainstream will be more frequent. This will promote the opportunity and rapidity of belonging, autonomous and emancipation of human being. So it will create a relationship of mutually embedded and existence under discourse of intellectual property of state and body. Body politics under knowledge economy is a discipline of state’s extracting body strength, a discipline of state’s satisfaction of body requirement, a discipline of body’s acquiring autonomy and emancipation under subordination also.

In this essay I investigate the role of civil society in relation to migrants in the municipality of Kalix, in a rural area in northern Sweden. The purpose is to discover which subject positions that leaders from the civil society describe as possible and which positions they see as possible for migrants. I also want to see which discourses the leaders from the civil associations are a part of and contribute to. The material comes from interviews completed with people involved in civil society and from meetings, organized by the municipality and with participants from civil associations, discussing the subject. The method used is discourse analysis, influenced by Laclau and Mouffes theory about discourses. Foucault´s theory of governmentality is used to examine how civil society and migrants are affected by state control. This control manifests in control mechanisms such as the Swedish government’s establishment program, legislation about migrants rights and economic grants. The analysis is supported by earlier research and theories about multiculturalism and rights. The leaders mainly moved within four discourses: ´multicultural´, ´repressive liberalism´, ´rural preservation´ and ´quality of life and humanity´. The multicultural discourse had a positive view of cultural and religious differences. This discourse made the subject positions of organizer of cultural activities possible for the leaders. Migrants were described as having the position of representatives of specific cultural groups and as group members in need of extra support. The repressive liberalism discourse viewed difference as something negative. The goal was for migrants to be assimilated into the local culture. The leaders adopted the role of tutors. Migrants were described as occupying the subject positions of employment oriented, able to assimilate, and as representatives of all immigrant people. In the discourse about ‘rural preservation’ activities were motivated by goals for a bright future for Kalix. The leaders’ subject positions were understood as coordinators, mentors and debaters. Migrants were understood as competent in particular professions and as desirable long term residents of Kalix. Governmental Control mechanics were considered to be something that limited migrants’ possibilities. The quality of life and humanity discourse has the goal that everyone shall have the possibility to live a good life. The leaders adopted the role as creators of safety and confidence and migrants were considered to be both victims of unfair regulation that limited their legitimacy, and as developers of civil associations. There were antagonisms between the discourses about rights/justice, integration and culture. Because of these conflicts the activities are striving towards different goals and consider different phenomena to be obstacles. Cooperation and the possibilities of getting along are therefore made difficult. Both these antagonisms and the governmental control mechanisms affect which activities can be performed and thereby which subjects positions that are made possible.

The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.

This thesis shows how misogynous and stereotypical images of women, which historically have been used to transform them into witches and monsters, are now reused in the construction of the term “batikhäxa” (“tie-dye witch”). Feminist and discourse theory form the framework of this study which includes the analysis of three opinion pieces, or political pamphlets, that were published between 2010 – 2018: "Batikhäxorna och makten" by the pseudonym Julia Caesar, "Refugee 'Children" & The Women Who Sexually Exploit Them" by the pseudonym Angry Foreigner and "De ansvariga för Sveriges kaos behöver en intervention för att ställas till svars " by Katerina Janouch. I use critical discourse analysis to study how discursive strategies are applied in these political pamphlets to delegitimate women, making them the scapegoats of society by use of the concept of the tie-dye witch. My thesis argues that the use of the tie-dye witch discourse reproduces patriarchal power relations by denying women the right to have and express their opinions, decide over their own bodies and exercise power in society. The tie-dye witch can therefore also be understood as an anti-feminist counterimage to the feminist witch who was established as a female role model in the 1960s. The study also uncovers the psychological function of the tie-dye witch as a female super monster who demarks the borders of nation, culture, religion, body and gender. In the studied texts, the tie-dye witch is constructed to separate "us" from "the others", and in doing so she also acts as a unifying figure in and of anti-feminist, islamophobic, xenophobic, nationalist and apocalyptic discourses.

Syftet med studien är att visa hur domstolar resonerar kring våld samt beslutar i domar gällande vårdnad, boende och umgänge när det förekommer uppgifter om våld. När föräldrar inte kan enas i vårdnadsrelaterade frågor kan de vända sig till domstolen och statistik visar att antalet tvistemål har fördubblats det senaste decenniet. Under de senaste årtiondena har större reformer genomförts i Föräldrabalkens (1949:381) 6 kapitel, vilket är det kapitel domstolen ska utgå ifrån när den dömer i ett vårdnadsmål. Många av förändringarna har syftat till att öka möjligheten till gemensam vårdnad, växelvist boende och umgängesrätt. Det går inte att objektivt fastställa vad som är barnets bästa och därför blir domstolens bedömning avgörande i varje enskilt fall. Domstolen ska särskilt titta på; barnets behov av en nära och god kontakt med båda föräldrar, risken för att barnet far illa, barnets egen vilja och kontinuitetsprincipen. När domstolen ska besluta i vårdnadsmål innehållande uppgifter om våld måste dessa alltid prövas och en riskbedömning göras. Om domstolen finner en risk för att barnet kommer att fara illa så bör detta väga tungt i helhetsbedömningen. Om en förälder tidigare utsatt eller utsätter barnet eller annan familjemedlem för våld och andra kränkningar är det som princip bäst att den föräldern inte får ha vårdnad om barnet. Våld mot barn kan vara allt ifrån nypningar och förolämpningar till grova sexuella övergrepp och tortyr. Många barn upplever våld mot andra familjemedlemmar. Uppsatsens huvudsakliga empiri består av 27 hovrättsdomar i vårdnadsrelaterade mål avkunnade mellan november 2018 och mars 2019, vilka alla innehåller uppgifter om våld. Under studien har jag använt mig av flera metoder. En rättsvetenskaplig metod har använts i arbetet med att redovisa gällande rätt kring vårdnad om barn samt våld mot barn. Med hjälp av en kvantitativ innehållsanalys granskade jag de uppgifter om våld som förekommer i domarna samt våldets omfattning. Med denna metod granskades även det domstolen fastställt genom dom. För att kunna gå in mer på djupet och granska hur domstolen resonerar kring uppgifterna om våld kompletterades den kvantitativa studien med en diskursanalys. Resultatet visar att domstolen ofta förminskar det uppgivna våldet, när domstolen beskriver våldet används ord som ”samarbetssvårigheter” och ”högljudda konflikter” och en våldsutsatt förälders, mammans i denna studie, samt barnets utsaga ifrågasätts ofta. I 19 av 27 domar (70 procent) tilldelas våldsutövaren, pappan i denna studie, vårdnad och/eller umgänge och detta visar på att domstolen i hög grad anser att en våldsutövande förälder är en lämplig umgängesförälder. Domstolen har en betydande roll i avgörandet om vad som är ”verkligt” samt besitter stor makt att besluta över barnets framtida uppväxt. Domstolen betonar vikten av en god och nära relation till båda föräldrar men den ”goda” relationen kan enligt min mening inte uppnås när barnet utsätts för direkt eller indirekt våld. / The purpose of the study is to show how courts reasons about violence and determines in judgments concerning custody, housing and child contact when there is information about violence. When parents are incapable of deciding on custody-related issues, they are to turn to the court. Whereby, statistics show that civil cases in custody-related issues have doubled in the past decade. In the past few decades however, major reforms have been implemented in chapter 6 of the Children and Parents Code (1949:381) in which the court will derive its rulings on, when deciding the fate of any custody-related case. Many of the changes have been aimed at increasing the possibility of joint custody, alternating housing and contact with the parent with whom the child does not live. It is not possible to objectively decide on what is in the best interest of a child thus, a court’s verdict will be decisive in any such civil case. The court must take certain aspects into account, such as; the child’s needs of close relation to both parents, the risk of the child getting abused, the child’s own will and the continuity principle. When the court draws a ruling in custody cases containing information about violence, this infomation must always be thoroughly examined, and a risk assessment has to be made. If the court finds a risk of future harm of the child, this should weigh-in heavily in the overall assesment. If a parent uses violence or has previously subjected the child or other family member to violence and other violations, it is basically best that that parent may not have custody of the child. Violence towards children can be anything from pinching and insults to gross sexual abuse and torture. Many children experiencing domestic violence. The thesis´s main empirical object consists of 27 rulings in custody-related cases annonuced between November 2018 and March 2019, all of which contain information about violence. In writing the thesis, several methods have been used. A method of jurisprudence have been used to navigate the work of reporting on what the current law says about child custody and violence against children. With the help of a quantitative content analysis method, I examined the information about violence that appears in the judgments and the extent of that violence. This method also examined what the court determined by judgment. To be able to examine courts rulings more in depth and examine how courts reasons with the given information about violence the quantitative study was supplemented with a discourse analysis. The findings show that courts often diminish alleged violence. The court describes violence with words, such as “unpleasantness” and “loud conflicts” and the statement of a parent who´is subjected to violence, the mother in this study, and a child’s statement are often questioned. In 19 out of the 27 rulings (70 %), the violent parent, the father in this study, is assigned custody and/or contact with the child which shows that the court to a larger extent considers a violent parent as a suitable parent. The court has a crucial role in deciding what is real and possesses great power to decide on the child's future upbringing. The court emphasizes on the importance of a good and close relationship with both parents, in my opinion however, the ”good” relationship cannot be achieved when the child is subjected to direct or indirect violence.

Min tanke bakom undersökningen är att betygsättning och olika former av bedömningssätt är frågor lärare måste ta ställning till i utövandet av sin yrkesroll, från ett makt- och elevperspektiv. Som lärare har man makten att öppna respektive stänga dörrar för elever, då betyg blir avgörande för elevernas vidare utbildning. Mina frågeställningar är: Vad berättar medieelever om sina upplevelser av att bli betygsatta i media- estetiska ämnen? Hur beskriver medieelever att betygsättning inverkar på deras självbild? Mina informanter går i årskurs 3 på en medieinriktning, på ett estetiskt gymnasieprogram. Med dem gör jag intervjuer där de reflekterar kring att få betyg i media-estetiska ämnen. Denna uppsats använder sig av etnografiska metoder grundat på intervjuer och diskurs som analysverktyg och teori. Min strävan är att förstå hur betygssättning inverkar på mina informanters liv och hur den tillslut fungerar i en större samhällskontext. Studien visade att lärarna har en inflytelserik roll när det kommer till hur eleverna känner sig efter bedömningssituationen. Resultatet i undersökningen visar att det är svårt att definiera vad "rättvisa bedömningar" verkligen innebär och att det är individuellt hur eleven uppfattar kommunikationen med läraren. Man kan se att kommunikationen mellan lärare och elev är grundkärnan i hur bedömningen framförs och tas emot. Det krävs yrkeskompetenta lärare som är tydliga med kunskapskraven och att samtal med elever förs på ett konstruktivt vis. Sammanfattningsvis så behövs forskning inom detta område och resurser på ett politiskt plan. Min gestaltning är en förlängning av min etnografiska undersökning. Där samtalar elever som går olika estetinriktningar - musik, media, florist, musikal och teater, med varandra om vad de tycker om att bli betygsatta i ett estetiskt ämne och vad de tycker generellt om betyg. Detta resulterade i porträttfotografier som sedan ställdes ut på Vårutställningen på Konstfack 2014. / My thought behind the investigation is that grading and different forms of grading are questions that teachers have to deal with in their profession, from a power and pupil perspective. As a teacher you have the power to open respectively close doors for pupils, and then grades becomes decisive for the pupils further education. My issues are: What do media pupils tell about their experiences of being graded? How do media pupils describe the impact of the grading on their self image? My informants are studying at 3rd grade at a media orientation on an esthetical program. With them I do interviews where they reflect on being graded in media esthetical subjects. This essay uses ethnographical methods based on interviews and discourse as an analytical tool and theory. My aim is to understand how grading impacts on my informants’ life and how it finally works in a bigger social context. The study showed that the teachers have an influential role when it comes to how the pupils feel after the grading situation. The result in the investigation shows that it is difficult to define what a "fair grading" really implies and that it is individual how the pupil understands the communication with the teacher. In that way you can see that the communication between the teacher and the pupil is the core in how the grading is being brought up. It demands professionally skilled teachers that are clear with the requirements of knowledge and that conversations with the pupils are being held in a constructive way. To sum up, this calls for research within this subject and resources on a political level. My interpretation is a prolongation of my ethnographical investigation. There the pupils studying on different esthetical orientations – music, media, florist, musical and theatre, are discussing with each other about what they think about being graded in an esthetical subject and generally what they think about grading. This resulted in a number of portrait photographs later being exhibited on the spring exhibition at Konstfack in 2014.

The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was reproduced, exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.

This Sierra Leone Conflict arose from the society’s failure to institutionalize the requisite post-conventional organizing principle for collective will formation and for conflict resolution. In this post-traditional society - one artificially constructed from diverse political and cultural groups, without a shared ethos – only mutual (communicative) understanding can resolve differences and ensure solidarity. A lack of mutual understanding overburdens the adaptive capacity of the society, creating crises tendencies. Repression only intensified these tendencies, ensuring their eventual catastrophic explosion, 11 years civil conflict. State hindrances to social (communicative) interaction rendered the society incapable of realizing the requisite post conventional moral learning i.e. the social intelligence or problem-solving equipment required to resolve conflict, decolonize itself, neutralize normative power, shed dogmatic consciousness, change oppressive conventions, and influential customs. Thus, the study promotes civic virtues of post conventional morality (justice, truthfulness, moral rightness) as the key for liberating the society from its crisis-inducing colonial organizing principle. As the basis of sociology, the discipline the remains focused on society-wide problems, the theory of social evolution is adopted here to reconstruct the crisis in Sierra Leone’s constitutional democratic development. The study uses the rational reconstructive method to explicate problematic validity claims of norms, policy decisions, or the social order. The social order was rendered crisis-ridden because the reasons - the axis around which mutual understanding revolve - adduced for it cannot admit of consensus. The emerging social disintegration exemplifies use of deficient logic in social interaction, one below the requisite categorical moral cognitive consciousness. For this research, colonization is not necessarily externally induced, but forms of understanding in the political, legal, social, and educational interactions. The key point of the study is this: today Sierra Leone achieves solidarity, and decolonize from its conventional organizing principle, only if the state, economy, and civil society can find their limit in the socio-cultural domain.